10 obc groups

10 obc groups
project for VIII nmcs 2014

Contents
1 Anglo-Indian 1
1.1 History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.2 Present communities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
1.3 Political status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
1.4 Other populations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
1.4.1 Britons in colonial India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
1.4.2 Anglo-Indian population in Britain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
1.5 Notable persons of Anglo-Indian descent . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
1.5.1 Anglo-Indians of European descent (original definition) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
1.5.2 Anglo-Indians of Eurasian descent (new definition) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
1.6 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
1.7 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
1.8 Books . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
1.9 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
2 Ezhava 8
2.1 History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
2.1.1 Legend . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
2.1.2 Social and religious divergence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
2.2 Past occupations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
2.2.1 Martial traditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
2.2.2 Medicine and traditional toxicology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
2.3 Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
2.3.1 Aivar kali . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
2.3.2 Arjuna Nrtam (Mayilppili Tukkam) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
2.3.3 Makachuttu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
2.3.4 Poorakkali . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
2.3.5 Teyyam (Teyyattam) or Kaliyattam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
2.4 Customs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
2.5 Spiritual and social movements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
2.6 Position in society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
2.7 Dispute between Thiyya and Ezhava . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
2.8 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
i

ii CONTENTS
2.9 Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
2.9.1 Citations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
2.9.2 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
3 Chakkala Nair 14
3.1 Caste system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
3.2 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
3.3 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
3.4 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
4 Devadiga 15
4.1 Origins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
4.2 Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
4.3 Worship of Spirits . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
4.4 Traditions of Devadigas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
4.4.1 Aliya kattu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
4.4.2 Yakshaganas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
4.4.3 Persons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
4.5 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
4.6 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
5 Kaniyar 16
5.1 Traditions of origin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
5.2 Traditional occupations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
5.3 Notable people . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
5.4 Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
5.5 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
6 Mappila 18
6.1 Etymology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
6.2 History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
6.2.1 Early history . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
6.2.2 Modern history . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
6.3 Modern theological Mappila sects of Kerala . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
6.4 Demographics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
6.4.1 Diaspora . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
6.5 Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
6.5.1 Oppana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
6.5.2 Mappila Paattukal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
6.5.3 Kolkali . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
6.5.4 Duff Muttu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
6.6 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
6.7 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21

CONTENTS iii
6.8 Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
6.9 External links . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
7 Saliya 23
7.1 Origins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
7.1.1 Caste names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
7.2 Saliya association with other Malayali castes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
7.3 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
7.4 References and notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
7.5 Additional references . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
8 Vanniyar 25
8.1 Etymology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
8.2 Historical status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
8.3 Present . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
8.4 Malayaman . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
8.5 Kadavas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
8.6 Notables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
8.7 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
8.8 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
8.9 Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
9 Yadava 27
9.1 The Haihayas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
9.2 The Shashabindus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
9.3 The Chedis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
9.4 The Vidarbhas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
9.5 The Satvatas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
9.5.1 The Andhakas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
9.5.2 The Bhojas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
9.5.3 The Kukuras . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
9.5.4 The Vrishnis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
9.5.5 The fratricidal war and its aftermath . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
9.6 Yadava kinship system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
9.7 The Shurasenas and Krishna worship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
9.8 Religious seats . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
9.9 Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
9.10 Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
10 Jogi 33
10.1 History and origin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
10.2 Jogis of Haryana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
10.3 Jogis of Mangalore . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33

iv CONTENTS
10.4 Jogis of Mandya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
10.5 Jogis of Shimoga . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
10.6 Jogis of Bangalore . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
10.7 Jogis in Hyderabad Karnata (Bellary, Davangere, Chitradurga) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
10.8 Other Backward Classes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
10.9 See also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
10.10References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
10.11Further reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
10.12Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
10.12.1 Text . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
10.12.2 Images . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
10.12.3 Content license . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38

Chapter 1
Anglo-Indian
This article is about people of mixed Anglo and Indian
ancestry or people of European descent born in India.
For other uses, see Anglo-Indian (disambiguation).
Not to be confused with Indo-Anglian.
Anglo-Indians are people who have mixed Indian and
British ancestry, or people of British descent born or liv-ing
in the Indian Subcontinent or Burma, now mainly his-torical
in the latter sense.[5][6] British residents in India
used the term "Eurasians" for people of mixed European
and Indian descent (cf. George Orwell’s Burmese Days).
The Oxford Dictionary's definition of “Anglo-Indian” is
“Of mixed British and Indian parentage, of Indian de-scent
but born or living in Britain, or (chiefly historical)
of British descent or birth but living or having lived long
in India”.[7]
The Anglo-Indian community in its modern sense is a dis-tinct,
small minority community originating in India. It
consists of people from mixed British and Indian ances-try
whose native language is English. An Anglo-Indian’s
British ancestry was usually bequeathed paternally.
Article 366(2) of the Indian Constitution defines Anglo-
Indian as:[8][9]
(2) an Anglo Indian means a person whose
father or any of whose other male progenitors
in the male line is or was of European descent
but who is domiciled within the territory of In-dia
and is or was born within such territory of
parents habitually resident therein and not es-tablished
there for temporary purposes only;
Anglo-Indian often only represents Indians mixed with
British ancestry during the British Raj. There are many
mixed Indians from European countries other than the
British, that were involved in the British Raj. For ex-ample,
the definition rarely embraces the descendants of
the Indians from the old Portuguese colonies of both the
Coromandel and Malabar Coasts, who joined the East
India Company as mercenaries and brought their fami-lies
with them.[10] The definition has many extensions,
for example, mestiços (mixed Portuguese and Indian) of
Goa, people of Indo-French descent, and Indo-Dutch de-scent.
Indians have encountered Europeans since their
earliest civilization. They have been a continuous ele-ment
in the sub-continent. Their presence is not be con-sidered
Anglo-Indian. Similarly, Indians who mixed with
Europeans after the British Raj are also not be considered
Anglo-Indian.[1][11]
Anglo-Indians formed a significant portion of the mi-nority
community in India during the British Raj. The
Anglo-Indian population in India dwindled from roughly
800,000 in 1947 to fewer than 350,000 by 2010. Many
have adapted to local communities and emigrated to
the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, and United
States.[1][12]
1.1 History
The first use of the term was to describe all British peo-ple
living in India. However in popular usage the term
changed to describe Anglo-Indians as people who were
of mixed blood descending from the British on the male
side and women from the Indian side.[13] People of mixed
British and Indian descent were previously referred to as
'Eurasians' but are now more commonly referred to as
'Anglo-Indians’.[14]
During the British East India Company's rule in India in
the late 18th and early 19th centuries, it was initially fairly
common for British officers and soldiers to take local In-dian
wives and have Eurasian children, due to a lack of
British women in India at the time.[15][16] By the mid-
19th century, there were around 40,000 British soldiers,
but fewer than 2,000 British officials present in India.[17]
As British women began arriving in British India in large
numbers around the early to mid-19th century, mostly
as family members of British officers and soldiers, in-termarriage
became increasingly uncommon among the
British in India and was later despised after the events of
the Indian Rebellion of 1857,[18] after which several anti-miscegenation
laws were implemented.[19][20] As a result,
Eurasians were neglected by both the British and Indian
populations in India.
Over generations, Anglo-Indians intermarried with other
Anglo-Indians to form a community that developed a
culture of its own. Anglo-Indian cuisine, dress, speech
1

2 CHAPTER 1. ANGLO-INDIAN
and religion all served to further segregate Anglo-Indians
from the native population. They established a school
system focused on the English language and culture and
formed social clubs and associations to run functions
like their regular dances on occasions like Christmas and
Easter.[13]
Over time Anglo-Indians were specifically recruited into
the Customs and Excise, Post and Telegraphs, Forestry
Department, The Railways and teaching professions –
but they were employed in many other fields as well. A
number of factors fostered a strong sense of commu-nity
among Anglo-Indians. Their English language school
system, their Anglo-centric culture, and their Christian
beliefs in particular helped bind them together.[21]
The Anglo-Indian community also had a role as go-betweens
in the introduction of Western musical styles,
harmonies and instruments in post-Independence India.
During the colonial era, genres including Ragtime and
Jazz were played by bands for the social elites, and these
bands often contained Anglo-Indian members.[22]
Originally, under Regulation VIII of 1813, they were ex-cluded
from the British legal system and in Bengal be-came
subject to the rule of Mohammedan law outside
Calcutta – and yet found themselves without any caste or
status amongst those who were to judge them. In 1821,
a pamphlet entitled “Thoughts on how to better the con-dition
of Indo-Britons” by a “Practical Reformer,” was
written to promote the removal of prejudices existing in
the minds of young Eurasians against engaging in trades.
This was followed up by another pamphlet, entitled “An
Appeal on behalf of Indo-Britons.” Prominent Eurasians
in Calcutta formed the “East Indian Committee” with a
view to send a petition to the British Parliament for the re-dress
of their grievances. Mr. John William Ricketts, the
first noble pioneer in the Eurasian cause, volunteered to
proceed to England. His mission was successful, and on
his return to India, by way of Madras, he received quite
an ovation from his countrymen in that presidency; and
was afterwards warmly welcomed in Calcutta, where a
report of his mission was read at a public meeting held
in the Calcutta Town Hall. In April 1834, in obedience
to an Act of Parliament passed in August 1833, the In-dian
Government was forced to grant government jobs to
Anglo-Indians.[21]
During the independence movement, many Anglo-
Indians identified (or were assumed to identify) with
British rule, and, therefore, incurred the distrust and hos-tility
of Indian nationalists. Their position at indepen-dence
was difficult. They felt a loyalty to a British “home”
that most had never seen and where they would gain lit-tle
social acceptance. (Bhowani Junction touches on the
identity crisis faced by the Anglo-Indian community dur-ing
the independence struggle.) They felt insecure in an
India that put a premium on participation in the indepen-dence
movement as a prerequisite for important govern-ment
positions.
Many Anglo-Indians left the country in 1947, hoping to
make a new life in the United Kingdom or elsewhere
in the Commonwealth of Nations, such as Australia or
Canada. The exodus continued through the 1950s and
1960s and by the late 1990s most had left with many of
the remaining Anglo-Indians still aspiring to leave.[23]
Like the Parsi community, the Anglo-Indians are essen-tially
urban dwellers. Unlike the Parsis, the mass mi-grations
saw more of the better educated and financially
secure Anglo-Indians depart for other Commonwealth
nations.[13]
There has been a resurgence in celebrating Anglo-Indian
culture in the 21st Century, in the form of Interna-tional
Anglo-Indian Reunions and in publishing books on
Anglo-Indians. There have been seven reunions with the
latest being held in August 2007 in Toronto. Books on
Anglo-Indians recently published include Anglo-Indians
– Vanishing Remnants of a Bygone Era[24] published
(2002), Haunting India[25] published (2003), Voices on
the Verandah[26] published (2004), The Way We Were
– Anglo-Indian Chronicles[27] published (2006) and The
Way We Are – An Anglo-Indian Mosaic[28] published
(2008). “The Leopard’s Call: An Anglo-Indian Love
Story” by Reginald Shires, published 2005, tells of the
life of two teachers at the small Bengali town of Falakata,
down from Bhutan; “At the Age for Love: A Novel of
Bangalore during World War II” by Reginald N. Shires,
published 2006, is a story of Anglo-Indian life during
the war. In the Shadow of Crows [29] by David Charles
Manners, published by both Reportage Press (London,
2009) and Signal Books (Oxford, 2011), is the critically
acclaimed true account of a young Englishman’s unex-pected
discovery of his Anglo-Indian relations in the Dar-jeeling
district; “The Hammarskjold Killing” by William
Higham, is a novel in which a London-born Anglo-Indian
heroine is caught up in a terrorist crisis in Sri Lanka, pub-lished
by HiMa Press (Sydney) in conjunction with Lulu
Press (US)(2007)
1.2 Present communities
India constitutionally guarantees of the rights of com-munities
and religious and linguistic minorities permit
Anglo-Indians to maintain their own schools and to use
English as the medium of instruction. In order to encour-age
the integration of the community into the larger soci-ety,
the government stipulates that a certain percentage of
the student body come from other Indian communities.
There is no evident official discrimination against Anglo-
Indians in terms of current government employment, but
it is widely perceived that their disinclination to master
local languages does not help their employment chances
in modern India.
In a 2013 BBC news feature on Anglo-Indians, journalist
Kris Griffiths wrote: “It has been noted in recent years

1.3. POLITICAL STATUS 3
that the number of Anglo-Indians who have succeeded in
certain fields is remarkably disproportionate to the com-munity’s
size. For example, in the music industry there
are Engelbert Humperdinck (born Madras), Peter Sarst-edt
(Delhi) and Cliff Richard (Lucknow). The looser def-inition
of Anglo-Indian (any mixed British-Indian parent-age)
encompasses the likes of cricketer Nasser Hussain,
footballer Michael Chopra and actor Ben Kingsley.”[30]
Anglo-Indians distinguished themselves in the military.
Air Vice-Marshal Maurice Barker was India’s first Anglo-
Indian Air Marshal. At least seven other Anglo-Indians
subsequently reached that post, a notable achievement
for a small community. A number of others have
been decorated for military achievements. Air Marshal
Malcolm Wollen is often considered the man who won In-dia’s
1971 war fighting alongside Bangladesh.[31] Anglo-
Indians made similarly significant contributions to the In-dian
Navy and Army.[32]
Another field in which Anglo-Indians won distinction
was education. The second most respected matriculation
qualification in India, the ICSE, was started and built by
some of the community’s best known educationists in-cluding
Frank Anthony, who served as its president, and
A.E.T. Barrow who served as its secretary for the better
part of half a century. Most Anglo-Indians, even those
without much formal education, find that gaining employ-ment
in schools is fairly easy because of their fluency in
English.
In sporting circles Anglo-Indians have made a significant
contribution, particularly at Olympic level where Norman
Pritchard became India’s first ever Olympic medallist,
winning two silver medals at the 1900 Olympic Games
in Paris, France. In cricket Roger Binny was the leading
wicket-taker during the Indian cricket team’s 1983 World
Cup triumph. Wilson Jones was India’s first ever World
Professional Billiards Champion.
Several charities have been set up abroad to help the less
fortunate in the community in India. Foremost among
these is CTR (Calcutta Tiljallah Relief – based in the
USA), which has instituted a senior pension scheme, and
provides monthly pensions to over 300 seniors. CTR also
provides education to over 200 needy children.[33]
Today, there are estimated to be 80,000–125,000 Anglo-
Indians living in India, most of whom are based
in the cities of Delhi, Kolkata, Chennai, Bangalore,
Mysore, Hyderabad, Kanpur, Mumbai, Madurai and
Tiruchirapalli. Anglo-Indians also live in the towns of
Allepey (Alappuzha), Kochi (Cochin), Kollam (Quilon),
Kozhikode (Calicut), Cannanore (Kannur) in the South
Indian state of Kerala also at Goa, Pune, Secunderabad,
Visakhapatnam, Lucknow, Agra, and in some towns of
Bihar, Uttarakhand, Jharkhand and West Bengal. Also a
significant number of this population resides in Odisha's
Khurda Road, which is a busy railway junction. How-ever,
the Anglo Indian population has dwindled over the
years with most people migrating abroad or to other parts
of the country.[3]
Most of the Anglo-Indians overseas are concentrated
in Britain, Australia, Canada, United States, and New
Zealand. Of the estimated million or so (including de-scendants),
who have emigrated from India, some have
settled in European countries like Switzerland, Germany,
and France. According to the Anglo-Indians who have
settled in Australia, integration for the most part has not
been difficult.[34] The community in Myanmar frequently
intermarried with the local Anglo-Burmese community
but both communities suffered from adverse discrimina-tion
since Burma’s military took over the government in
the 1962, with most having now left the country to settle
overseas.
1.3 Political status
The Anglo-Indian community is the only Indian commu-nity
that has its own representatives nominated to the Lok
Sabha (Lower House) in India’s Parliament. This right
was secured from Nehru by Frank Anthony, the first and
longtime president of the All India Anglo-Indian Asso-ciation.
The community is represented by two members.
This is done because the community has no native state
of its own. States like Tamil Nadu, Bihar, West Bengal,
Karnataka, Uttarakhand, Jharkhand and Kerala also have
a nominated member each in their respective State Leg-islatures.
1.4 Other populations
1.4.1 Britons in colonial India
Historically, the term Anglo-Indian was also used in com-mon
parlance in Britain during the colonial era to refer
to those people (such as Rudyard Kipling, or the hunter-naturalist
Jim Corbett), who were of British descent but
were born and raised in India, usually because their par-ents
were serving in the colonial administration or armed
forces;[13] “Anglo-Indian”, in this sense, was synonymous
with “non-domiciled British”.
1.4.2 Anglo-Indian population in Britain
Since the mid-19th century, there has been a population
of people of Indian (like Lascars) or mixed British-Indian
ethnic origin residing in Britain, both through intermar-riage
between white Britons and Indians, and through
the migration of Anglo-Indians from India to Britain.
Though sometimes referred to as Anglo-Indians,[7] peo-ple
of Indian or mixed British-Indian ethnicity residing in
Britain generally like to be called Anglo-Indians, also pre-ferring
the terms White British, British Indian and mixed

White-Asian instead.[35] The first and latter categorisa-tions
are also used by the UK census.
1.5 Notable persons of Anglo-
Indian descent
See also: List of Anglo-Indians
1.5.1 Anglo-Indians of European descent
(original definition)
Pete Best, original drummer for the Beatles.
Lawrence Durrell, novelist, poet, dramatist, travel
writer and diplomat.
Gerald Durrell, writer, naturalist, conservationist
and television presenter
Rudyard Kipling, British writer. The first English-language
writer to win the Nobel Prize for Litera-ture.
Joanna Lumley, British actress.
George Orwell, British author of 1984 and Animal
Farm.
Frederick Roberts, 1st Earl Roberts – British sol-dier.
Ruskin Bond, writer
1.5.2 Anglo-Indians of Eurasian descent
(new definition)
Sir Henry Gidney
Frank Anthony, lawyer, activist, politician, Indian
representative at the United Nations
Gabrielle Anwar, British actress
Allen Brooks, Social Worker, Ex-
Chairperson,Assam State Commission for Mi-norities,
Government of Assam
Derek O'Brien (quizmaster)
Marcus Bartley, cinematographer
Lara Dutta Bhupathi, Indian actress and Miss Uni-verse
2000
Roger Binny, Indian cricketer
Stuart Clark
Maxwell Trevor Indian cyclist
Stuart Binny
Sheldon Jackson (cricketer)
Tony Brent, singer
Norman Anil Kumar Browne, Air Chief Marshal
and former Chief of the Air Staff of the IAF
Patrick Desmond Callaghan, Air Vice Marshal of
the Pakistan Air Force
Michael Chopra, British footballer
Leslie Claudius, field hockey player, won 4 Olympic
Medals from 1948–1960 (3 gold, 1 silver).
Alexander Cobbe, (General Sir Alexander Stanhope
Cobbe) British general and VC winner
Sebastian Coe,[36] British Athlete and Peer
Patience Cooper, Indian film actress.
Oscar Stanley Dawson, Admiral, Chief of the Naval
Staff of the Indian Navy from 1 March 1982 to 30
November 1984.
Henry Derozio, Calcutta poet,
Glen Duncan, author
Marc Elliott, British actor
Denis La Fontaine, Air Chief Marshal, Chief of the
Air Staff, Indian Air Force
Naomi Scott, actress
Rory Girvan, British actor.
Diana Hayden, actress and former Miss World
Ricky Heppolette, Footballer
Engelbert Humperdinck, British singer
Norman Douglas Hutchinson, Painter
Andrea Jeremiah, actress, singer
Holly Johnson, singer. In his autobiography, John-son
stated that while his grandfather looked white,
he was actually 3/4 Indian.
Wilson Jones, former billiards World Champion
Noel Jones, British ambassador.
Katrina Kaif, British actress
Boris Karloff, actor; grandnephew of Anna
Leonowens
Sara Karloff, writer; daughter of Boris Karloff
Denzil Keelor, IAF hero in 1971 War with Pakistan
Trevor Keelor, IAF hero in 1971 War with Pakistan

1.6. SEE ALSO 5
Helen Richardson Khan, Bollywood actress
Ben Kingsley, British actor
Vivien Leigh, Hollywood actress.
Anna Leonowens (1834–1915), British governess to
the Siamese court on whose life story The King and
I was based
Louis T. Leonowens (1856–1919), Siamese cavalry
officer and trader; son of Anna Leonowens
Julian MacLaren-Ross, British novelist.
Frederick Akbar Mahomed, physician; grandson of
Sake Dean Mahomed
Colin Mathura-Jeffree, New Zealand model and ac-tor
John Mayer, violinist, composer and teacher. Put
together the Indo-Jazz Fusions double quartet in
1967.
Alistair McGowan, British impressionist, comedian
and actor
Rhona Mitra, British actress, model and singer
Richard Nerurkar, British long-distance runner
Betty Nuthall, tennis player
Merle Oberon, actress, born in India.
Derek O'Brien, quizmaster; Member of Parlia-ment(
Rajya Sabha)
Admiral Ronald Lynsdale Pereira, chief of the In-dian
Navy (1979–1982)
Russell Peters,[37] Canadian stand-up comic and ac-tor
Diana Quick, actress
Timo Räisänen, Swedish Indie pop artist
Cliff Richard, pop singer
Paul Sabu, musician.
Allan Sealy, novelist
Adam Sinclair, Indian Hockey player born in
Coimbatore
Melanie Sykes, Model and TV presenter
Ayesha Takia, actress
Stephen Hector Taylor-Smith, pioneer of “Rocket
Mail” in India, and immortalised by a postage stamp.
Norman Watt-Roy, bassist of Ian Dury and The
Blockheads
Charli XCX, singer
1.6 See also
Christianity in India
British Asian
British Indian
British Pakistani
British Bangladeshi
British Mixed-Race
Burgher people, Sri Lankan people of partly Euro-pean
ancestry
Eurasian (mixed ancestry)
FIBIS – Families In British India Society
Indo people (similar group in the Dutch East Indies)
1.7 References
[1] Fisher, Michael H. (2007), “Excluding and Including “Na-tives
of India: Early-Nineteenth-Century British-Indian
Race Relations in Britain”, Comparative Studies of South
Asia, Africa and the Middle East 27 (2): 303–314 [305],
doi:10.1215/1089201x-2007-007
[2] Blair Williams, Anglo Indians, CTR Inc. Publishing,
2002, p.189
[3] Roy Dean Wright and Susan W. Wright, 'The
Anglo-Indian Community in Contemporary India',
http://escholarshare.drake.edu/bitstream/handle/2092/
237/Wright%23237.pdf?sequence=1, Accessed:
03/08/09
[4] Peter Friedlander, 'Religion, Race, Language and the
Anglo-Indians: Eurasians in the Census of British India',
http://www.chaf.lib.latrobe.edu.au/dcd/Anglo-Indian%
20Paper.pdf, Accessed: 03/08/09
[5] Oxford English Dictionary 2nd Edition (1989)
[6] Anglo-Indian, Dictionary.com.
[7] “Anglo-Indian”. Oxford Dictionary Online. Retrieved
2012-01-30.
[8] “Treaty Bodies Database – Document – State Party Re-port”
United Nations Human Rights Website. April 29,
1996.
[9] “Article 366(2) in The Constitution Of India 1949”. Re-trieved
2012-08-15.
[10] See Stark, op. cit.
[11] Dover, Cedric. Cimmerii or Eurasians and Their Future:
An Anglo Indian Heritage Book. London: Simon Wallen-berg
Press, 2007. Pages 62–63

[12] “Some corner of a foreign field”. The Economist. 2010-
10-21. Archived from the original on 19 January 2011.
Retrieved 2011-02-18.
[13] Stark, Herbert Alick. Hostages To India: OR The Life
Story of the Anglo Indian Race. Third Edition. London:
The Simon Wallenberg Press: Vol 2: Anglo Indian Her-itage
Books
[14] “Eurasian”. Dictionary.com. Archived from the original
on 8 December 2008. Retrieved 2009-01-13.
[15] Fisher, Michael Herbert (2006), Counterflows to Colonial-ism:
Indian Traveller and Settler in Britain 1600–1857,
Orient Blackswan, pp. 111–9, 129–30, 140, 154–6, 160–
8, ISBN 81-7824-154-4
[16] Fisher, Michael H. (2007), Excluding and Including “Na-tives
Race Relations in Britain, Comparative Studies of South
Asia, Africa and the Middle East 27 (2): 303–314 [304–
5], doi:10.1215/1089201x-2007-007
[17] Fisher, Michael H. (2007), Excluding and Including “Na-tives
Race Relations in Britain, Comparative Studies of South
Asia, Africa and the Middle East 27 (2): 303–314 [305],
doi:10.1215/1089201x-2007-007
[18] Beckman, Karen Redrobe (2003), Vanishing Women:
Magic, Film, and Feminism, Duke University Press, pp.
31–3, ISBN 0-8223-3074-1
[19] Kent, Eliza F. (2004), Converting Women, Oxford Uni-versity
Press US, pp. 85–6, ISBN 0-19-516507-1
[20] Kaul, Suvir (1996), Review Essay: Colonial Figures and
Postcolonial Reading, Diacritics 26 (1): 74–89 [83–9],
doi:10.1353/dia.1996.0005
[21] Maher, James, Reginald. (2007). These Are The Anglo
Indians . London: Simon Wallenberg Press. (An Anglo
Indian Heritage Book)
[22] Jazz and race in colonial India: The role of Anglo-Indian
musicians in the diffusion of jazz in Calcutta, Stephane
Dorin - Jazz Research Journal, Vol 4, No 2 (2010)
[23] Anthony, Frank. Britain’s Betrayal in India: The Story of
the Anglo Indian Community. Second Edition. London:
The Simon Wallenberg Press, 2007 Pages 144–146, 92.
[24] Blair Williams. “Anglo-Indians – Vanishing Remnants of
a Bygone Era”. Blairrw.org. Retrieved 2010-10-27.
[25] Blair Williams. “Haunting India”. Blairrw.org. Retrieved
2010-10-27.
[26] Blair Williams (2004-12-03). “Voices on the Verandah”.
Blairrw.org. Retrieved 2010-10-27.
[27] Blair Williams. “The Way We Were – Anglo-Indian
Chronicles”. Blairrw.org. Retrieved 2010-10-27.
[28] Blair Williams. “The Way We Are – An Anglo-Indian
Mosaic”. Blairrw.org. Retrieved 2010-10-27.
[29] David Charles Manners. “In the Shadow of Crows”. Sig-nal
Books. Retrieved 2011.
[30] http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-20857969
[31] “Anglo-Indians in the Indian Air Force”. Sumge-nius.
com.au. Retrieved 2010-10-27.
[32] Anthony, Frank. Britain’s Betrayal in India: The Story of
the Anglo Indian Community. Second Edition. London:
The Simon Wallenberg Press.
[33] “Calcutta Tiljallah Relief”. Blairrw.org. Retrieved 2010-
10-27.
[34] The Anglo-Indian Australian Story: My Experience,
Zelma Phillips 2004
[35] Ann Baker Cottrell (1979). “Today’s Asian-Western Cou-ples
Are Not Anglo-Indians”. Phylon 40 (4): 351. JSTOR
274532.
[36] Johnson, Angella (13 December 2009). Daily
Mail (London) http://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/
article-1235341/Lord-Coe-Punjabi-Playboy.html |url=
missing title (help).
[37] “FAQ”. RussellPeters.com. 2009-01-25. Archived from
the original on 7 November 2010. Retrieved 2010-10-27.
1.8 Books
Anthony F “Britain’s Betrayal in India: The Story Of
The Anglo Indian Community” Simon Wallenberg
Press, Amazon Books.
Chapman, Pat “Taste of the Raj, Hodder
Stoughton, London — ISBN 0-340-68035-0 (1997)
Dady D S “Scattered Seeds: The Diaspora of the
Anglo-Indians” Pagoda Press
Dyer, Sylvia “The Spell of the Flying Foxes” ISBN
0143065343, Amazon Kindle Edition
Gabb A “1600–1947 Anglo-Indian Legacy”
Hawes C “Poor Relations: The Making of a
Eurasian Community
Moore G J “The Anglo Indian Vision”
Stark H A “Hostages To India: Or The Life Story of
the Anglo Indian Race” Simon Wallenberg Press.
Maher, Reginald “These Are The Anglo-Indians” –
(An Anglo-Indian Heritage Book) Simon Wallen-berg
Press
Phillips Z “The Anglo-Indian Australian Story: My
Experience. A collection of Anglo-Indian Migration
Heritage Stories”
Bridget White-Kumar “The best of Anglo-Indian
Cuisine – A Legacy”, “Flavours of the Past”,
“Anglo-Indian Delicacies”, “The Anglo-Indian fes-tive
Hamper”, “A Collection of Anglo-Indian
Roasts, Casseroles and Bakes”

1.9. EXTERNAL LINKS 7
Thorpe, O “Paper Boats in the Monsoon: Life in the
Lost World of Anglo-India” Trafford Publishing
Thomas, Noel “Footprints On The Track”
1.9 External links
Scattered Seeds: The Diaspora of the Anglo-
Indians... an exploration through history, identity
and photography

Chapter 2
Ezhava
The Ezhavas are a community with origins in the re-gion
of India presently known as Kerala. They are
also known as Ilhava, Irava, Izhava and Erava in the
south of the region; as Chovas, Chokons and Chogons in
Central Travancore; and as Thiyyas, Tiyyas and Theeyas
in Malabar.[1][2][3] Some are also known as Thandan,
which has caused administrative difficulties due to the
presence of a distinct caste of that name in the same
region.[4][5] The Malabar Tiyya group have claimed a
higher ranking in the Hindu caste system than do the oth-ers,
although from the perspective of the colonial and sub-sequent
administrations they were treated as being of sim-ilar
rank.[1][6]
As well as being agricultural laborers, small cultivators,
toddy tappers, and liquor businessmen, some Ezhavas
were also involved in weaving and some practised
ayurvedic medicine. Ezhava dynasties such as the Izhathu
Mannanars also existed in Kerala.[7] The Chekavar, a
warrior section within the community, were part of the
militias of local chieftains and kings. There were also
renowned kalaripayattu experts among them.[8][9]
2.1 History
2.1.1 Legend
According to legend and some Malayalam folk songs, the
Ezhavas were the progeny of four bachelors that the king
of Ceylon sent to Kerala at the request of the Chera king
Bhaskara Ravi Varma, in the 1st Century AD. These men
were sent, ostensibly, to set up coconut farming in Kerala.
Another version of the story says that the Sri Lankan King
sent eight martial families to Kerala at the request of a
Chera king to quell a civil war that had erupted in Kerala
against him.[10]
2.1.2 Social and religious divergence
It has been suggested that the Ezhavas may share a com-mon
heritage with the Nair caste. This theory is based on
similarities between numerous of the customs adopted by
the two groups, particularly with regard to marking var-ious
significant life stages such as childbirth and death,
as well as their matrilineal practices and martial history.
Oral history, folk songs and other old writings indicate
that the Ezhavas were at some point in the past members
of the armed forces serving various kings, including the
Zamorins of Calicut and the rulers of the Cochin dynasty.
Cyriac Pullapilly has said that only a common parentage
can explain some of these issues.[11]
A theory has been proposed for the origins of the caste
system in the Kerala region based on the actions of the
Aryan Jains introducing such distinctions prior to the 8th-century
AD. This argues that the Jains needed protec-tion
when they arrived in the area and recruited sym-pathetic
local people to provide it. These people were
then distinguished from others in the local population by
their occupation as protectors, with the others all being
classed as out-caste. Pullapilly describes that this meant
they ... were given kshatriya functions, but only shudra
status. Thus originated the Nairs.” The Ezhavas, not be-ing
among the group protecting the Jains, became out-castes.[
11]
An alternate theory states that the system was introduced
by the Nambudiri Brahmins. Although Brahmin influ-ences
had existed in the area since at least the 1st-century
AD, there was a large influx from around the 8th-century
when they acted as priests, counsellors and ministers to
invading Aryan princes. At the time of their arrival the
non-aboriginal local population had been converted to
Buddhism by missionaries who had come from the north
of India and from Ceylon. The Brahmins used their sym-biotic
relationship with the invading forces to assert their
beliefs and position. Buddhist temples and monasteries
were either destroyed or taken over for use in Hindu prac-tices,
thus undermining the ability of the Buddhists to
propagate their beliefs.[11]
The Buddhist tradition of the Ezhavas, and the refusal
to give it up, pushed them to an outcaste role within the
greater Brahminic society.[11][12] This tradition is still ev-ident
as Ezhavas show greater interest in the moral, non-ritualistic,
and non-dogmatic aspects of the religion rather
than the theological.[11]
8

2.3. CULTURE 9
2.2 Past occupations
The social anthropologists Filippo and Caroline Osella
say that the Ezhavas ... consisted in the mid-nineteenth
century of a small landowning and titled elite and a large
mass of landless and small tenants who were largely il-literate,
considered untouchable, and who eked out a liv-ing
by manual labour and petty trade.”[13][lower-alpha 1] A.
Aiyappan, another social anthropologist and himself a
member of the caste,[13] noted the mythical belief that
the Ezhava brought coconut palms to Kerala when they
moved from Sri Lanka.[15] Their traditional occupation,
or avakasam, was tending to and tapping the sap of such
palms. This activity is sometimes erroneously referred
to as toddy tapping, toddy being a liquor manufactured
from the sap. Arrack was another liquor produced from
the palms, as was jaggery (an unrefined sugar). In real-ity,
most Ezhavas were agricultural labourers and small-time
cultivators, with a substantial number diverging into
the production of coir products, such as coconut mats
for flooring, from towards the end of the 19th-century.[1]
The coastal town of Alleppey became the centre of such
manufacture and was mostly controlled by Ezhavas, al-though
the lucrative export markets were accessible only
through European traders, who monopolised the required
equipment. A boom in trade for these manufactured
goods after World War I led to a unique situation in
twentieth-century Kerala whereby there was a shortage
of labour, which attracted still more Ezhavas to the in-dustry
from outlying rural areas. The Great Depression
impacted in particular on the export trade, causing a re-duction
in price and in wages even though production
increased, with the consequence that during the 1930s
many Ezhava families found themselves to be in dire fi-nancial
circumstances.[15][16][17]
Some Ezhavas were involved in weaving and ship
making.[18]
2.2.1 Martial traditions
Many were employed as guards or sentinels in the palaces
of Cochin and Travancore.[19] Syrian Christians of Ker-ala,
who were privileged in the pre-colonial period to have
their own private armies, recruited Ezhava members due
in part to this tradition.[20]
Chekavar
A subgroup of the Thiyyas considered themselves to be
warriors and became known as the Chekavars. The
Vadakkan Pattukal ballads describe Chekavars as form-ing
the militia of local chieftains and kings but the title
was also given to experts of Kalari Payattu.[21]
2.2.2 Medicine and traditional toxicology
Some Ezhavas had an extensive knowledge of the medic-inal
value of plants, passed to them by their ancestors.
Known as Vaidyars, these people acted as physicians.
Itti Achuden was probably the best known Ezhava physi-cian
who directly influenced the classification of Hortus
Malabaricus in the 17th century. Itti Achuden’s texts
were written in the Kolezhuthu script that Ezhava castes
used, for they were prevented from learning the more san-skritized
Aryazuthu script which was the preserve of the
upper-castes.[22]
Some Ezhavas practiced ayurvedic medicine.[23][24][25]
2.3 Culture
Ezhava/Channar Musicians from the 19th century: Performing
the traditional “Villadichaampattu”
2.3.1 Aivar kali
Literally, Aivarkali means the play of the five sets. This
was a ritualistic art form performed in almost all im-portant
temples of Kerala. Today it is found in cen-tral
Kerala. This is also known as Pandavarkali, which
means the play of the Pandavas, (the five heroes of the
Mahabharatha), and is performed by Asari, Moosari,
Karuvan, Thattan and Kallasari communities. This ritual-istic
dance is performed beneath a decorated pandal with
a nilavilakku at its centre. The five or more performers
with their leader called Kaliachan enter the performance
area after a ritualistic bath, with sandalwood paste over
their foreheads, dressed in white dhoti, and with a towel
wrapped around their heads.[26]
2.3.2 Arjuna Nrtam (Mayilppili Tukkam)
Arjuna Nrtam (“the dance of Arjuna) or Mayilppili
Tukkam is a ritual art performed by men of Ezhava

10 CHAPTER 2. EZHAVA
community and is prevalent in the Bhagavathy tem-ples
of south Kerala, mainly in Kollam, Alappuzha and
Kottayam districts. Arjuna nritham is also called “May-ilpeeli
Thookkam” as the costume includes a characteris-tic
garment made of mayilppeeli (peacock feathers). This
garment is worn around the waist in a similar fashion as
the “uduthukettu” of Kathakali. The various dance move-ments
are closely similar to Kalarippayattu techniques.
The performers have their faces painted green and wear
distinctive headgears. The all night performance of the
dance form is usually presented solo or in pairs.[26]
2.3.3 Makachuttu
Makachuttu art is popular among Ezhavas in
Thiruvananthapuram and Chirayinkizhu taluks and
in Kilimanoor, Pazhayakunnummal and Thattathumala
regions. In this, a group of eight performers, two each,
twin around each other like serpents and rise up, battling
with sticks. The techniques are repeated several times.
Sandalwood paste on the forehead, a red towel round
the head, red silk around the waist and bells round the
ankles form the costume. This is a combination of snake
worship and Kalarippayattu.[26][27]
2.3.4 Poorakkali
Poorakkali is a folk dance prevalent among the Ezhavas
of Malabar, usually performed in Bhagavathy temples as
a ritual offering during the month of Meenam (March–
April). Poorakkali requires specially trained and highly
experienced dancers, trained in Kalaripayattu, a system
of physical exercise formerly in vogue in Kerala. Stand-ing
round a traditional lamp, the performers dance in
eighteen different stages and rhythms, each phase called
a niram.[26]
2.3.5 Teyyam (Teyyattam) or Kaliyattam
In northern Kerala, Teyyam is a popular ritual dance.
This particular dance form is also known as Kaliyattam.
The main deities of Ezhavas include Vayanattu Kulavan,
Kativannur Viran, Pumarutan and Muttappan.[26][27]
2.4 Customs
Ezhavas adopted different patterns of behavior in fam-ily
system across Kerala. Those living in southern
Travancore tended to meld the different practices that ex-isted
in the other parts of Kerala. The family arrange-ments
of northern Malabar were matrilineal with patrilo-cal
property arrangements, whereas in northern Travan-core
they were matrilineal but usually matrilocal in their
arrangements for property. Southern Malabar saw a pa-trilineal
system but partible property.[1]
These arrangements were reformed by legislation, for
Malabar in 1925 and for Travancore in 1933. The pro-cess
of reform was more easily achieved for the Ezhavas
than it was for the Nairs, another Hindu caste in Ker-ala
who adopted matrilineal arrangements; the situation
for the Nairs was complicated by a traditional matrilocal
form of living called taravadu and by their usually much
higher degree of property ownership.[1]
2.5 Spiritual and social movements
Some Thiyyas converted to Islam from around the 9th
century, due to the influence of Arab traders. These peo-ple,
and other Muslim converts in the region, are now
known as Mappillas.[28] A sizeable part of the Ezhava
community, especially in central Travancore and in the
High Ranges, embraced Christianity during the British
rule, due to caste-based discrimination. In Kannur,
Protestant missions started working in the first half of
the 19th century, notably the Basel German Evangelical
Mission. Most of their converts were from the Thiyya
community.[29] The Congregationalist London Mission-ary
Society and the Anglican Church Mission Society
were also prominent in the movement for religious con-version,
having established presences in the Travancore
region in the early nineteenth century.[30]
The lowly status of the Ezhava meant that, as Thomas
Nossiter has commented, they had “little to lose and much
to gain by the economic and social changes of the nine-teenth
and twentieth centuries”. They sought the right
to be treated as worthy of an English education and for
jobs in government administration to be open to them.[1]
An early Ezhava campaigner and their “political father”,
according to Ritty Lukose, was Padmanabhan Palpu.[31]
In 1896, he organised a petition of 13,176 signatories
that was submitted to the Maharajah of the princely state
of Travancore, asking for government recognition of the
Ezhavas’ right to work in public administration and to
have access to formal education.[32][33] The upper caste
Hindus of the state prevailed upon the Maharajah not
to concede the request. The outcome not looking to be
promising, the Ezhava leadership threatened that they
would convert from Hinduism en masse, rather than stay
as helots of Hindu society. C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer, real-izing
the imminent danger, prompted the Maharajah to
issue the Temple Entry Proclamation, which abolished
the ban on lower-caste people from entering Hindu tem-ples
in the state of Travancore. Steven Wilkinson says
that Proclamation was passed because the government
was “frightened” by the Ezhava threat of conversion to
Christianity.[34]
Eventually, in 1903, a small group of Ezhavas established
Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalan Yogam (SNDP), the

2.6. POSITION IN SOCIETY 11
Narayana Guru
first caste association in the Kerala region, naming it af-ter
Narayana Guru, who had established an ashram from
where he preached his message of “one caste, one reli-gion,
one god” and a Sanskritised version of the Victo-rian
concept of self-help. His influence locally has been
compared to that of Swami Vivekananda. The organi-sation
attracted support in Travancore but similar bod-ies
in Cochin were less successful. In Malabar, which
unlike Cochin and Travancore was under direct British
control,[35] the Tiyyas showed little interest in such bodies
because they did not suffer the educational and employ-ment
discrimination found elsewhere, nor indeed were
the disadvantages that they did experience strictly a con-sequence
of caste alone.[36]
The Ezhavas were not immune to being manipulated by
other people for political purposes. The Vaikom Satya-graha
of 1924–1925 was a failed attempt to use the is-sue
of avarna access to roads around temples in order
to revive the fortunes of Congress, orchestrated by T. K.
Madhavan, a revolutionary and civil rights activist,[37] and
with a famous temple at Vaikom as the focal point. Al-though
it failed in its stated aim of achieving access, the
satyagraha (movement) did succeed in voicing a “radi-cal
rhetoric”, according to Nossiter.[36] During this move-ment,
a few Akalis—an order of armed Sikhs—came to
Vaikom in support of the demonstrators. After the even-tual
passing of the Temple Entry Proclamation, some of
the Akalis remained. They attracted some Ezhava youth
to the concepts of the Sikhism, resulting in Ezhava con-versions
to Sikhism.[38]
The success of the SNDP in improving the lot of Ezhavas
has been questioned. Membership had reached 50,000 by
1928 and 60,000 by 1974, but Nossiter notes that, “From
the Vaikom satyagraha onwards the SNDP had stirred the
ordinary Ezhava without materially improving his posi-tion.”
The division in the 1920s of 60,000 acres of prop-erties
previously held by substantial landowners saw the
majority of Ezhava beneficiaries receive less than 1 acre
each, although 2% of them took at least 40% of the avail-able
land. There was subsequently a radicalization and
much political infighting within the leadership as a conse-quence
of the effects of the Great Depression on the coir
industry but the general notion of self-help was not easy
to achieve in a primarily agricultural environment; the
Victorian concept presumed an industrialised economy.
The organisation lost members to various other groups,
including the communist movement, and it was not until
the 1950s that it reinvented itself as a pressure group and
provider of educational opportunities along the lines of
the Nair Service Society (NSS), Just as the NSS briefly
formed the National Democratic Party in the 1970s in an
attempt directly to enter the political arena, so too in 1972
the SNDP formed the Social Revolutionary Party.[36]
2.6 Position in society
Although Ezhavas performed the works associated Sudra
varna, they were considered as avarna (untouchable) by
the Nambudiri Brahmins who formed the Hindu clergy
and ritual ruling elite in late medieval Kerala.[1] Kathleen
Gough says that the Thiyyas of Central Travancore were
historically the highest-ranking of the “higher pollut-ing
castes”, a group whose other constituents included
Kanisans and various artisanal castes, and who were all
superior in status to the “lower polluting castes”, such as
the Pulayars and Paraiyars. The Nairs and, where ap-plicable,
the Mapillas ranked socially and ritually higher
than the polluting castes.[28][lower-alpha 2] From their study
based principally around one village and published in
2000, the Osellas noted that the movements of the late-nineteenth
and twentieth century brought about a consid-erable
change for the Ezhavas, with access to jobs, ed-ucation
and the right to vote all assisting in creating an
identity based on more on class than caste, although the
stigmatic label of avarna remained despite gaining the
right of access to temples.[39]
2.7 Dispute between Thiyya and
Ezhava
Some in the Thiyya community have objected to being
treated as Ezhava by the government of Kerala. They
have campaigned for the right to record themselves as

12 CHAPTER 2. EZHAVA
Thiyya rather than as Ezhava when applying for official
posts and other jobs allocated under India’s system of
positive discrimination. They claim that the stance of the
government is contrary to a principle established by the
Supreme Court of India relating to a dispute involving
communities who were neither Ezhava nor Thiyya.[40][41]
The Thiyya Mahasabha has also opposed the SNDP’s use
of the Thiyya name at an event.[42]
In February 2013, the recently formed Thiyya Mahasabha
objected to the SNDP treating Ezhavas and Thiyyas as
one group, rather than recognising the Thiyyas in Malabar
as being distinct. The SNDP was at that time attempting
to increase its relatively weak influence in northern Ker-ala,
where the politics of identity play a lesser role than
those of class and the Communist Party of India (Marx-ist)
has historically been a significant organisation.[43][44]
2.8 See also
List of Ezhavas
Travancore Labour Association
2.9 Notes
[1] Gough describes Thiyya subtenants in Central Travan-core,
who worked land held by the Nair caste. One-third
of the net produce from these lands was retained by the
subtenants and the remainder was the property of the Nair
tenant.[14]
[2] Kathleen Gough says of the Mappillas that they ... lived
mainly in the ports and at inland trading posts on the banks
of rivers. They were partly outside the village ranking sys-tem
... and were theoretically outside the Hindu religious
hierarchy. Nevertheless Muslims were in some contexts
accorded a rank ritually and socially between that of the
Nayars and Tiyyars.”[28]
2.9.1 Citations
[1] Nossiter (1982) p. 30
[2] Mandelbaum, David Goodman (1970). Society in India:
Continuity and change. University of California Press. p.
502. ISBN 9780520016231. “Another strong caste as-sociation,
but one formed at a different social level and
cemented by religious appeal, is that of the Iravas of Ker-ala,
who are also known as Ezhavas or Tiyyas and make
up more than 40 per cent of Kerala Hindus”
[3] Gough, E. Kathleen (1961). “Tiyyar: North Kerala”. In
Schneider, David Murray; Gough, E. Kathleen. Matri-lineal
Kinship. University of California Press. p. 405.
ISBN 978-0-520-02529-5. “Throughout Kerala the Tiy-yars
(called Iravas in parts of Cochin and Travancore) ...”
[4] Kusuman, K. K. “Ezhavas: Their many dimensions”.
Newindpress.com. Archived from the original on 2007-
09-29.
[5] “Standing Committee on Social Justice and Empower-ment
(2006-2007). p. 13.
[6] Kodoth, Praveena (May 2001). “Courting Legitimacy
or Delegitimizing Custom? Sexuality, Samband-ham
and Marriage Reform in Late Nineteenth-
Century Malabar”. Modern Asian Studies 35 (2):
350. doi:10.1017/s0026749x01002037. JSTOR
313121.(subscription required)
[7] Pullapilly (1976) pp. 31–32
[8] Social Movements and Social Transformation.Page 23. M.
S. A. Rao (Macmillan). 1979. Retrieved 2007-12-28.
[9] Farmers of India.Page 359. Mohinder Singh Randhawa,
Prem Nath ((Indian Council of Agricultural Research,
1961). Retrieved 01-12-2008. Check date values in: |ac-cessdate=
(help)
[10] EMS Namppothirppadu, Keralam Malayalikalude Math-rubhumi
Desbhimany publications, VOl1, 1947 page 27
[11] Pullapilly (1976) pp. 26–30
[12] Joseph, George Gheverghese (2003). On life and times of
George Joseph, 1887–1938, a Syrian Christian nationalist
from Kerala. Orient Longman. p. 18. ISBN 978-81-250-
2495-8. Retrieved 2007-12-09.
[13] Osella, Filippo; Osella, Caroline (2000). Social Mobility
In Kerala: Modernity and Identity in Conflict. Pluto Press.
p. 8. ISBN 978-0-7453-1693-2.
[14] Gough, E. Kathleen (1961). “Nayars: Central Kerala”. In
Schneider, David Murray; Gough, E. Kathleen. Matrilin-eal
Kinship. University of California Press. p. 315. ISBN
978-0-520-02529-5. “Tiyyars (called Iravas in Cochin)
pp. 50–51. ISBN 978-0-7453-1693-2.
[16] Mathew, George (1989). Communal Road To A Secular
Kerala. Concept Publishing Company. pp. 137–138.
ISBN 978-81-7022-282-8.
[17] Jeffrey, Robin (21 July 1984). 'Destroy Capitalism!':
Growing Solidarity of Alleppey’s Coir Workers, 1930–
40”. Economic and Political Weekly (Economic and Polit-ical
Weekly) 19 (29): 1159. JSTOR 4373437. (subscrip-tion
required)
[18] Lemercinier, Geneviève (1984). Religion and ideology in
Kerala. D.K. Agencies. p. 246. Retrieved 2011-06-21.
[19] The Ethnographical Survey of the Cochin State. L. Krishna
Anantha Krishna Iyer (Cochin Government Press). 1907.
ISBN 978-0-19-517706-0. Retrieved 2008-12-25.
[20] Joseph, George Gheverghese (2003). On life and times of
George Joseph, 1887–1938, a Syrian Christian nationalist
from Kerala. Orient Longman. p. 20. ISBN 978-81-250-
2495-8. Retrieved 2007-12-09.

2.9. NOTES 13
[21] Pillai, Elamkulam P. N. Kunjan (1970). Studies in Kerala
History. Kottayam: National Book Stall. pp. 111, 151–
154.
[22] Grove, Richard (February 1996). “Indigenous Knowl-edge
and the Significance of South-West India for
Portuguese and Dutch Constructions of Tropical
Nature”. Modern Asian Studies 30 (1): 121–
143. doi:10.1017/s0026749x00014104. JSTOR
312903.(subscription required)
[23] Alan Bicker, RF Ellen Peter Parkes (2000). Indigenous
environmental knowledge and its transformations. Rout-ledge.
p. 9. Retrieved 2011-06-15.
[24] Gadgil, Madhav (2005). Ecological Journeys. Orient
Blackswan. p. 82. Retrieved 2011-06-15.
[25] Singh, Abhay Kumar (2006). Modern World System and
Indian Proto-Industrialization. Northern book center. p.
312. Retrieved 2011-06-15.
[26] Bernier, Ronald M. (1982). Temple Arts of Kerala: A
South Indian Tradition. Asia Book Corporation of Amer-ica.
ISBN 978-0-940500-79-2.
[27] Chaitanya, Krishna (1987). Arts of India. New Delhi:
Abhinav Publications. ISBN 978-81-7017-209-3.
Kinship. University of California Press. pp. 312–313.
ISBN 978-0-520-02529-5.
[29] Kareem, C.K (1976). Kerala District Gazetteers: Palghat.
printed by the Superintendent of Govt. Presses. p. 188.
Retrieved 2011-06-24.
[30] Kooiman, Dick (1996). “Who is to benefit from mis-sionary
education? Travancore in the 1930s”. In Bick-ers,
Robert A.; Seton, Rosemary E. Missionary Encoun-ters:
Sources Issues. Routledge. p. 158. ISBN
9780700703708.
[31] Lukose, Ritty A. (2010). “Recasting the Secular: Reli-gion
and Education in Kerala, India”. In Mines, Diane
P.; Lamb, Sarah. Everyday Life in South Asia (2nd ed.).
Indiana University Press. p. 209. ISBN 9780253354730.
[32] Wilson, Caroline (2011). “The social transformation of
the medical profession in urban Kerala : Doctors, so-cial
mobility and the middle classes”. In Donner, Hen-rike.
Being Middle-class in India: A Way of Life. Abing-don,
Oxon: Routledge. pp. 193–194. ISBN 978-0-415-
67167-5.
[33] Kumar, Udaya (2009). “Subjects of New Lives”. In Ray,
Bharati. Different Types of History. Pearson Education
India. p. 329. ISBN 978-81-317-1818-6.
[34] Wilkinson, Steven I. (2006) [2004]. Votes and Violence:
Electoral Competition and Ethnic Riots in India (Reprinted
ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 179. ISBN 978-0-
521-53605-9.
Kinship. University of California Press. p. 304. ISBN
978-0-520-02529-5.
[36] Nossiter (1982) pp. 30–32
[37] Pullapilly (1976) p. 38
[38] Kusuman, K.K (1976). The abstention movement. Kerala
Historical Society. p. 19. Retrieved 2011-06-15.
pp. 16, 29. ISBN 978-0-7453-1693-2.
[40] Ramakrishnan, Kalathil (23 January 2012). “Thiyyas to
move SC against Government order”. IBN. Retrieved 9
March 2013.
[41] “Plea to lower minimum qualification for jobs”. The
Hindu. 23 May 2012. Retrieved 28 March 2013.
[42] “Thiyya forum lashes out at SNDP”. The Hindu. 27 Jan-uary
2013. Retrieved 9 March 2013.
[43] “Ezhava-Thiyya convention in Kozhikode”. The Hindu. 1
February 2013. Retrieved 28 March 2013.
[44] “SNDP out to make a dent in CPM citadels in Malabar”.
The New Indian Express. 1 February 2013. Retrieved 28
March 2013.
2.9.2 Bibliography
Nossiter, Thomas Johnson (1982). “Kerala’s iden-tity:
unity and diversity”. Communism in Kerala:
a study in political adaptation. University of Cali-fornia
Press. ISBN 978-0-520-04667-2. Retrieved
2011-06-09.
Pullapilly, Cyriac K. (1976). “The Izhavas of Ker-ala
and their Historic Struggle for Acceptance in the
Hindu Society”. In Smith, Bardwell L. Religion and
Social Conflict in South Asia. International studies
in sociology and social anthropology 22. Nether-lands:
E. J. Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-04510-1. Re-trieved
2011-06-09.

Chapter 3
Chakkala Nair
Chakkala Nair is one of the lower ranking subcastes
of the Nair community among Keralites. They are dis-tributed
throughout Kerala. In Travancore, they are
known as Chakkalans, while in Malabar and Cochin, they
are known as Vattakadans. They were admitted in to the
Nair caste quite recently (19th century) and most Nairs
do not consider them to be a part of the community.[1]
The traditional occupation of the Chakkala was the pro-duction
of gingelly or coconut oil.
3.1 Caste system
Chakkalans rank below many other lower ranking Nair
clans such as Otattu Nair and Kalamkotti Nair, but still
rank above a few other subcastes like Asthikkuracchi
Nair and Chaliyan Nair.[2]
3.2 See also
Nair Subcastes
3.3 References
[1] Nâyars of Malabar - Google Books
[2] http://www.jstor.org/stable/3629883 The Internal Struc-ture
of the Nayar Caste, C. J. Fuller
3.4 External links
Digital Colonial Documents (India)
14

Chapter 4
Devadiga
Devadiga (also Moily, Sherigar,Seriyan,Gujaran) are
Tulu speaking Hindu community of temple musicians and
Temple attendants who mainly hail from the region of
Tulu Nadu in the south west of India which comprises
the districts of Udupi and Dakshina Kannada in the In-dian
state of Karnataka and Kasaragod taluk of Kerala.
4.1 Origins
The name “Devadiga” is derived from archaic Kannada
term “Deva Adiga” . Devadiga is a community of Hindu
temple musicians, drum beaters[1] hailing from the west
coast of Karnataka, India. Devadigas are originally from
the land of Lord Parashurama stretching between Karwar
in Uttara Kannada district of Karnataka and Kasaragod
district of Kerala in west-coast of India. Some people
misunderstand Devadiga for naayee community. They
are not. They used to use shahnai and drums only in
Temples and not in Death ceremony and all, Its a holy
community, once next to Brahmins only Devadigas were
allowed inside the sacrum( Gharbhagudi) of temples.
4.2 Language
Tulu is the main language spoken by Devadigas.Some
places in Karnataka Devadigas also speak Kannada and
identifies themselves as Kannada Devadigas. Devadigas
live in temple surroundings.
4.3 Worship of Spirits
Just like Theyyam in Kerala, Tulu regions have Bhoota
kola and Nema, a kind of spirit worship. Devadigas
were important part of this native worship. Dhoomavathi,
Panjurli, Kalkudi, Varthe, Marl jumadi, Kodimanithaya,
Maisandaya and Jarandaya are some of the most common
Bhutas worshipped by the community.
4.4 Traditions of Devadigas
4.4.1 Aliya kattu
(Tulu: ) (Nephew lineage) in Kannada/Tulu or
Marumakkatayam in Malayalam was, a matrilineal sys-tem
of property inheritance practised by many commu-nities
in coastal Karnataka and Kerala.
In ALIYA KATTU system the mother’s family takes con-trol
of the family and property matters. The family func-tions
such as Bhootha Kola will be performed initiated
from mother’s family. The ALIYAKATTU system is
followed by castes like DEVADIGA, SHETTY, KOT-TARY,
KULAL, GATTI, SHETTIGAR, BILLAVA etc.
4.4.2 Yakshaganas
Yakshagana is a Kannada classical folk art form in India
mostly popular in Tulu Nadu areas of South India. De-vadigas
contributed to the development of this folk dance,
which was taught in Yakshagana mandalis.
4.4.3 Persons
Veerappa Moily, Union Minister of Corporate Af-fairs/
Ex- Chief Minister of Karnataka State.
Sneha Ullal, Film Actress
4.5 References
[1] Singh, edited by Nagendra Kr. (2006). Global ency-clopaedia
of the South Indian Dalit’s ethnography. New
Delhi: Global Vision Publishing House. pp. 172, 173.
ISBN 9788182201682.
4.6 External links
www.devadiga.com
15

Chapter 5
Kaniyar
Kaniyar are a caste of India with origins in the states of
Kerala and Karnataka. There are regional variations in
the name used to define them. The Kerala Public Ser-vice
Commission considers Kaniyar Panicker (otherwise
known as Kaniyan, Kanisu, Ganaka, Kanisan, Kamnan,
and Kani) to be one group in their list of designated Other
Backward Classes, and Kalari Panicker (otherwise re-ferred
to as Kalari Kurup) to be another.[1]
5.1 Traditions of origin
Kathleen Gough has recorded that the caste believe they
were descended from a degraded section of the Tamil
Brahmins and that they ascribed their “rudimentary”
knowledge of Sanskrit, medicine and astrology to those
origins.[2]
5.2 Traditional occupations
Edgar Thurston reported in 1909 that the caste was not
flourishing because its members relied on their tradi-tional
occupation of astrology and were averse to man-ual
labour. He stated that they were generally intelligent
people who were “well versed in both Malayam and San-skrit”,
punctilious in both manner and appearance, and
conservative in cultural matters. In some areas they were
strictly vegetarian but in others would eat meat and fish.[3]
Gough has argued that the caste in many ways played the
role of
pseudo-Brahmans in relation to the lower
castes ... Their lore was, of course, a much
simplified version of Brahman lore. Through
them, however, some of the elements of San-skrit
religious belief and practices were filtered
to lower caste people who could not attend
high-caste temples or receive Brahmanical ser-vices
... [They] served as media for the Sankri-tisation
of the lower castes ...[2]
Although the modern dances (which occur in the temples
of Alappuzha, Kollam, Pathanamthitta and Kottayam)
are performed by Nairs (a caste which had a social rank
higher than the Kaniyars),[2] it is the Kaniyars who deco-rate
the elaborate costumes.[4]
Thurston also reported that many Kaniyars were once
teachers but that by the time of his writing the occupa-tion
was in decline due to “the abolition of the old meth-ods
of teaching”.[5] The teaching had been primarily of
low caste children in village schools.[2] The arrival of the
British in the area saw the demise of traditional teaching,
with Sanskrit teaching being deprecated in favour of its
English counterpart, disruption due to various wars and
also a discouragement of the village schools in general.
The standard of literacy declined greatly for nearly a cen-tury
and began to improve once more with the advent of
state aid for (principally English-based) education at the
end of the 19th century.[6]
Aside from general teaching,they also taught fencing to
the Izhava caste.[2] Kalari Panicker and Gurukkal are
other names used for the northern group because of their
involvement with these schools. They asserted that be-cause
of this they were superior to the Asan members
of the caste, who were primarily to be found in southern
Travancore.[2]
5.3 Notable people
The Niranam Poets, (1350–1450)
5.4 Further reading
Singh, Kumar Suresh (2003). People of India 26.
Anthropological Survey of India. p. 717.
5.5 References
[1] “List of Other Backward Classes in Kerala State”. Kerala
Public Service Commission. Retrieved 3 May 2011.
[2] Gough, Kathleen (2005) [1968]. “Literacy in Kerala”. In
Goody, Jack. Literacy in traditional societies (Reprinted
16

5.5. REFERENCES 17
ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 148–149. ISBN
0-521-29005-8.
[3] Thurston, Edgar; Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and tribes
of Southern India 3. Madras: Government Press. pp.
186–188.
[4] “Padayani”. Government of Kerala portal. Retrieved 28
April 2011.
[5] Thurston, Edgar; Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and tribes
of Southern India 3. Madras: Government Press. p. 194.
[6] Gough, Kathleen (2005) [1968]. “Literacy in Kerala”. In
Goody, Jack. Literacy in traditional societies (Reprinted
ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 155. ISBN 0-521-
29005-8.

Chapter 6
Mappila
For other uses, see Mappila (disambiguation).
For Christian title, see Nasrani Mappila.
A Mappila, also known as a Muslim Mappila or
Sir Syed College, Taliparamba
Jonaka Mappila, is a member of the largest Muslim
group in the Indian state of Kerala. The community arose
primarily as a result of the pre- and post-Islamic Arab
contacts.[1] Mappilas chiefly reside in the Malabar region.
Muslims of Kerala, of which Mappilas constitute a ma-jority,
make up the largest community in Kerala state:
24.70% of the population. As a religious group they are
the second largest after Hindus (56%).[2] Mappilas share
the common language of Malayalam with the other inhab-itants
of Kerala. Islam reached Malabar Coast as early as
the 7th century AD and was assimilated with the culture
and traditions of the local people. Over the centuries,
the strong relations of the Mappilas with the traders from
Arabia have created a profound impact on their life and
culture. This has resulted in the formation of a unique
tradition in literature, art, music, and history of the Map-pilas.
They form an integral part of the unique blend of
the culture of the Malayalam language speaking popu-lation.[
3][4] Most of the Mappilas follow Shafi'i School,
while a large minority follow movements that arose within
Sunni Islam.
A small number of Mappilas have settled in the south-ern
districts of Karnataka and western parts of Tamil
Nadu, while the scattered presence of these people in ma-jor
cities of India is comparable with other major com-munities
in Kerala. The diaspora groups of Mappilas in
Arab states of the Persian Gulf and Malaysia are compar-atively
large and, among the natives, they are also known
as “Malabaris” or “Malwaris.”
6.1 Etymology
There’s a difference of opinion on the exact origin of the
word “Mappila” (“Moplah” in Colonial sources). By and
large it is considered to be derived from a combination
of ancient Tamil or Malayalam language words maham
(“great”) or mam (“mother”)[5] and pillai (“son”).[6][7]
Some people believe that Mappila means “Son-in-Law”
as the Muslim visitors often married local women and
thus became son-in-laws. (Tamil Mappilai = Son in law).
Mappila was a term originally used to denote visitors and
immigrants to Malabar including the Muslims, Christians
and the Jews, who became the trading communities of
ancient Kerala. The Saint Thomas Christian community
of southern Kerala are also called “Nasrani Mappilas”.[8]
The Muslims of ancient Kerala were referred to as Jō-naka
or Cōnaka Mappila (Yavanaka Mappilas), to dis-tinguish
them from the Nasrani Mappila (Saint Thomas
Christians) and the Juda Mappila (Cochin Jews).[9]
6.2 History
The long-standing Arab, Greek, Persian, and later Por-tuguese
contact with the coastal areas of India left its per-manent
mark in the form of several communities. Mal-abar
and Kochi were two important princely states on
the western coast of India where the Arabs and Persians
found fertile soil for their trade activities. The Mappila
community of Kerala came into existence through the im-migration
of Arab traders to these regions.[10]
6.2.1 Early history
Contrary to popular belief, Islam came to South Asia
before Muslim invasions of Indian subcontinent. Arab
18

6.2. HISTORY 19
traders used to visit the Malabar region, which was a
link between them and ports of South East Asia, to
trade even before Islam had been established in Arabia.
This relation started as early as the 4th century CE.[11]
They intermarried with local people in Malabar and with
this admixture the large Mappila community of Kerala
evolved.[12] The trade of Arabs in the Malabar coast pros-pered
due to the rich availability of pepper and other
spices from its land. With many other factors, the support
they got from local Hindu rulers helped them to estab-lish
a monopoly in the commercial activities in the Indian
Ocean.[13]
According to tradition, the first Indian mosque was built
in 621 CE[14] by the last ruler of the Chera dynasty, who
converted to Islam during the lifetime of Muhammad (c.
571–632) in Kodungallur and facilitated the proliferation
of Islam in Malabar.[15] But this tradition hasn't found
any historical evidence.[16] There are a few more leg-ends
of the Mappilas which relate them with early Hindu
culture in Kerala; first one is regarding one Uppukutan
Mappila who appears in the legend of Parayi petta pan-thirukulam
(The twelve tribes born of a Pariah Woman)
and another one is the story of Ouwayi, a Jonaka Map-pila,
who through extreme devotion made the goddess of
Kozhikode appear before him.[17]
Islam may have been brought to the coasts of Kerala by
the Arabs within a few years of Muhammad’s proclama-tion
of his mission in the 7th century CE, and Mappilas
who were Islamized by the Arabs may be considered as
the first native Islamic community in South Asia.[16]
The 12th century Muslim traveller Ibn Battuta was sur-prised
when he discovered that the Mappila communities
near Calicut were the followers of Imam Shafi'i while the
rest of the Indian Muslims were not.
6.2.2 Modern history
Rebels, arrested during Mappila Rebellion in 1921
The monopoly of overseas trade in Malabar was safe
with Arab-Mappila alliance until the arrival of Portuguese
in Kerala.[18] At the time, a good number of Mappilas
were enlisted in the naval force of Zamorin, the ruler
of Calicut. The naval chiefs of Zamorin were usually
from Mappila community; they were given the title of
Marakkar. Initially, Portuguese traders were successful
in reaching in an agreement with the Zamorin and hence
got support from Mappilas. During this period, Por-tuguese
forces tried to establish monopoly in spice trade
using violent methods against the Arabs and other Mus-lim
merchants from the Middle East.[19] The possibility
that a few Muslim traders from Basra, Damascus, Tunis
and Egypt joined the Mappila community during this pe-riod
can not be ruled out.
Portuguese-Zamorin relation deteriorated and the mili-tary
of Zamorin, including Mappilas, engaged the Por-tuguese
colonial forces in 1524 CE.[19] The Portuguese
attacked and looted the Calicut town. They set the town
to fire and, in the arson, many buildings including the
Jami' Mosque of Mappilas were destroyed.[18][20] Ships
containing trading goods were drowned, along with thou-sands
of merchants and their families; anyone who was an
Arab was killed. All this resulted in the (Mappila) losing
control of the spice trade they had dominated for more
than a thousand years as well as losing more than half of
their population at the hands of the enemy.
In the Mysorean invasion of Kerala, Mappilas gave sup-port
to the invading military of Hyder Ali in 1765.[21] In
the following Mysorean rule of Malabar, Mappilas were
favoured against the Hindu landlords of the region and
the most notable advantage for the community during
this time is the grant of customary rights for the Map-pila
tenants over their land. However, such measures of
the Muslim rulers widened the communal imbalance of
Malabar and the British colonial forces taking advantage
of the situation allied with the Hindu upper-caste com-munities
to fight against the Mysore regime. The British
won the Anglo-Mysore War against Tippu Sultan and,
consequently, Malabar was organised as a district under
Madras Presidency. The British repaid landlord com-munities
with a slew of measures: The first one being
the abolishing of tenant rights over land.[22] The partisan
rule of British authorities brought the Mappila peasants
of Malabar into a condition of destitution which led to
a series of uprisings against the landlords and British in
1921; it took in the form of a communal war known as
Mappila Rebellion that lasted for six months and cost the
lives of about 10,000 people.[22][23] Mohommed Haji was
proclaimed the caliph of the Moplah Khilafat (Caliphate)
and flags of “Islamic Caliphate” were flown. Eranad and
Valluvanad were declared Khalifat kingdoms. The riot
was controlled by the British military and many Mappi-las
lost their lives in the military action and many were
taken as prisoners, mostly to Port Blair.
In the late 1960s, the Muslim League, a partner in the
Communist-led United Front coalition government, suc-cessfully
pressed for the creation of a new Malappuram
district with a majority of Muslims,[24] provoking an agi-tation
by Hindu opponents led by the Rashtriya Swayam-

20 CHAPTER 6. MAPPILA
sevak Sangh and the Bharatiya Jana Sangh.[25][26] Anx-ieties
about Muslim militancy in Kerala revived in the
1990s with the emergence of a populist Muslim dema-gogue,
Abdul Nazar Madani.[27]
6.3 Modern theological Mappila
sects of Kerala
All the Mappilas in kerala belongs to the Shafi school
of Sunni Muslims. Though a minor group of followers
may be found with Jamaat-e-Islami Hind and Tablighi
Jama'at, they are primarily divided into two:[28] as tra-ditional
Sunnis and Salafis. Both Sunnis and Salafis again
have been divided to sub-groups. These all sects engage
in a very fierce sectarian debates totally based in minor
and major theological viewpoints. Mahmood Kooria has
described about this: “beyond such theological debates,
the social issues or everyday problems of Muslim com-mons
are not at all a matter of concern for these religious
clerics. Even now, while the Muslim community in Ker-ala
continues to be economically and educationally back-ward,
they never engage with such grassroots issues.”[29]
6.4 Demographics
According to the 2001 census, about one-quarter of Ker-ala’s
population (or 7,863,842 people) were Muslims.
Some have settled in other states within India. There
are substantial numbers of Mappilas in nearby districts
of Kodagu, Mangalore, Bangalore, Coimbatore, etc. Fur-thermore,
a substantial proportion of Mappilas number-ing
between 3 million and 4 million people have left Ker-ala
to seek employment in the Middle East, especially in
Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates. Remittances
from these expatriate communities makes Kerala one of
the main contributors of foreign exchange to the Indian
economy.[30] Minister of State for Railways E. Ahamed,
industry minister of Kerala P.K. Kunhalikutty are two no-table
politicians from this community.
6.4.1 Diaspora
A few Mappilas left India after the Mappila revolt in 1921
to settle in Pakistan. Today, the vast majority of Malabari
Mappilas in Pakistan are Muhajirs from Karachi.
There is a Muslim Malabari colony in Karachi. Their
numbers are predicted to be anywhere around 6,000;
however, the vast majority have lost their cultural identity
and assimilated with locals as constituents of the Muhajir
community. Malabari cuisine is known for its masala
dosa, banana-sag, coconut-kari, hot spices, small-fish fry,
daal chawal and a delicious variety of vegetable dishes,
which have added to Karachi’s culinary scene.
Many of the present-day Tirulnelveli Muslims claim to be
descended from the Kerala Mappilas and follow Malabari
religious teachers and social culture. Indian Muslims who
followed Shafi'i from the coastal state of Kerala – which
borders Tamil Nadu – were forced by Portuguese attacks
on their villages in the 16th century to flee into the rural
interior.
6.5 Culture
6.5.1 Oppana
Main article: Oppana
It is a popular form of social entertainment among the
Oppana, a dance form among the Mappila community
Mappila community of Kerala, south India, prevalent all
over Kerala. It is generally presented by females num-bering
about fifteen including musicians, as a part of wed-ding
ceremonies a day before the wedding day. The bride,
dressed in all finery, covered with gold ornaments, is the
chief spectator; she sits on a peetam, around which the
singing and dancing take place. While they sing, they clap
their hands rhythmically and move around the bride using
simple steps. Two or three girls begin the songs and the
rest join the chorus.
6.5.2 Mappila Paattukal
Main article: Mappila songs
Mappila Paattu or Mappila Song is a folklore Muslim
devotional song genre rendered to lyrics in Arabic-laced
Malayalam, by Muslims or Mappilas of the Malabar belt
of Kerala in south India.[31] Mappila songs have a distinct
cultural identity, as they sound a mix of the ethos and
culture of Kerala as well as West Asia. They deal with
themes such as religion, love, satire and heroism. Most of
the mapillapatu are mixed with Malayalam, Hindi, Urdu,
Persian, Arabic, Tamil etc. it keeps many 'ishals’ (tunes),
prasams (rhyming parts) and things like that. Moyinkutty
Vaidyar is one of the oldest poets in mapilapattu.

6.6. SEE ALSO 21
A typical Mappila sword
6.5.3 Kolkali
Main article: Kolkali
Kolkkali is a popular dance form among the Mappila
Muslims in Malabar. It is played in group of 12 people
with two sticks, similar to the Dandiya dance of Gujarat.
6.5.4 Duff Muttu
Main article: Duff Muttu
Duff Muttu[32] (also called Dubh Muttu) is an art form
prevalent among Mappilas, using the traditional duff, or
daf, also called Thappitta. Participants dance to the
rhythm as they beat the duff.
6.6 See also
Cheraman Juma Masjid
Mappila Malayalam
Mappila Rebellion
List of Mappilas
Kuthu Ratheeb
Kodava maaple
6.7 References
[1] Panikkar, K. N., Against Lord and State: Religion and
Peasant Uprisings in Malabar 1836–1921
[2] Census of India 2001
[3] Pg 458–466, Roland Miller, The Encyclopaedia of Islam,
Vol VI, Brill 1988. Books.google.com. Retrieved 17
February 2012.
[4] “OH! CALICUT! Outlook Traveller, December 2009”.
Traveller.outlookindia.com. Retrieved 17 February 2012.
[5] Page 302, Journal of Indian history, Volumes 26–27,
University of Allahabad, 1949
[6] Miller Roland, Encyclopaedia of Islam, Volume 6 1988,
page 458
[7] Muslims, Dalits, and the fabrications of history. Shail Ma-yaram,
M.S.S. Pandian, Ajay Skaria
[8] Encyclopaedia of Islam, Volume 6, 1988, page 458
[9] “The Mappila fisherfolk of Kerala: a study in inter-relationship
between habitat, technology, economy, soci-ety,
and culture” (1977), P.R.G. Mathur, Anthropological
Survey of India, Kerala Historical Society, p. 1
[10] “MILITARY OCCUPY RIOT AREA IN INDIA; Mal-abar
District Put Under Martial Law After Lootings and
Burnings by Mobs. QUIET REPORTED RESTORED
Government Plans to Take Action Against Prominent Ag-itators
Held Responsible for Troubles”. The New York
Times. 28 August 1921.
[11] Shail Mayaram; M. S. S. Pandian; Ajay Skaria (2005).
Muslims, Dalits, and the Fabrications of History. Perma-nent
Black and Ravi Dayal Publisher. pp. 39–. ISBN
978-81-7824-115-9. Retrieved 24 July 2012.

22 CHAPTER 6. MAPPILA
[12] Rolland E. Miller (1993). Hindu-Christian Dialogue: Per-spectives
and Encounters. Motilal Banarsidass Publica-tions.
p. 50. ISBN 9788120811584.
[13] A. Rā Kulakarṇī (1996). Mediaeval Deccan History:
Commemoration Volume in Honour of Purshottam Ma-hadeo
Joshi. Popular Prakashan. pp. 54–55. ISBN 978-
81-7154-579-7. Retrieved 24 July 2012.
[14] Jonathan Goldstein (1999). The Jews of China. M.E.
Sharpe. p. 123. ISBN 9780765601049.
[15] Edward Simpson; Kai Kresse (2008). Struggling with His-tory:
Islam and Cosmopolitanism in the Western Indian
Ocean. Columbia University Press. p. 333. ISBN 978-0-
231-70024-5. Retrieved 24 July 2012.
[16] Uri M. Kupferschmidt (1987). The Supreme Muslim
Council: Islam Under the British Mandate for Palestine.
BRILL. pp. 458–459. ISBN 978-90-04-07929-8. Re-trieved
25 July 2012.
[17] Husain Raṇṭattāṇi (2007). Mappila Muslims: A Study
on Society and Anti Colonial Struggles. Other Books.
pp. 179–. ISBN 978-81-903887-8-8. Retrieved 25 July
2012.
[18] Mehrdad Shokoohy (29 July 2003). Muslim Architecture
of South India: The Sultanate of Ma'bar and the Traditions
of the Maritime Settlers on the Malabar and Coromandel
Coasts (Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Goa). Psychology Press.
p. 144. ISBN 978-0-415-30207-4. Retrieved 30 July
2012.
[19] Sanjay Subrahmanyam (29 October 1998). The Career
and Legend of Vasco Da Gama. Cambridge University
Press. pp. 293–294. ISBN 978-0-521-64629-1. Re-trieved
26 July 2012.
[20] The Edinburgh review: or critical journal – Sydney
Smith, Lord Francis Jeffrey Jeffrey, Macvey Napier,
Sir George Cornewall Lewis, William Empson, Harold
Cox, Henry Reeve, Arthur Ralph Douglas Elliot (Hon.).
Books.google.com. Retrieved 17 February 2012.
[21] Robert Elgood (15 November 1995). Firearms of the
Islamic World: in the Tared Rajab Museum, Kuwait.
I.B.Tauris. pp. 164–. ISBN 978-1-85043-963-9. Re-trieved
25 July 2012.
[22] Prema A. Kurien (7 August 2002). Kaleidoscopic Eth-nicity:
International Migration and the Reconstruction of
Community Identities in India. Rutgers University Press.
pp. 51–. ISBN 978-0-8135-3089-5. Retrieved 25 July
2012.
[23] “MOPLAHS A MENACE FOR SEVERAL YEARS;
Malabar Fanatics Said to Have Been Emboldened by
Shifting of British Troops”. The New York Times. 4
September 1921.
[24] Thomas Johnson Nossiter, Communism in Kerala: A Study
in Political Adaptation, Royal Institute of International Af-fairs,
ISBN 978-0-520-04667-2, pp. 251–252.
[25] James Chiriyankandath, Hindu nationalism and regional
political culture in India: A study of Kerala, Nationalism
and Ethnic Politics, Vol. 2, No. 1, Spring 1996 , DOI
10.1080/13537119608428458, p. 54.
[26] Protest Against Potential 'Mini-Pakistan'
[27] James Chiriyankandath, Changing Muslim Politics in
Kerala: Identity, Interests and Political Strategies, Journal
of Muslim Minority Affairs, Vol. 16, No. 2, July 1996, pp.
257–271
[28] Filippo Osella. “Kerala Muslims”. University of London.
p. 320. Retrieved 30 July 2012.
[29] Mahmood Kooria, 2013, Muslim Leadership with Sec-tarian
Obsessions: Can Keralite Islam Go Beyond Its
Century-long Fences? Café Dissensus, vol. 1
[30] Remittances and its Impact on the Kerala Economy and
Society – International migration, multi-local livelihoods
and human security: Perspectives from Europe, Asia and
Africa, Institute of Social Studies, The Netherlands, 30–
31 August 2007
[31] “Preserve identity of Mappila songs”. Chennai, India:
The Hindu. 7 May 2006. Retrieved 15 August 2009.
[32] “MADIKERI, COORG, “GADDIGE MOHIYADEEN
RATIB” islamic relegious “dikr” is held once in a year.”.
YouTube. Retrieved 17 February 2012.
6.8 Sources
The Cochin State Manual by Mr. C. Achutha
Menon, Government of Kerala, 1995
6.9 External links
Robert L. Hardgrave Jr., The Mappilla Rebellion,
1921: Peasant Revolt in Malabar
Muslim Identities: Shifting Boundaries and Dia-logues
Madhani Factor: Curse of Kerala Politics

Chapter 7
Saliya
Saliya (or Chaliyan or Sali or Sale) is a Malayali caste
which is derived from hindu artisan cast Padmashali. This
cast predominantly residing in the Indian states of Andhra
Pradesh, Telangana, Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu
and were at associated with the Satavahana empire in
olden days. The caste is traditionally occupied in weaving
and textile businesses and is identified by different names
in various regions throughout India.
7.1 Origins
Among the weaving castes of South India are the
Padmashali, Devanga and Kaikkolar, the first two of
which appear from the evidence of inscriptions to be na-tive
to Kannada- and Telugu-speaking regions.[1] How-ever,
the Kaikkolar community is native to Tamil-speaking
regions. The earliest mention of Kaikkolar as
weavers comes in an 8th-century Jain lexicon.[2] The an-cestors
of weavers of Kerala were migrants from Kan-nada,
Telugu and Tamil regions.
7.1.1 Caste names
The oldest names for weavers in Kannada and Telugu re-gions
were saliga (or its variants, sale, sali, saliya etc...)
or jeda (or its variants jada, jandra etc...). However, the
present day names like Devanga and Padmasali are the
results of Sanskritization with myths of origins. The orig-inal
names simply meant weaver (spider). While saliga is
tadbhava of jalikha, spider or weaver in Sanskrit, jeda is
a Kannada word for spider. According to Ramaswamy,
as part of the Virasaiva movement weavers championed
caste negation or anti-casteism initially.[3] However, as
time passed even that movement became caste ridden
and various communities started claiming ritual superior-ity
vis-a-vis other communities part of the same religion
and also against non-Virasaiva communities like Brah-mins.
As caste negation gave way to caste exultation even
weavers tried to obtain higher caste credentials and priv-ileges.
In the year 1231, at Chintamani (in present day
Karnataka region with a mixed Kannada/Telugu popula-tion)
it is said (a dubious claim according to Vijaya Ra-maswamy)
that a king granted privileges like right to the
yajnopavita (the sacred thread worn by Brahmins), right
to ride a palanquin, right to one’s own flag and symbol
etc... to Devanga weavers. Many of these privileges were
later granted to Padmashali weavers too.[4]
Edanga and Valanga
According to Ramaswamy, Sali weavers were always part
of right hand castes while Devanga and Kaikkolar were
part of left hand castes.[5] But in Kerala, Sali or Chaliyans
themselves divided into both right hand and left hand
castes.[6]
The lineage system of Edanga Saliya is called il-lam(
house). These are exogamous septs. This lin-eage
system is similar to that practiced by non-Brahmin
Tuluvas. The Saliyan’s in Tamil Nadu too have these ex-ogamous
septs also known as vidu(house) but they have
also acquired gotras in addition to vidus.[7] This situation
is also observed among Telugu Sali weavers too.
7.2 Saliya association with other
Malayali castes
According to Malayali caste system, Saliyas were part
of 18 Malayali castes who were collectively known as
Nairs.[8] The Saliya men were part of Nair pada(Nair
brigade)s and would actively participate in battles/wars in
old days.[9] In South Malabar they even adopted surname
Nair.[10]
In Kannur, Ashtamachal Bhagavathy temple part of
Payyannur Teru has a unique tradition of a festival called
Meenamrithu which is related to sea trading culture of
the past. It was believed to have belonged to a merchant
community called Valanjiyar belonging to left-hand caste
group in the past. However, now Saliyas conduct this rit-ual.
But relationship between Valanjiyar and Saliya com-munities
at present is still a speculation.[11]
23

24 CHAPTER 7. SALIYA
7.3 See also
Bhuiyar or Bhuyiar
Kori
Koli people
Tanti
Kabirpanthi Julaha
7.4 References and notes
[1] Ramaswamy, Vijaya (2006). Textiles and Weavers in
South India (2nd ed.). Oxford University Press. p. 13.
ISBN 978-0-19-567633-4.
ISBN 978-0-19-567633-4.
ISBN 978-0-19-567633-4.
ISBN 978-0-19-567633-4.
South India (2nd ed.). Oxford University Press. pp. 58–
59. ISBN 978-0-19-567633-4.
[6] Thurston, Edgar (1909). Castes and Tribes of southern
India(Volume 2). Government Press, Madras.
[7] Castes and Tribes of South India, By Edgar Thurston, K.
Rangachari. p. 277,278
[8] Jatinirnaya, believed to be eighteenth century work
[9] A Description of the coasts of East Africa and Malabar
in the beginning of Sixteenth Century, Author: Duarte
Barbosa
[10] Social change in Modern India, Author: M N Srinivas
[11] Meenamruthu Festival
7.5 Additional references
Caste and Race in India by G.S. Ghurye
History of Handlooms
Report on Growth and Prospects of the Handloom
industry.

Chapter 8
Vanniyar
For other uses, see Vanniar (Chieftain).
The Vanniyar are a community or jāti found in Southern
India.
8.1 Etymology
Several etymologyies for Vanniyar have been suggested,
including the Sanskrit vahni (“fire”),[1] the Dravidian val
(“strength”),[2] or the Sanskrit or Pali vana (“forest”).[3]
Another theory is that they are named for the vanni tree
which they held sacred.
8.2 Historical status
In the 19th century the Vanniyar held a low position in
both Lower Burma and in South India.[4][5] For exam-ple,
Dharma Kumar refers to several early 19th century
authors who describe the Palli in South India as being
higher than untouchables,[4] while Michael Adas says that
in Burma the Palli were “socially better off” than the
untouchable castes but were “economically equally ex-ploited
and deprived”.[5]
Researcher Lloyd I. Rudolph notes that as early as 1833,
the Palli filed a claim in Pondicherry to prove they were
not a low caste, and in preparation for the 1871 Indian
census they petitioned to be recognised as being of the
Kshatriya (warrior) varna of Hindu society. By 1931,
due to their successful politicking, the term Palli was re-moved
from the Madras census, with the term Vanniya
Kula Kshatriya appearing instead.[6]
The Vanniyar formed a number of caste organisations,
with the Vanniyakula Kshatriya Maha Sangam appearing
in Chennai in 1888.[7]
8.3 Present
Traditionally most Vanniyars are agricultural labourers.
Increasingly however, they are benefiting from political
influence and organization and they now own 50% of the
lands of the traditional landowners. The Vanniyars were
classified as the Most Backward Caste after successful
agitations in the 1980s. Vanniyars are the single largest
community in Tamil Nadu.[8]
8.4 Malayaman
Many castes today claim descent from Malayaman. Den-nis
B. McGilvray states “Malayaman is a section of the
Udaiyar caste in South Arcot today, but Burton Stein also
finds the title in a thirteenth-century inscription identify-ing
Vanniyar subcastes of South Arcot in the left-right
caste classification typical of the Chola empire.”[9]
8.5 Kadavas
Noboru Karashima believes that epigraphic evidence
proves that leaders of the Kadava dynasty were Vanni-yar
by caste. He says “We have three more inscrip-tions
of Kulottungachola Kadavarayan, which are found
in Viriddhachalam (SII, vii-150: SA, 1148), Srimushnam
(ARE, 1916-232: 1152), and Tirunarunkondai (SITI-
74:SA, 1156). In the first two he is described as a
Palli”. Karashima also refers to other Kadava chiefs, be-ing
Kachchiyarayan, Cholakon and Nilagangaraiyan.
Karashima says “From the above it is clear that the Ka-dava
chiefs, who were Pallis (Vanniyars) by jati and had
estabilished their power in Gadilam River area.”[10]
8.6 Notables
S. S. Ramasamy Padayachi, Founder of the Workers
Toilers Party
S. Ramadoss, Founder, Pattali Makkal Katchi
(PMK)
Kaduvetti Guru, Vanniar Sangam Leader, MLA
Jayamkondam
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