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A REVIEW OF RULES RATHER THAN DISCRETION: THE INCONSISTENCY OF
OPTIMAL PLANS
BY KYDLAND AND PRESCOTT (1977)
Sammy Kemboi Chepkilot
X80/57320/2020
Lecturer: Prof. Thomas Ongoro
Advanced Macroeconomics II
Motivation of the Study
Kydland and Prescott analysis of macroeconomic policy evolved from the ideas developed by
Robert Lucas in the mid-1970s. According to Lucas, normative policy evaluation ought to compare
alternative policy rules, taking into account how each rule affects private expectations and,
ultimately, the economic equilibrium. This formulation of policy analysis is based on a statistical
notion of rationality: rational expectations make optimal use of whatever information is available.
Therefore, it is the work of Lucas that motivated Kydland and Prescott to write this paper. The
focus of the analysis was on the credibility of alternative policy rules.
Objectives of the Study
i. To establish why some institutions governing policy formation are better than others and;
ii. To determine the institutional properties that are desirable and conducive to effective and
credible decision making over public policy and monetary policy in particular.
Methodology
The paper used the theoretical and literature based review.
Findings
Kydland and Prescott (1977) viewed the policymaker as a single decision maker, maximizing a
social welfare function. But policy choice was made sequentially, period by period, rather than
once and for all. The focus of the analysis was on the credibility of alternative policy rules.
Kydland and Prescott pointed out that policy rules which are optimal from the perspective
of an initial date may be ‘‘time-inconsistent’’: they may fail to be self-enforcing and, if believed
by the private sector, even a benevolent policymaker could have an incentive to deviate from such
rules at later stages. (Time inconsistency is a situation in which a decision-maker's preferences
change over time in such a way that a preference can become inconsistent at another point in time).
Time inconsistency lacks credibility. An optimal but time inconsistent policy rule will not be
believed by rational private agents, unless the policymaker is really forced to implement it. From
a normative point of view, this line of research thus emphasizes the benefits of commitment
relative to discretion, i.e., the benefit of having institutions that make it difficult to renege (go
back) on policy promises.
In a general dynamic setting, optimal policy rules are not credible, because they are ‘‘time
inconsistent’’: if the policy rule is believed and used to form expectations of future policy by
private agents, the government has an incentive to deviate from it later on, inducing policy
‘‘surprises’’. In an equilibrium with rational private agents, such policy surprises are ruled out.
The equilibrium policy rule must be self-enforcing, like the feedback equilibrium discussed by
Kydland. But once this solution concept is adopted, the policy rule creates a lower overall level of
welfare. The way out of this trap is to commit to a policy rule in advance. Discretion, namely a
setting where policy is chosen sequentially over time, suffers from lack of credibility. Irreversible
commitments are valuable, because they lend credibility to policy and enable the policymaker to
influence private sector expectations.
2
Policy Implications
Kydland and Prescott (1977) illustrated their result with several examples where policies
implemented by a benevolent government are likely to suffer from time inconsistency: social
insurance against natural disasters, patent protection for inventions, a simple monetary policy
model of inflation and unemployment, and an optimal taxation problem in a dynamic economy. In
all these examples, a successful policy must influence private sector expectations, but time
inconsistency prevents this from happening.
For instance, in the case of social insurance against natural disasters, there is an obvious moral
hazard problem. If citizens expect government assistance in the event of a natural disaster, they
are more likely to take risks and settle in areas prone to calamities. To discourage moral hazard,
an optimal government policy must promise only limited relief in the event of a natural disaster.
But this promise is not credible: if the natural disaster occurs, a benevolent government will forget
its early promises and provide full insurance. Expectations of this future generosity induce private
settlements in risky areas without adequate private protection and a suboptimal outcome is
attained, where private agents undertake excessive risks and the government is then forced to
provide excessive social insurance.
The idea that lack of credibility imposes a binding constraint on policymakers has several
important implications. From a normative point of view, it suggests that there is value in enabling
the government to undertake policy commitments. This point is obviously relevant for the design
of institutions. Constitutional provisions making it difficult for a government to renege on its
previous contractual obligations perform a crucial function in this respect. With regard to monetary
policy, international agreements to fix the exchange rate, or the delegation of monetary policy
choice to an independent agency with well-defined priorities and objectives, also reduce the scope
for the pursuit of discretionary and whimsical goals, and can thus increase monetary policy
credibility. More generally, the design of policy institutions has important implications for how
binding the incentive constraint is in relation to policy credibility. Institutions ought to be designed
to relax this incentive constraint, so as to enhance credibility. Such implications have clearly had
a concrete counterpart in real-world debates and political decisions.
There is also a second important implication: a positive theory of how policy decisions are made
is an integral part of the description of an economic equilibrium and, hence, of economic analysis.
Without such positive theory, private sector expectations cannot be pinned down and economic
theory becomes incomplete. We cannot simply postulate any policy rule and investigate its
properties, assuming that it will be fully believed by rational private agents. The analysis of how
the economy reacts to a policy rule cannot be separated from the positive analysis of how policy
choices are made. Both exercises are part of the same research programme. Clearly, this
implication is particularly relevant in macroeconomics, because of the dynamic nature of the
environment and the crucial role played by expectations.
Why Does a Rule Matter?
Rules are valuable, Kydland and Prescott noted, because the public observes policy-makers and
forms expectations of their likely actions. Policy-makers with discretion can renege on today’s
3
pronouncements tomorrow; so, the public may come to discount such pronouncements as cheap
talk.
Must It Be a Rule?
This is not to say that discretionary policy is never desirable, even in the Kydland-Prescott
framework. As noted, discretion allows policy-makers to respond innovatively to unforeseen
problems. And discretion can yield time-consistent outcomes under certain circumstances. If
policy-makers are relatively independent from the political process, then they can resist pressure.
Conclusion
Policy can be conducted by rules or discretion. Rules offer time consistency—the outcome
demanded by the public in the short run is consistent with the outcome desired in the long run.
Discretion may better serve the public interest when the environment is uncertain and policy-maker
pronouncements are believable. Modern research on rules and discretion has helped illuminate the
tradeoffs inherent in a range of policy questions. The legacy of the Kydland-Prescott work is the
recognition that policy-makers must face up to these tradeoffs. Put another way, wise policy-
makers must think through the public’s likely responses to their responses—just as the public is
playing the same game with policy-makers. Only this type of analysis can produce consistently
sound policy.
Limitation of the Study
The study used purely literature based review without incorporating the empirical work (data).
Areas for Further Study
Politics and Economic Policy: Feature studies can launch a new research programme, at the
frontier between economics and politics, that seeks to explain observed government behaviour
with the standard tools of economists.
The same study can also be done but empirically.
REFERENCES
Kydland, F. (1977), Equilibrium Solutions in Dynamic Dominant-player Models, Journal of
Economic Theory 15, 307–324.
Kydland, F. and Prescott, E. C. (1977), Rules Rather than Discretion: The Inconsistency of
Optimal Plans, Journal of Political Economy 85, 473–491.
Lucas, R. E. and Stokey, N. L. (1983), Optimal Fiscal and Monetary Policy in an Economy
without Capital, Journal of Monetary Economics 12, 55–94.

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Sammy kemboi chepkilot a review kydland and prescott (1977) rules rather than discretion, the inconsistency of optimal plans - 13_th april 2021

  • 1. A REVIEW OF RULES RATHER THAN DISCRETION: THE INCONSISTENCY OF OPTIMAL PLANS BY KYDLAND AND PRESCOTT (1977) Sammy Kemboi Chepkilot X80/57320/2020 Lecturer: Prof. Thomas Ongoro Advanced Macroeconomics II
  • 2. Motivation of the Study Kydland and Prescott analysis of macroeconomic policy evolved from the ideas developed by Robert Lucas in the mid-1970s. According to Lucas, normative policy evaluation ought to compare alternative policy rules, taking into account how each rule affects private expectations and, ultimately, the economic equilibrium. This formulation of policy analysis is based on a statistical notion of rationality: rational expectations make optimal use of whatever information is available. Therefore, it is the work of Lucas that motivated Kydland and Prescott to write this paper. The focus of the analysis was on the credibility of alternative policy rules. Objectives of the Study i. To establish why some institutions governing policy formation are better than others and; ii. To determine the institutional properties that are desirable and conducive to effective and credible decision making over public policy and monetary policy in particular. Methodology The paper used the theoretical and literature based review. Findings Kydland and Prescott (1977) viewed the policymaker as a single decision maker, maximizing a social welfare function. But policy choice was made sequentially, period by period, rather than once and for all. The focus of the analysis was on the credibility of alternative policy rules. Kydland and Prescott pointed out that policy rules which are optimal from the perspective of an initial date may be ‘‘time-inconsistent’’: they may fail to be self-enforcing and, if believed by the private sector, even a benevolent policymaker could have an incentive to deviate from such rules at later stages. (Time inconsistency is a situation in which a decision-maker's preferences change over time in such a way that a preference can become inconsistent at another point in time). Time inconsistency lacks credibility. An optimal but time inconsistent policy rule will not be believed by rational private agents, unless the policymaker is really forced to implement it. From a normative point of view, this line of research thus emphasizes the benefits of commitment relative to discretion, i.e., the benefit of having institutions that make it difficult to renege (go back) on policy promises. In a general dynamic setting, optimal policy rules are not credible, because they are ‘‘time inconsistent’’: if the policy rule is believed and used to form expectations of future policy by private agents, the government has an incentive to deviate from it later on, inducing policy ‘‘surprises’’. In an equilibrium with rational private agents, such policy surprises are ruled out. The equilibrium policy rule must be self-enforcing, like the feedback equilibrium discussed by Kydland. But once this solution concept is adopted, the policy rule creates a lower overall level of welfare. The way out of this trap is to commit to a policy rule in advance. Discretion, namely a setting where policy is chosen sequentially over time, suffers from lack of credibility. Irreversible commitments are valuable, because they lend credibility to policy and enable the policymaker to influence private sector expectations.
  • 3. 2 Policy Implications Kydland and Prescott (1977) illustrated their result with several examples where policies implemented by a benevolent government are likely to suffer from time inconsistency: social insurance against natural disasters, patent protection for inventions, a simple monetary policy model of inflation and unemployment, and an optimal taxation problem in a dynamic economy. In all these examples, a successful policy must influence private sector expectations, but time inconsistency prevents this from happening. For instance, in the case of social insurance against natural disasters, there is an obvious moral hazard problem. If citizens expect government assistance in the event of a natural disaster, they are more likely to take risks and settle in areas prone to calamities. To discourage moral hazard, an optimal government policy must promise only limited relief in the event of a natural disaster. But this promise is not credible: if the natural disaster occurs, a benevolent government will forget its early promises and provide full insurance. Expectations of this future generosity induce private settlements in risky areas without adequate private protection and a suboptimal outcome is attained, where private agents undertake excessive risks and the government is then forced to provide excessive social insurance. The idea that lack of credibility imposes a binding constraint on policymakers has several important implications. From a normative point of view, it suggests that there is value in enabling the government to undertake policy commitments. This point is obviously relevant for the design of institutions. Constitutional provisions making it difficult for a government to renege on its previous contractual obligations perform a crucial function in this respect. With regard to monetary policy, international agreements to fix the exchange rate, or the delegation of monetary policy choice to an independent agency with well-defined priorities and objectives, also reduce the scope for the pursuit of discretionary and whimsical goals, and can thus increase monetary policy credibility. More generally, the design of policy institutions has important implications for how binding the incentive constraint is in relation to policy credibility. Institutions ought to be designed to relax this incentive constraint, so as to enhance credibility. Such implications have clearly had a concrete counterpart in real-world debates and political decisions. There is also a second important implication: a positive theory of how policy decisions are made is an integral part of the description of an economic equilibrium and, hence, of economic analysis. Without such positive theory, private sector expectations cannot be pinned down and economic theory becomes incomplete. We cannot simply postulate any policy rule and investigate its properties, assuming that it will be fully believed by rational private agents. The analysis of how the economy reacts to a policy rule cannot be separated from the positive analysis of how policy choices are made. Both exercises are part of the same research programme. Clearly, this implication is particularly relevant in macroeconomics, because of the dynamic nature of the environment and the crucial role played by expectations. Why Does a Rule Matter? Rules are valuable, Kydland and Prescott noted, because the public observes policy-makers and forms expectations of their likely actions. Policy-makers with discretion can renege on today’s
  • 4. 3 pronouncements tomorrow; so, the public may come to discount such pronouncements as cheap talk. Must It Be a Rule? This is not to say that discretionary policy is never desirable, even in the Kydland-Prescott framework. As noted, discretion allows policy-makers to respond innovatively to unforeseen problems. And discretion can yield time-consistent outcomes under certain circumstances. If policy-makers are relatively independent from the political process, then they can resist pressure. Conclusion Policy can be conducted by rules or discretion. Rules offer time consistency—the outcome demanded by the public in the short run is consistent with the outcome desired in the long run. Discretion may better serve the public interest when the environment is uncertain and policy-maker pronouncements are believable. Modern research on rules and discretion has helped illuminate the tradeoffs inherent in a range of policy questions. The legacy of the Kydland-Prescott work is the recognition that policy-makers must face up to these tradeoffs. Put another way, wise policy- makers must think through the public’s likely responses to their responses—just as the public is playing the same game with policy-makers. Only this type of analysis can produce consistently sound policy. Limitation of the Study The study used purely literature based review without incorporating the empirical work (data). Areas for Further Study Politics and Economic Policy: Feature studies can launch a new research programme, at the frontier between economics and politics, that seeks to explain observed government behaviour with the standard tools of economists. The same study can also be done but empirically. REFERENCES Kydland, F. (1977), Equilibrium Solutions in Dynamic Dominant-player Models, Journal of Economic Theory 15, 307–324. Kydland, F. and Prescott, E. C. (1977), Rules Rather than Discretion: The Inconsistency of Optimal Plans, Journal of Political Economy 85, 473–491. Lucas, R. E. and Stokey, N. L. (1983), Optimal Fiscal and Monetary Policy in an Economy without Capital, Journal of Monetary Economics 12, 55–94.