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This document is a preface to a global studies reader that introduces the concept of globalization through the lens of social media interactions and consumer goods. It notes how communicating online and visiting stores exposes people to global connections, as friends around the world engage on topics and products originate from multiple countries. The preface aims to provide a friendly introduction to thinking globally through everyday experiences.

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THINKINGGLOBALLY THINKINGGLOBALLY AGlobalStudiesReader EDITEDBY MarkJuergensmeyer UNIVERSITYOFCALIFORNIAPRESS Berkeley Los Angeles London University of California Press, one of the most distinguished university pressesintheUnitedStates,enricheslivesaroundtheworldbyadvanci ng scholarship in thehumanities, social sciences, andnatural sciences. Its activitiesaresupportedbytheUCPressFoundationandbyphilanthro pic contributionsfromindividualsandinstitutions.Formoreinformatio n,visit www.ucpress.edu. UniversityofCaliforniaPress
BerkeleyandLosAngeles,California UniversityofCaliforniaPress,Ltd. London,England ©2014byTheRegentsoftheUniversityofCalifornia LibraryofCongressCataloging-in-PublicationData Thinking globally : a global studies reader / edited by Mark Juergensmeyer. pagescm. Includesbibliographicalreferencesandindex. ISBN978-0-520-27844-8(pbk.:alk.paper) eISBN9780520958012 1.Globalization—Textbooks. I.Juergensmeyer,Mark. JZ1318.T456 2014 303.48’2—dc23 2013022129 23 22 21 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Inkeepingwithacommitmenttosupportenvironmentallyresponsibl eand sustainableprintingpractices,UCPresshasprintedthisbookonNatur es Natural,a fiber thatcontains30%post-consumerwasteandmeets the minimumrequirementsofANSI/NISOZ39.48- 1992(R1997)(Permanenceof Paper). http://www.ucpress.edu
CONTENTS Preface:AFriendlyIntroductiontoGlobalStudies PARTI:INTRODUCTION 1. ThinkingGlobally Whatisglobalizationandhowdowemakesenseofit? ManfredSteger,“Globalization:AContestedConcept” fromGlobalization:AVeryShortIntroduction ThomasFriedman,“TheWorldIsTenYearsOld” fromTheLexusandtheOliveTree PaulJames,“ApproachestoGlobalization” fromTheEncyclopediaofGlobalStudies StevenWeber,“HowGlobalizationWentBad” fromForeignPolicy FurtherReading 2. GlobalizationoverTime Globalizationhasahistory: thecurrentglobalera isprefacedbyperiodsof economicinteraction,socialexpansion,andintenseculturalencount ers WilliamMcNeill,“Globalization:LongTermProcessorNewErainH uman Affairs?” fromNewGlobalStudies JaneBurbankandFrederickCooper,“ImperialTrajectories”
fromEmpiresinWorldHistory ImmanuelWallerstein,“OntheStudyofSocialChange” fromTheModernWorldSystem DominicSachsenmaier,“MovementsandPatterns:Environmentsof Global History” fromGlobalPerspectivesonGlobalHistory FurtherReading PARTII:THEMARCHOFGLOBALIZATION,BYREGION 3. Africa:TheRiseofEthnicPoliticsinaGlobalWorld The impact of the slave trade and colonialization on Africa, influence of African culture on the Americas, and African aspects of the global rise of ethnicpolitics NayanChanda,“TheHiddenStoryofaJourney” fromBoundTogether DilipHiro,“Slavery” fromTheEncyclopediaofGlobalStudies JeffreyHaynes,“AfricanDiasporaReligions” fromTheEncyclopediaofGlobalStudies JacobK.Olupona,“ThinkingGloballyaboutAfricanReligion” fromTheOxfordHandbookofGlobalReligions OkwudibaNnoli,“TheCycleof‘State-Ethnicity-
State’inAfricanPolitics” fromMOSTEthno-NetAfrica FurtherReading 4. TheMiddleEast:ReligiousPoliticsandAntiglobalization TheriseofglobalreligiousculturesfromtheMiddleEast,andcurrentr eligious politicsaspartofaglobalchallengetosecularism MohammedBamyeh,“TheIdeologyoftheHorizons” fromTheSocialOriginsofIslam SaidAmirArjomand,“ThinkingGloballyaboutIslam” fromTheOxfordHandbookofGlobalReligions JonathanFox,“AreMiddleEastConflictsMoreReligious?” fromMiddleEastQuarterly BarahMikaïl,“ReligionandPoliticsinArabTransitions” fromFRIDEpolicybrief FurtherReading 5. SouthandCentralAsia:GlobalLaborandAsianCulture ThespreadofAsianculturesfromIndiaandCentralAsiaviatraderoute s;the roleofSouthAsiainglobaltradeandinformationtechnology RichardFoltz,“ReligionsoftheSilkRoad” fromReligionsoftheSilkRoad MorrisRossabi,“TheEarlyMongols” fromKhubilaiKhan:HisLifeandTimes
VasudhaNarayanan,“Hinduism” fromTheEncyclopediaofGlobalStudies BarbaraD.MetcalfandThomasR.Metcalf,“Revolt,theModernState, and ColonizedSubjects,1848–1885” fromAConciseHistoryofIndia CarolUpadhyaandA.R.Vasavi,“OutpostsoftheGlobalInformation Economy” fromInanOutpostoftheGlobalEconomy:WorkandWorkersinIndia’ s TechnologyIndustry FurtherReading 6. EastAsia:GlobalEconomicEmpires The role of East Asia in global economic history, and the rise of new economiesinChina,Japan,andSouthKoreabasedonglobaltrade KennethPomeranz,“TheGreatDivergence” fromTheGreatDivergence:China,Europe,andtheMakingoftheMod ern WorldEconomy AndreGunderFrank,“The21stCenturyWillBeAsian” fromTheNikkeiWeekly StevenRadelat,JeffreySachs,andJong- WhaLee,“EconomicGrowthinAsia” fromEmergingAsia Ho-FungHung,“IstheRiseofChinaSustainable?” fromChinaandtheTransformationofGlobalCapitalism
FurtherReading 7. SoutheastAsiaandthePacific:TheEdgesofGlobalization TheemergenceofSoutheastAsiafromcolonialcontrol;theriseofAus tralia andNewZealand,andthePacificIslandsontheedgesofglobalization GeorgesCoedès,“TheIndianizedStatesofSoutheastAsia” fromTheIndianizedStatesofSoutheastAsia BenedictAnderson,“ImaginedCommunities” fromImaginedCommunities SuchengChan,“Vietnam,1945–2000:TheGlobalDimensionsof Decolonization,War,Revolution,andRefugeeOutflows” CelesteLipowMacLeod,“AsianConnections” fromMultiethnicAustralia:ItsHistoryandFuture JoelRobbins,“PacificIslandsReligiousCommunities” fromTheOxfordHandbookofGlobalReligions FurtherReading 8. EuropeandRussia:NationalismandTransnationalism TheroleofEuropeincreatingtheconceptofthenation,transnationalp olitics intheSovietUnion,andtheriseoftheEuropeanUnion PeterStearns,“The1850sasTurningPoint:TheBirthofGlobalization ?” fromGlobalizationinWorldHistory
EricHobsbawm,“TheNation” fromTheNationasNovelty SeylaBenhabib,“Citizens,Residents,andAliensinaChangingWorld ” fromThePostnationalSelf OddArneWestad,“SovietIdeologyandForeignInterventionsintheG lobal ColdWar” fromTheGlobalColdWar JürgenHabermas,“CitizenshipandNationalIdentity” fromPraxisInternational FurtherReading 9. TheAmericas:DevelopmentStrategies The European conquest of the Americas, the rise of new societies, and varyingpatternsofeconomicdevelopmentwithinaglobalcontext CharlesC.Mann,“DiscoveringtheNewWorldColumbusCreated” from1493:DiscoveringtheNewWorldColumbusCreated TzvetanTodorov,“TheReasonsfortheVictory” fromTheConquestofAmerica FrancisFukuyama,“ExplainingtheDevelopmentGapbetweenLatin America andtheUnitedStates” fromFallingBehind DenisLynnDalyHeyck,“SurvivingGlobalizationinThreeLatinAme
rican Communities” fromSurvivingGlobalizationinThreeLatinAmericanCommunities FurtherReading PARTIII:TRANSNATIONALGLOBALISSUES 10. GlobalForcesintheNewWorldOrder Paradigmsfor thinkingabout thenewworldorder (ordisorder) in thepost– ColdWarglobalera BenjaminBarber,“Jihadvs.McWorld” fromJihadvs.McWorld SamuelHuntington,“AMultipolar,MulticivilizationalWorld” fromTheClashofCivilizationsandtheRemakingofWorldOrder MichaelHardtandAntonioNegri,“Empire” fromEmpire SaskiaSassen,“GlobalCities” fromTheEncyclopediaofGlobalStudies FurtherReading 11. TheErosionoftheNation-State Thefadingstrengthofthenation- stateandtheriseofalternativeconceptions ofworldorder KenichiOhmae,“TheCartographicIllusion” fromTheEndoftheNation-State SusanStrange,“TheWestfailureSystem”
fromReviewofInternationalStudies ZygmuntBauman,“AftertheNation-State—What?” fromGlobalization:TheHumanConsequences WilliamI.Robinson,“TheTransnationalState” fromATheoryofGlobalCapitalism FurtherReading 12. ReligiousPoliticsandtheNewWorldOrder The religious challenge to the secular state in new conceptions of political order MonicaDuffyToft,DanielPhilpott,andTimothySamuelShah,“TheT wenty-first CenturyasGod’sCentury” fromGod’sCentury:ResurgentReligionandGlobalPolitics MarkJuergensmeyer,“ReligionintheNewGlobalOrder” fromEurope:ABeautifulIdea? OlivierRoy,“AlQaedaandtheNewTerrorists” fromGlobalizedIslam:TheSearchforaNewUmmah RichardFalk,“ReligionandHumaneGlobalGovernance” fromReligionandHumaneGlobalGovernance FurtherReading 13. TransnationalEconomyandGlobalLabor Economic globalization: its relation to national economies, the growth of
transnationalcorporations,andthechangingroleoflabor RichardAppelbaum,“Outsourcing” fromTheEncyclopediaofGlobalStudies NelsonLichtenstein,“Wal- Mart:Templatefor21stCenturyCapitalism?” fromNewLaborForum RobertB.Reich,“WhoIsUs?” fromHarvardBusinessReview JagdishBhagwati,“TwoCritiquesofGlobalization” fromInDefenseofGlobalization JosephStiglitz,“TowardaGlobalizationwithaMoreHumanFace” fromGlobalizationandItsDiscontents FurtherReading 14. GlobalFinanceandFinancialInequality Changesintheconceptofmoneyandinternationalfinancialmarkets BenjaminJ.Cohen,“MoneyinInternationalAffairs” fromTheGeographyofMoney StephenJ.Kobrin,“ElectronicCashandtheEndofNationalMarkets” fromForeignPolicy GlennFirebaugh,“TheRiseinIncomeDisparitiesovertheNineteenth and TwentiethCenturies” fromTheNewGeographyofGlobalIncomeInequality
DaniRodrik,“GlobalizationforWhom?” fromHarvardMagazine FurtherReading 15. DevelopmentandtheRoleofWomenintheGlobalEconomy Competing views of development and the role of women in the global economy AlvinY.So,“SocialChangeandDevelopment” fromSocialChangeandDevelopment MayraBuvinić,“WomeninPoverty:ANewGlobalUnderclass” fromForeignPolicy Kum- KumBhavnani,JohnForan,PriyaA.Kurian,andDebashishMunshi,“ From theEdgesofDevelopment” fromOntheEdgesofDevelopment:CulturalInterventions FurtherReading 16. TheHiddenGlobalEconomyofSexandDrugs Illegaltraffickinginpeopleanddrugs,andtheglobalattemptstocontr olthem DavidShirk,“TheDrugWarinMexico” fromTheDrugWarinMexico:ConfrontingaCommonThreat EduardoPorter,“NumbersTellofFailureinDrugWar” fromtheNewYorkTimes KevinBales,“TheNewSlavery” fromDisposablePeople:NewSlaveryintheGlobalEconomy
BarbaraEhrenreichandArlieRussellHochschild,“Nannies,Maids,a ndSex WorkersintheGlobalEconomy” fromGlobalWoman FurtherReading 17. GlobalEnvironmentalandHealthCrises The principal environmental and health problems that transcend national boundaries,andglobalattemptstoalleviatethem CatherineGautier,“ClimateChange” fromTheEncyclopediaofGlobalStudies RonFujita,“TurningtheTide” fromHealtheOcean: Solution sforSavingOurSeas HakanSeckinelgin,“HIV/AIDS” fromTheEncyclopediaofGlobalStudies FurtherReading
18. GlobalCommunicationsandNewMedia The role of new media—video, internet, and social networking—in global cultureandpolitics YudhishthirRajIsar,“GlobalCultureandMedia” fromTheEncyclopediaofGlobalStudies MichaelCurtin,“MediaCapitalinChineseFilmandTelevision” fromPlayingtotheWorld’sBiggestAudience:TheGlobalizationof ChineseFilmandTV NatanaJ.DeLong-Bas,“TheNewSocialMediaandtheArabSpring” fromOxfordIslamicStudiesOnline PippaNorris,“TheWorldwideDigitalDivide” fromHarvardUniversityKennedySchoolofGovernment FurtherReading 19. TheGlobalMovementforHumanRights Transnationalnetworkssupportinghumanrightsandlegalprotection forall MichelineIshay,“GlobalizationandItsImpact”
fromTheHistoryofHumanRights:FromAncientTimestothe GlobalizationEra AlisonBrysk,“TransnationalThreatsandOpportunities” fromGlobalizationandHumanRights EveDarian-Smith,“HumanRightsasanEthicsofProgress” fromLawsandSocietiesinGlobalContexts:ContemporaryApproach es DavidHeld,“ChangingFormsofGlobalOrder” fromCosmopolitanism FurtherReading 20. TheFutureofGlobalCivilSociety Theemergingsenseofglobalcitizenship,andnongovernmentalorgan izations and movements comprising a new “global civil society”: is this the global future? MaryKaldor,“SocialMovements,NGOs,andNetworks”
fromGlobalCivilSociety JanNederveenPieterse,“ShapingGlobalization:WhyGlobalFuture s?” fromGlobalFutures GilesGunn,“BeingOther- Wise:CosmopolitanismandItsDiscontents” fromIdeastoDieFor:CosmopolitanisminaGlobalEra KwameAnthonyAppiah,“MakingConversation” fromCosmopolitanism:EthicsinaWorldofStrangers FurtherReading Acknowledgments Index PREFACE AFriendlyIntroductiontoGlobalStudies IhavealotoffriendsonFacebook,andtheyliveinallpartsoftheworld.I f
Ipostsomethingaboutglobaltrade,IgetresponsesfromfriendsinChi na andBrazil.IfIputupalinkaboutinterfaithharmony,Igetappreciative “likes” from friends in Indonesia, India, and Northern Ireland. When I commentaboutdomesticpolitics intheUnitedStates,I’moftenpolitely ignoredbymyfriendsintheotherpartoftheworld,whofindmylocal obsessions as arcane as I view their postings on Eritrean political squabbles.ButwhenIpostalinktoawebsitethatportraysnothingbut picturesofbouncingcats,Ireceiveappreciativenoticesfromaroundt he world.Everyone,itseems,lovesbouncingcats. Itisnotjustthebouncingcatsthatareglobal,however.It’severything. The very process of interaction and communication beyond national bordersisafeatureofourglobalizedworld.AnditisnotjustFacebook. Everytimeyougoonline,yougoglobal. Whenyouturnoffthecomputerandgotothestore,chancesareyou willencounternotjustyourlocalmilieu.AtriptoWalmartisajourneyi nto theglobalarena.Andwhenyoubringhomeallthatstuffmadenotonlyi
n China but also in myriad countries around the world, you are literally bringingglobalizationhome.Trythissimplepartygamewithyourfrie nds. Guessthecountryoneveryone’sclothinglabels,thenchecktoseewher e the t-shirts and jackets and everything else you and your friends are wearing were made—Bangladesh, Trinidad, Cambodia, Yemen, or wherever.Seehowmanycountriesarerepresented.Andthenimaginet he journeythattheclothinghadtomake,fromcottonfieldstotextilefacto ries toseaportsandcargocontainerstodistributioncenterstoretailstores andeventuallytotheclosetsofyouandyourfriends.Perhapsthemost globalareaofyourhouseisthatcloset. Insomecases,youdonothave togoanywhere to findexamplesof globalizationbecausetheycometoyou.Globalizationpermeatesthea ir thatyoubreathe—
includingtinyparticlesemittedfromvolcaniceruptions half a world away. It affects your weather, as cycles of warming and coolingairreacttoglobalclimatechange.Andglobalizationispartoft he foodthatyoueat.ThisisobviousifyouhaveatasteforChinesetake-out orpadThainoodlesorMexicanburritos.Butevenifyouareameat-and- potatoeskindofpersonwholikesalittletomatosaladontheside,youar e enjoyingtheeffectsofglobalizationaboutfivehundredyearsago.Itw as then that potatoes and tomatoes, plants originally found only in South America,weretakenelsewherebyexplorerstobecomeapartofthefoo d habits in North America, Europe, and around the world. Their dissemination was part of the extraordinary global diffusion of plants, germs, andcultures that followedEuropeancontactswith theWestern Hemisphere,beginningwithColumbusin1492. Soglobalizationiswovenintothefabricofourdailylives.Tostudyitis tofocusonthecentralfeatureoflifeinthetwenty- firstcentury.Buthow
doyougoaboutstudyingglobalization?Isitreallypossibletostudythe wholeworld?Doesn’t thismeanstudyingalmosteverything?And if so, wheredoyoubegin? Thesewerethequestionsinthemindsofagroupofscholarswhometin Tokyoin2008.TheyhadmettheyearbeforeinSantaBarbara,Californ ia, toexplorethepossibilityofcreatinganewinternationalorganizationf or representatives of graduate programs in global studies—a whole new academicfieldthathadbeencreated invariousuniversitiesaroundthe world. The first college programs to be called “global studies” were formed in the mid-1990s, and within a decade there were hundreds. Studentsflockedtothenewprograms, intuitivelyknowingthatthiswas something important.By theendof the firstdecadeof the twenty- first century,graduateprogramshadbeenestablishedindozensofuniversi ties inAsia,Europe,andNorthAmerica,includingJapan,SouthKorea,Ch ina,
India,Germany,Denmark,Russia,theUnitedKingdom,Australia,Ca nada, andtheUnitedStates.Thefieldofglobalstudieshadarrived. But what was in this new field of study? When the scholars came togetherinTokyoin2008,theirmaingoalsweretoanswerthisquestion andtodefinethemajorfeaturesofthefieldofglobalstudies.Theycame expectingtohavesomethingofafight.Afterall,eachoftheseprograms haddevelopedindependentlyfromtheothers.Whenrepresentativeso fall these different programs came together, they did not know what they wouldfind,thinkingthatthefieldofglobalstudieswouldbedefinedva stly differentlyinTokyo,Leipzig,andMelbourne.Butasitturnedout,this was notthecase.Happily,therewasagreatdealofagreementattheoutset regardingwhatthefieldofglobalstudiescontainedandhowtogoabout studyingit. Thefivecharacteristicsofglobalstudiesthatthescholarsagreedonat
that memorable founding meeting of the international Global Studies ConsortiuminTokyoarediscussedbelow. Transnational. ThescholarsinTokyoagreedthatthefieldofglobalstudies focuses primarily on the analysis of events, activities, ideas, trends, processes, and phenomena that appear across national boundaries and cultural regions. These include activities such as economic distribution systems, and ideologies such as nationalism or religious beliefs. The scholarsusedthetermculturalregionsaswellasnations, since these kinds of global flows of activity and ideas transcend the limitations of regions even when they are not the same as national boundaries. Historically,muchoftheactivitythatwecall“transnational”mightm ore properlybecalled“transregional,”sinceitoccurredbeforetheconcep tof nationwasappliedtostates. Interdisciplinary. Since transnational phenomena are complex,
these are examinedfrommanydisciplinarypointsofview. Ingeneral, the fieldof global studies does not keep strict disciplinary divisions among, for instance, sociological, historical, political, literary, or other academic fields.Rather,ittakesaproblem- focusedapproach,lookingatsituations suchasglobalwarmingortheriseofnewreligio-political ideologiesas specificcases.Tomakesenseof theseproblemareasrequiresmultiple perspectives,whichmaybeeconomic,political,social,cultural,relig ious, ideological, or environmental. Scholars involved in global studies often workininterdisciplinaryteamsorfreelyusetermsandconceptsacross fieldsofstudy.Thesescholarscomefromallfieldsofthesocialscience s (especiallyfromsociology,economics,politicalscience,andanthrop ology). And many of the fields are also related to the humanities, including particularlythefieldsofhistory,literature,religiousstudies,andthea rts.
Somescholarshaveexpertiseinareasofscience,suchasenvironmenta l studiesandpublichealth. Contemporary and Historical. Wethinkofglobalizationasbeingprimarily contemporary,somethinguniquetoourtime.Butitisalsohistorical.T rue, thepaceandintensityofglobalizationhaveincreasedenormouslyinth e post–ColdWarperiodofthetwentiethcenturyandevenmoresointhe twenty-first century. But transnational activities have had historical antecedents. There are moments in history—such as in the ancient MediterraneanworldduringtheRomanandGreekEmpires— whenthere wasagreatdealoftransnationalactivityandinterchangeoneconomic, cultural, and political levels. The global reach of European colonialism from the sixteenth century to the twentieth century provides another
example of a global stratum of culture, education, technology, and economicactivityuponwhicharebasedmanyaspectsoftheglobalizat ion of the twenty-first century. Thus, to fully understand the patterns of globalizationtoday,itisnecessarytoprobetheirhistoricalprecedents . CriticalandMulticultural. TheAmericanandEuropeanviewofglobalization isnottheonlyone.Althoughmanyaspectsofcontemporaryglobalizat ion arebasedonEuropeancolonialprecedents,mostglobalstudiesschola rs donotacceptuncriticallythenotionthatpeopleintheWestshouldbeth e onlyonestobenefit fromeconomic,political,andculturalglobalization. Someglobalstudiesscholarsavoidusingthetermglobalizationtodes cribe theirsubjectofstudy,sincethetermsometimesisinterpretedtoimplyt he promotionofaWestern- dominatedhegemonicprojectaimedatspreading
theacceptanceof laissez-faire liberal economics throughout theworld. Otherscholarsdescribetheirapproachas“criticalglobalizationstudi es,” implyingthattheirexaminationofglobalizationisnotintendedtopro mote or privilege Western economic models of globalization, but rather to understandit. Tounderstandglobalizationwellrequiresviewingitfrommanycultur al perspectives— fromAfricanandAsian,aswellasEuropeanandAmerican, pointsofview.Scholarsofglobalstudiesacknowledgethatglobalizat ion andotherglobalissues,activities,andtrendscanbevieweddifferently in differentpartsoftheworldandfromdifferentsocio- economiclevelswithin eachlocality.Forthatreason,scholarsofglobalstudiessometimesspe ak of“manyglobalizations”or“multipleperspectivesonglobalstudies. ”This positionacknowledgesthatthereisnodominantparadigmorperspecti
ve inglobalstudiesthatisvaluedoverothers. GloballyResponsible. Scholarswhoworkinglobalstudiesoftenadvance anadditionalcriterionforwhattheydo:tohelpmaketheworldabetter placeinwhichtolive.Byfocusingonglobalproblems,scholarsimplyt hat theywanttohelpsolvethoseproblems.Theyalsohopetofosterasense of globalcitizenshipamongtheirstudents.Theyliketothinkthattheyare helpingtocreate“globalliteracy”— theabilitytofunctioninanincreasingly globalizedworld—byunderstandingboth thespecificaspectsofdiverse culturesandtraditionsandthecommonlyexperiencedglobaltrendsan d patterns.Otherteachersassertthattheyareprovidingtrainingin“glob al leadership,” giving potential leaders of transnational organizations and movements the understanding and skills that will help them to
solve problemsanddealwithissuesonaglobalscale. Inthisbookwewillembracealloftheseaspectsofglobalstudies.In Part2,wewillmovearoundtheworldfromregiontoregion— fromAfrica, theMiddleEast,SouthandCentralAsia,EastAsia,andSoutheastAsia and thePacificareatoEuropeandbicontinentalRussiaandtheAmericas. We explore readings that show how globalization is viewed from the perspectiveofeachregion,bothhistoricallyandtoday.Wewillconsid er howglobal factorshaveaffectedeachregionandhoweachregionhas contributed to the larger currents of globalization during different historicalperiods. InPart3,wewilllookatmajortransnationalissuestoday,includingthe declineofthenation- state,theriseofnewreligiouspolitics,andseveral economic issues—such as finance, currency, and labor in the global economy;problemsofdevelopmentandtheroleofwomenintheworld
’s workforce;andthehiddeneconomyinvolvingtradeinsexandillicitdr ugs. We will also explore global environmental problems, including climate change,transnationaldiseasesandotherglobalhealthissues,andglob al communicationsandnewmedia,andendwithasectionontheroleofciv il society in theglobal future. In choosing the readings to explore these issues,Ihavetriedtoachieveabalanceamongdisciplinaryandcultura l perspectives.AndIhopeformyreaderstonotonlyunderstandthenatur e ofglobalproblems,butalsotoconsidersomeofthepossibilitiesinsolv ing them. Sowhenyouenter the fieldofglobal studies, youareencountering someofthemostsignificantaspectsofourcontemporaryworld.Youar e engagingwiththetransnationalissuesthathaveshapedtheregionsoft he world fromancient times to thepresentand thatareamong themost
pressingissuesofourcontemporaryera.LiketheInternet,globalstudi es drawsyouintothiswiderworld.Butglobalstudies,atitsbest,doesmor e than that. As these readings will show, the scholars engaged in these studieshavehonedtheiranalyticskillstomakecriticalassessmentsan d reasonedjudgmentsaboutthecharacteroftheglobaltransformationst hat areoccurringaroundus.Thisdoesnotmakethesescholarsinfallible;i n fact,theyfrequentlydisagreewithoneanother.Buttheirinsightsdom ake them friends—notonly tobe liked,butalso tobechallengedby, tobe emulated,andtobeknown. PARTI
INTRODUCTION 1 THINKINGGLOBALLY Yourfriendsmayhavepeekedoveryourshouldersatthisbookandaske d whyyouareinterestedinglobalstudies.Andtheymighthaveadded,ju st whatisthat,anyway?Sowhatdoyoutellthem?Youcouldsaythatyouar e studyingwhatgoeson in theworld thatknitsusall together—but that soundssortofsoftandsquishy.Oryoucouldtellthemthatyouarestudy ing theeconomicandtechnologicalnetworksthatinteractonaglobalplan e. Butthat’sonlypartofthestory. Thehonest truth is that“globalstudies”canmeana lotofdifferent things,boththehardandthesquishy.Itisusuallydefinedastheanalysis of events,activities,ideas,processes,andflowsthataretransnationalort
hat canaffectallareasoftheworld.Theseglobalactivitiescanbestudieda s onepart of theestablisheddisciplinesof sociology, economics,political science,history,religiousstudies,andthelike.Orglobalstudiescanb ea separatecourseorpartofawholenewprogramordepartment. Asanacademicfield,globalstudiesisfairlynew.Itblossomedlargely aftertheturnofthetwenty- firstcentury.Buttheintellectualrootsofthe fieldlieinthepioneeringworkofthemanydifferentscholarswhohave thoughtgloballyovermanydecades.These thinkershaveattempted to understand how things are related and have explored the connections amongsocieties,polities,economies,andculturalsystemsthroughou tthe world. Onecouldarguethatthefirstglobalstudiesscholarswereamongthe foundersofthesocialsciences.Overahundredyearsagothepioneerin g GermansociologistMaxWeber(1864–
1920)wroteaseriesofworkson thereligionsofIndia,China,Judaism,andProtestantChristianity.We ber was interested in findingwhatwasdistinctiveabouteachof them,and what was similar among all of them. Weber also attempted to discern universal elements in the development of all societies. He showed, for example, that a certain kind of rational and legal authority and its associated bureaucratization was a globalizing process. Though his intellectualinterestswereEuropocentric,hiscuriosityspannedthegl obe. Other early social scientists were also global thinkers. The French sociologistÉmileDurkheim(1858– 1917)focusedfirstonsomethingvery local: case studies of tribal societies. What he found, however, was
somethingheregardedasquiteglobal:theriseoforganicsolidaritybas ed onfunctionalinterdependence.TheGermanphilosopherandsocialcr itic KarlMarx(1818– 1883)likewiseassumedthathistheorieswereuniversal. Marxshowedthatcapitalismwasaglobalizingforce,onethatwouldca use bothproductionsystemsandmarketstoexpandtoencompasstheentir e world. IdeasinEurope,NorthAmerica,andtherestoftheWesternizedworld wereinfluencedbythinkerssuchasthese.Atthesametime,significant thinking about intercultural commonalities and global awareness was beingdevelopedin intellectualcenters inotherpartsof theworld.The tolerantidealsoftheMuslimthinkerIbnKhaldunwereinfluentialinN orth Africa and the Middle East, and notions of universal brotherhood advocatedbytheIndianphilosopherRabindranathTagorehadanimpa ct on the intellectual circles of South Asia as well as on his
admirers in Westernsocieties. Alloftheseearlythinkers,bothEuropeanandnon-European,focused on twowaysof thinkingglobally: comparisonanduniversality. In some cases,theylookedatcomparativeandnon- Westernexamplestodetermine differences and similarities. In other studies, they adopted intellectual positions that assumed a universal applicability. Hence early European theoristssuchasWeberandMarxthoughtthatthesocialforcesthatwer e transforming Europe in the nineteenth century would eventually have relevanceglobally.Currentscholarshipinallareasofthehumanitiesa nd socialsciences—includingglobalstudies— isindebtedtothesepioneering scholars. Butthespecificfocusonglobalizationitselfisfairlynew.Onlyrecentl y havescholarsbeguntoexaminetransnationalandglobalnetworks,flo
ws, processes, ideologies,outlooks,andsystemsbothhistoricallyand inthe contemporaryworld.Infact,thefirstexplicitlyglobalworksofschola rship ofthissortonlyemergedafewdecadesago,attheendofthetwentieth century. Oneofthepioneersofcontemporaryglobalstudieswasthesociologist ImmanuelWallerstein,whohelpedtoformulateworldsystemstheory .He incorporatedinsightsfrompoliticaleconomy,sociology,andhistoryi norder to understand global patterns of hegemonic state power. Other sociologists, including Roland Robertson, Saskia Sassen, and Manfred Steger,explicitlyexaminedtheconceptoftheglobal,asopposedtoloc al, pointsofview. Perspectives from other disciplines have also contributed to global
studies.TheanthropologistArjunAppaduraibroadenedtheundersta nding ofglobalperspectivesfromlandscapetoavarietyof“scapes”— culturally shaped understandings of the world. The political scientist David Held helpedtoformulatetheoriesofpoliticsinrelationtoglobalization.Wi lliam H.McNeill,AkiraIriye,andBruceMazlish,amongotherhistorians,h elped todevelopthesubfieldsofworldhistoryandglobalhistory.Economist s such as Joseph Stiglitz and Jagdish Bhagwati have analyzed economic interactions and changes in global terms. And in the field of religious studies,WilfredCantwellSmithandNinianSmartmovedbeyondthes tudy of particular religious traditions to the study of world theology and worldview analysis, respectively. Other scholars developed analytic approaches to describe new forms of global society: Mary Kaldor examinedanemergingglobalcivilsocietywhileKwameAnthonyApp
iah andUlrichBeckhavedescribedwhattheyregardasacosmopolitanstra nd inthenewglobalorder. By the firstdecadeof the twenty-first century, an imposingbodyof scholarlyliteratureandaflurryofnewjournals,bookseries,andschol arly conferencesandassociationsemergedunderthelabelofglobalstudie s. Thefieldhadarrived.Thisbookprovidesaroadmaptotheemergingfie ld. At the same time—to mix metaphors—it provides a sampling of the intellectualfeastthatthecurrentfieldprovides. Globalstudiesusesthetermtransnationalalot.Whatthismeansisthat global studies focus not just on the activities and patterns that are international—amongnation-states—butalsoon those thatexistbeyond thebordersofnationsandregionsandstretchacrossthevariousareaso f theworld.This isonewayof thinkingofglobalactivity—not that it
is universal,foundeverywhereontheplanet,butthatittranscendstheus ual boundariesthatseparatenationfromnation.Transnationalrelationsc an beconfinedlargelywithinaparticularareaoftheworld(suchasecono mic cooperationwithinEurope,forinstance,oramongthenationsalongth e PacificRim)andnotnecessarilyoccurthroughoutthewholeworld. Atthesametime,therearephenomenathataretrulyglobalinthatthey arefoundeverywhere,suchassatellitecommunicationsystemsthatca nbe accessedanywhereontheplanet.Thesearebydefinitiontransnational , sincetheyoccurbeyondthelimitationsofnationalboundariesorcontr ol. Allglobalphenomenaencompasstransnationallinkages,butnotever ything thatistransnationalisglobal.Termscanbeconfusing,butit’susefulto try
tobeasclearaspossibleaboutwhatwemean. Inthefieldofglobalstudies,wetendnottousetheterminternational veryoften,sinceitimpliesinteractionsbetweennation- states.Incommon, everydaylanguage,however,manytransnationalphenomenaaredesc ribed as international, as in the description of some environmental issues as internationalproblems,eventhoughthephenomenathemselves— suchas thepollutionof theoceansandglobalwarming—are transnational.The wordinggetstrickywhenoneconsidersthatmanyoftheeffortstodeal withtransnationalproblemslikeglobalclimatechangeareinternatio nal— suchasthecollaborationofnationsineffortstoagreeonlimitingcarbo n emissionsintotheatmosphere. Globalstudieshastodowithglobalization,ofcourse,butwhatdoes thatmean?Often,globalizationisdefinedastheprocessofbringingth e worldtogetherinmoreintenseinteractionthroughallofthetransnatio nal
activitythatwehavebeentalkingabout— economic,demographic,social, cultural, technological, and so on. Scholars such as Roland Robertson beganusingthetermglobalization inthe1980s.AndabookbyMartin AlbrowandElizabethKingusedthetermglobalization initstitleinthe early 1990s. What they meant by the term was the process of social change that involved transnational interactions in all aspects of social, economic, and technological relationships. Thus, the word globalization describesaprocess. Theresultofglobalizationisamoreunifiedandinteractiveplanet—a globalized world. Some scholars have called this globalized society “globality”ortheeraof“theglobal.”Theattitudethatpeopleadoptint his moreintenselyinteractiveworldcanbesaidtobeoneof“globalism,”o r “globalconsciousness,”oroneembracingthe“global imaginary.”These areallwaysofthinkingaboutthenewstateofglobalawarenessinaworl d
where transnational activity is the norm and everyone is affected by everyoneelseeverywhereontheplanet. Thesebroadglobaltrendsseemvast,andtheyare.Buttheyalsoare feltonaverylocallevel.Therearepocketsofglobalism,forexample,in neighborhoods that are multicultural and contain different immigrant communitiesthatinteractwithoneanother.Somecitiesaredescribeda s “global cities,” both because of their importance as global nodes of economicandculturalnetworksandbecausetheirownpopulationsare a tapestryofpeoplesfromdifferentpartsoftheworld.InLosAngeles,fo r instance,youcan findareas thatareentirelyFilipino,andotherareas whereonlyVietnameseisspoken.LosAngelescontainsoneofthelarg est Mexicanpopulations intheworldandalsooneof the largestgroupsof Iranians.Inmanyways,itisasocialmicrocosmoftheworld,andyetall
of theseimmigrantneighborhoodsinteractinacommonurbanlocale. RolandRobertsoncoinedthetermglocaltodescribetheseexamplesof globalism ina localsetting. Inhisdescription,glocalization isa logical extensionofglobalization.Itisthewaythatlocalcommunitiesareaffe cted by global trends. The appearance of big-box stores selling Chinese- manufacturedproductsinsleepyruraltownsofArkansasisoneexamp leof glocalization.AnInternetcaféthatIfoundonaremotesegmentoftheIn ca trailnearMachuPicchuinPeruisanother. Atthesametimethatglobaltrendsinfluencelocalsettings,thereverse canalsohappen:globalpatternscanbereinterpretedonalocallevel.T he spread of the McDonald’s fast-food franchise around the world is an example.When I visit theMcDonald’s inDelhi, I find thatnoneof the hamburgersare,infact,beefburgers;theyarechickenorveggieburger s,
reflectingthepredominantlyvegetarianeatingcustomsofpeopleinIn dia. In Kyoto’s McDonald’s, you can get a Teriyaki McBurger; and in the McDonald’s restaurant in Milan, the sophisticated Italians may choose pastaratherthanfries.Sowhenglobalizationisglocalized,globalpatt erns canadapttolocalsituations. In the readings in this section, these concepts of globalization and globalismareexploredbyseveralinfluentialscholarsinthefieldofglo bal studies.ThefirstessayisbyManfredSteger,anativeAustrianwhohel ped to create the School of Global, Urban and Social Studies at RMIT University inMelbourne,Australia.Steger’sbookGlobalization:AVery ShortIntroductionisoneofthemostwidelyreadbooksonthetopic.Ina n excerptfromthisbook,Stegerdescribesthephenomenonofglobalizat ion in thepost–ColdWarera—that is, since roughly1990.Heargues
that globalizationhas increasedevenmoresince the turnof thecentury in 2000andtakesashisexampletheterroristactonSeptember11,2001. Stegershowsthatthisincident,andthetechnology,media,andideolog ical elements related to it, exhibit the global interconnectedness of our contemporaryworld. TheNewYorkTimescolumnistThomasFriedmanalsoagreesthatthe era of globalization is relatively recent. In his calculation, however, it beginsaround1989,at theendof theColdWar,when theBerlinwall tumbledandtheideologicalconfrontationbetweensocialistandcapit alist societieswasreplacedbyamorefluidandvariedconceptofworldorde r. InFriedman’sview,thewrestlingmatchesbetweentwohugelumberin g superpowershasbeen replacedby the sprints toeconomic successby leaner independent economies. And though previous periods of globalizationinhistoryhaveshrunktheworldfromasize“large”toasi ze
“medium,”thecurrenterashrinkstheworldtoasize“small.” PaulJames,asociologistwhohelpeddeveloptheglobalstudiesprogra m at RMIT University in Melbourne, Australia, tries to put this global phenomenoninorder.Hedescribesthevariousaspectsofglobalizatio n and the different approaches to studying it. In James’s comprehensive surveyofthefield,heshowsthatthestudyofglobalizationcomesfrom all themajordisciplinesofthesocialsciencesandhumanities. Globalizationisabasicfeatureofmodernlife.Butisitalwaysgood?In anessayfromForeignPolicy,StevenWeber,aprofessorofpoliticalsci ence anddirectoroftheInstituteforInternationalStudiesattheUniversityo f California,Berkeley,arguesthatglobalizationoftenseemstohavego ne bad.ThisisespeciallytrueforthosewhoexpectedAmerica’smilitarya
nd economicsuperiorityinapost– ColdWareratogiveitunbridledcontrol overtherestoftheworld.ButWeberarguesthatglobalizationmaynotb e suchabadthingafterall.America’ssecurity—andtheworld’s— depends not on just one superpower exerting its authority, but also on an interconnected set of relationships that reduces conflict through cooperation.Perhaps,Webersuggests,thebestapproachtodealingwi tha globalizedworldisnotforonecountrytotrytocontrolit,buttoletthe politicalinterconnectednessoftheworldprovideforamutual,collect ive security. GLOBALIZATION:ACONTESTEDCONCEPT ManfredSteger Intheautumnof2001,Iwasteachinganundergraduateclassonmodern politicalandsocialtheory.Stilltraumatizedbytherecentterroristatta cks ontheWorldTradeCenterandthePentagon,mostofmystudentscould n’t
quite grasp the connection between the violent forces of religious fundamentalism and the more secular picture of a technologically sophisticated,rapidlyglobalizingworldthatIhadsoughttoconveyin class lecturesanddiscussions.“Iunderstandthat‘globalization’isacontes ted conceptthatreferstosometimescontradictorysocialprocesses,”abri ght historymajoratthebackoftheroomquipped,“buthowcanyousaythat the TV image of a religious fanatic who denounces modernity and secularism from a mountain cave in Afghanistan perfectly captures the complexdynamicsofglobalization?Don’ttheseterribleactsofterrori sm suggest the opposite, namely, the growth of parochial forces that undermineglobalization?”Obviously,thestudentwasreferringtoSa udi- born Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden, whose videotaped
statement condemning theactivitiesof“international infidels”hadbeenbroadcast worldwideon7October. Struckby thesenseof intellectualurgencythat fuelledmystudent’s question, Irealizedthatthestoryofglobalizationwouldremainelusive withoutreal- lifeexamplescapableofbreathingshape,colour,andsound intoavagueconceptthathadbecomethebuzzwordofourtime.Hence, before delving into necessary matters of definition and analytical clarification,weoughttoapproachoursubjectinlessabstractfashion. I suggest we begin our journey with a careful examination of the aforementioned videotape. It will soon become fairly obvious why a deconstructionofthoseimagesprovidesimportantcluestothenaturea nd dynamicsofthephenomenonwehavecometocall“globalization.” DECONSTRUCTINGOSAMABINLADEN The infamous videotape bears no date, but experts estimate that
the recordingwasmade lessthantwoweeksbefore itwasbroadcast.The timing of its release appears to have been carefully planned so as to achievethemaximumeffectonthedaytheUnitedStatescommencedit s bombingcampaignagainstTalibanandAlQaeda(“TheBase”)forces in Afghanistan.AlthoughOsamabinLadenandhistoplieutenantsweret hen hidinginaremoteregionofthecountry,theyobviouslypossessedtheh i- tech equipment needed to record the statement. Moreover, Al Qaeda membersclearlyenjoyed immediateaccess tosophisticated information andtelecommunicationnetworksthatkepttheminformed—inreal- time—of relevantinternationaldevelopments.BinLadenmayhavedenounced the forcesofmodernitywithgreatconviction,butthesmoothoperationof his entire organization was entirely dependent on advanced forms of technologydevelopedinthelasttwodecadesofthe20thcentury.
Tofurtherillustratethisapparentcontradiction,considerthecomplex chainofglobalinterdependenciesthatmusthaveexistedinorderforbi n Laden’smessagetobeheardandseenbybillionsofTVviewersaroundt he world. After making its way from the secluded mountains of eastern AfghanistantothecapitalcityofKabul,thevideotapewasdroppedoff by anunknowncourieroutsidethelocalofficeofAl-Jazeera,aQatar- based televisioncompany.Thisnetworkhadbeenlaunchedonlyfiveyearsea rlier asastate-financed,Arabic- languagenewsandcurrentaffairschannelthat offeredlimitedprogramming.BeforethefoundingofAl- Jazeera,cutting- edgeTVjournalism—suchasfree- rangingpublicaffairsinterviewsandtalk showswithcall-inaudiences— simplydidnotexistintheArabworld.Within
only three years, however, Al-Jazeera was offering its Middle Eastern audienceadizzyingarrayofprogrammes,transmittedaroundthecloc kby powerfulsatellitesputintoorbitbyEuropeanrocketsandAmericansp ace shuttles. Indeed,thenetwork’smarketshareincreasedevenfurtherasaresult ofthedramaticreductioninthepriceandsizeofsatellitedishes.Sudde nly, suchtechnologiesbecameaffordable,evenforlow- incomeconsumers.By theturnofthecentury,Al- Jazeerabroadcastscouldbewatchedaroundthe clockonallfivecontinents.In2001,thecompanyfurtherintensifiedit s global reach when its chief executives signed a lucrative cooperation agreement with CNN, the leading news network owned by the giant multinationalcorporationAOL-Time- Warner.Afewmonthslater,whenthe world’sattentionshiftedtothewarinAfghanistan,Al- Jazeerahadalready
positioned itself as a truly global player, powerful enough to rent equipment to suchprominentnewsprovidersasReutersandABC, sell satellitetimetotheAssociatedPressandBBC,anddesignaninnovativ e Arabic- languagebusinessnewschanneltogetherwithitsotherAmerican networkpartner,CNBC. Unhampered by national borders and geographical obstacles, cooperation among these sprawling news networks had become so efficientthatCNNacquiredandbroadcastacopyoftheOsamabinLade n tapeonlyafewhoursafterithadbeendeliveredtotheAl- Jazeeraofficein Kabul.Caughtoffguardby the incredible speedof today’s information exchange,theBushadministrationaskedtheQatarigovernmentto“re inin Al- Jazeera,”claimingthattheswiftairingofthebinLadentapewithout priorconsultationwascontributingtotheriseofanti- Americansentiments
intheArabworldandthusthreatenedtounderminetheUSwareffort. However, not only was the perceived “damage” already done, but segmentsof thetape—includingthefull textofbinLaden’sstatement— couldbeviewedonlinebyanyonewithaccesstoacomputerandamode m. TheAl- Jazeerawebsitequicklyattractedaninternationalaudienceasits dailyhitcountskyrocketedtooversevenmillion. Therecanbenodoubtthatitwastheexistenceofthischainofglobal interdependencies and interconnections that made possible the instant broadcastofbinLaden’sspeechtoaglobalaudience.Atthesametime, however, it must be emphasized that even those voices that oppose modernity cannot extricate themselves from the very process of globalizationtheysodecry.Inordertospreadtheirmessageandrecruit new sympathizers, antimodernizers must utilize the tools provided by globalization.ThisobvioustruthwasvisibleeveninbinLaden’sperso nal appearance.Thetapeshowsthathewaswearingcontemporarymilitar y
fatiguesovertraditionalArabgarments.Inotherwords,hisdressrefle cts thecontemporaryprocessesoffragmentationandcross- fertilizationthat globalizationscholarscall“hybridization”— themixingofdifferentcultural formsandstylesfacilitatedbyglobaleconomicandculturalexchange s.In fact, thepalecoloursofbinLaden’smottledcombatdressbetrayed its Russianorigins,suggestingthatheworethejacketasasymbolicremin der ofthefierceguerrillawarwagedbyhimandotherIslamicmilitantsagai nst theSovietoccupationforcesinAfghanistanduringthe1980s.Hisever - presentAK-47Kalashnikov, too,wasprobablymade inRussia,although dozensofgunfactoriesaroundtheworldhavebeenbuildingthispopul ar assaultrifleforover40years.Bythemid-1990s,morethan70million Kalashnikovshadbeenmanufactured inRussiaandabroad.At least50
nationalarmiesincludesuchriflesintheirarsenal,makingKalashnik ovs trulyweaponsofglobalchoice.Thus,binLaden’sAK- 47couldhavecome fromanywhereintheworld.However,giventheastonishingglobaliza tion oforganizedcrimeduringthelasttwodecades,itisquiteconceivablet hat binLaden’sriflewaspartofanillegalarmsdealhatchedandexecutedb y suchpowerful internationalcriminalorganizationsasAlQaedaand the RussianMafia.ItisalsopossiblethattheriflearrivedinAfghanistanby meansofanundergroundarmstradesimilartotheonethatsurfacedin May1996,whenpoliceinSanFranciscoseized2,000illegallyimporte d AK-47smanufacturedinChina. AcloselookatbinLaden’srightwristrevealsyetanothercluetothe powerfuldynamicsofglobalization.Ashedirectshiswordsofcontem ptfor theUnitedStatesanditsalliesathishand- heldmicrophone,hisretreating sleeve exposes a stylish sports watch. Journalists who noticed this
expensiveaccessoryhavespeculatedabouttheoriginsofthetimepiec ein question.TheemergingconsensuspointstoaTimexproduct.Howeve r, giventhatTimexwatchesareasAmericanasapplepie,itseemsrather ironic that the Al Qaeda leader should have chosen this particular chronometer.Afterall,TimexCorporation,originallytheWaterbury Clock Company,was founded in the1850s inConnecticut’sNaugatuckValley, known throughout the 19th century as the “Switzerland of America.” Today,thecompanyhasgonemultinational,maintainingcloserelatio nsto affiliated businesses and sales offices in 65 countries. The corporation employs 7,500 employees, located on four continents. Thousands of workers—mostlyfromlow-wagecountriesintheglobalSouth— constitute thedrivingforcebehindTimex’sglobalproductionprocess. Ourbriefdeconstructionofsomeofthecentralimagesonthevideotape makesiteasiertounderstandwhytheseeminglyanachronisticimages
of anantimodernterroristinfrontofanAfghancavedo,infact,captureso me essential dynamics of globalization. Indeed, the tensions between the forces of particularism and those of universalism have reached unprecedented levels only because interdependencies that connect the localtotheglobalhavebeengrowingfasterthanatanytimeinhistory. TheriseofinternationalterroristorganizationslikeAlQaedarepresen ts butoneofthemanymanifestationsofglobalization.JustasbinLaden’ s romantic ideology of a “pure Islam” is itself the result of the modern imagination,sohasourglobalagewithitsobsessionfortechnologyan dits mass-market commodities indelibly shaped the violent backlash against globalization. OurdeconstructionofOsamabinLadenhasprovideduswithareal-life
exampleoftheintricate—andsometimescontradictory— socialdynamicsof globalization. We are now in a better position to tackle the rather demanding taskofassemblingaworkingdefinitionofglobalization that bringssomeanalyticalprecisiontoacontestedconceptthathasproven to benotoriouslyhardtopindown. THEWORLDISTENYEARSOLD ThomasFriedman On the morning of December 8, 1997, the government of Thailand announcedthatitwasclosing56ofthecountry’s58topfinancehouses. Almostovernight,theseprivatebankshadbeenbankruptedbythecras hof theThaicurrency,thebaht.Thefinancehouseshadborrowedheavilyi n U.S.dollarsandlentthosedollarsouttoThaibusinessesforthebuildin gof hotels,officeblocks,luxuryapartmentsandfactories.Thefinanceho uses
allthoughttheyweresafebecausetheThaigovernmentwascommitted to keeping theThaibahtata fixedrateagainst thedollar.Butwhen the government failed to do so, in the wake of massive global speculation against the baht—triggered by a dawning awareness that the Thai economy was not as strong as previously believed—the Thai currency plummetedby30percent.Thismeantthatbusinessesthathadborrowe d dollarshadtocomeupwith30percentmoreThaibahttopaybackeach $1ofloans.Manybusinessescouldn’tpaythefinancehousesback,ma ny financehousescouldn’trepaytheirforeignlendersandthewholesyste m wentintogridlock,putting20,000white- collaremployeesoutofwork.The nextday, Ihappenedtobedrivingtoanappointment inBangkokdown Asoke Street, Thailand’s equivalent of Wall Street, where most of the bankruptfinancehouseswerelocated.Asweslowlypassedeachoneof
these fallen firms,mycabdriverpointedthemout,pronouncingateach one:“Dead!...dead!...dead!...dead!...dead!” Ididnotknowitatthetime—noonedid—buttheseThaiinvestment houseswerethefirstdominoesinwhatwouldprovetobethefirstglobal financialcrisisoftheneweraofglobalization— theerathatfollowedthe Cold War. The Thai crisis triggered a general flight of capital out of virtuallyalltheSoutheastAsianemergingmarkets,drivingdownthev alue ofcurrencies inSouthKorea,Malaysiaand Indonesia.Bothglobaland local investorsstartedscrutinizing theseeconomiesmoreclosely, found them wanting, and either moved their cash out to safer havens or demanded higher interest rates to compensate for the higher risk. It wasn’tlongbeforeoneofthemostpopularsweatshirtsaroundBangko k wasemblazonedwiththewords“FormerRich.” Withinafewmonths,theSoutheastAsianrecessionbegantohavean
effectoncommoditypricesaroundtheworld.Asiahadbeenanimporta nt engine forworldwideeconomicgrowth—anengine thatconsumedhuge amountsofrawmaterials.Whenthatenginestartedtosputter,theprice s ofgold,copper,aluminumand,mostimportant,crudeoilallstartedtof all. Thisfallinworldwidecommoditypricesturnedouttobethemechanis m fortransmittingtheSoutheastAsiancrisistoRussia.Russiaatthetime wasmindingitsownbusiness,trying,withthehelpoftheIMF,toclimb out of itsownself-madeeconomicmorassontoastablegrowth track.The problemwithRussia,though,wasthattoomanyofitsfactoriescouldn’ t makeanythingofvalue.Infact,muchofwhattheymadewasconsidere d “negativevalueadded.”Thatis,atractormadebyaRussianfactorywas sobaditwasactuallyworthmoreasscrapmetal,orjustrawironore, than itwasasa finished,Russian-made tractor.On topof it all, those Russian factories thatweremakingproducts thatcouldbesoldabroad were paying few, if any, taxes to the government, so the
Kremlin was chronicallyshortofcash. Without much of an economy to rely on for revenues, the Russian governmenthadbecomeheavilydependentontaxesfromcrudeoiland othercommodityexportstofunditsoperatingbudget.Ithadalsobeco me dependentonforeignborrowers,whosemoneyRussia luredbyoffering ridiculousratesofinterestonvariousRussiangovernment- issuedbonds. AsRussia’seconomycontinuedtoslideinearly1998,theRussianshad toraisetheinterestrateontheirrublebondsfrom20to50to70percent tokeepattractingtheforeigners.Thehedgefundsandforeignbankske pt buying them, figuring thateven if theRussiangovernmentcouldn’tpay themback,theIMFwouldstepin,bailoutRussiaandtheforeignerswo uld get their money back. Some hedge funds and foreign banks not only
continued to put their own money into Russia, but they went out and borrowedevenmoremoney,at5percent,andthenboughtRussianT- bills withitthatpaid20or30percent.AsGrandmawouldsay,“Suchadeal!” ButasGrandmawouldalsosay,“Ifitsoundstoogoodtobetrue,itusuall y is!” Anditwas.TheAsian-triggeredslumpinoilpricesmadeitharderand harderfortheRussiangovernmenttopaytheinterestandprincipalonit s T- bills.AndwiththeIMFunderpressuretomakeloanstorescueThailand , KoreaandIndonesia,itresistedanyproposalsforputtingmorecashint o Russia—unlesstheRussians first fulfilledtheirpromisestoreformtheir economy,startingwithgettingtheirbiggestbusinessesandbankstopa y some taxes. On August 17 the Russian economic house of cards came tumbling down, dealing the markets a double whammy: Russia
both devalued and unilaterally defaulted on its government bonds, without givinganywarningtoitscreditorsorarranginganyworkoutagreemen t. Thehedgefunds,banksandinvestmentbanksthatwereinvestedinRus sia beganpilingupmassive losses,andthose thathadborrowedmoneyto magnifytheirbetsintheKremlincasinowerethreatenedwithbankrup tcy. Onthefaceofit,thecollapseoftheRussianeconomyshouldnothave hadmuchimpactontheglobalsystem.Russia’seconomywassmallert han thatoftheNetherlands.Butthesystemwasnowmoreglobalthanever, and just as crude oil prices were the transmission mechanism from SoutheastAsiatoRussia,thehedgefunds— thehugeunregulatedpoolsof privatecapital thatscourtheglobefor thebest investments— werethe transmissionmechanismfromRussiatoalltheotheremergingmarker sin theworld,particularlyBrazil.Thehedgefundsandothertradingfirms ,
havingrackeduphugelossesinRussia,someofwhichweremagnifiedf ifty timesbyusingborrowedmoney,suddenlyhadtoraisecashtopayback theirbankers.Theyhadtosellanythingthatwasliquid.Sotheystarted sellingassetsinfinanciallysoundcountriestocompensatefortheirlos ses inbadones.Brazil,forinstance,whichhadbeendoingalotoftheright thingsintheeyesoftheglobalmarketsandtheIMF,suddenlysawallits stocksandbondsbeingsoldbypanickyinvestors.Brazilhadtoraiseits interest rates as high as 40 percent to try to hold capital inside the country.Variationsonthisscenariowereplayedoutthroughoutthewo rld’s emerging markets, as investors fled for safety. They cashed in their Brazilian,Korean,Egyptian,IsraeliandMexicanbondsandstocks,an dput themoneyeitherundertheirmattressesorintothesafestU.S.bondsthe y could find. So the declines in Brazil and the other emerging markets becamethetransmissionmechanismthattriggeredaherdlikestamped e intoU.S.Treasurybonds.This,inturn,sharplydroveupthevalueofU. S.
T- bonds,drovedowntheinterestthattheU.S.governmenthadtoofferon themtoattractinvestorsandincreasedthespreadbetweenU.S.T- bonds andothercorporateandemergingmarketbonds. The steep drop in the yield on U.S. Treasury bonds was then the transmissionmechanismwhichcrippledmorehedgefundsandinvest ment banks. Take for instance Long-Term Capital Management, based in Greenwich, Connecticut. LTCM was the Mother of All Hedge Funds. Becausesomanyhedgefundswereattractedtothemarketplaceinthe late1980s,thefieldbecamefiercelycompetitive.Everyonepouncedo n the same opportunities. In order to make money in such a fiercely competitiveworld,thehedgefundshadtoseekevermoreexoticbetswi th everlargerpoolsofcash.Toguidetheminplacingtherightbets,LTCM drewontheworkoftwoNobelPrize–
winningbusinesseconomists,whose research argued that the basic volatility of stocks and bonds could be estimatedfromhowtheyreactedinthepast.Usingcomputermodels,a nd borrowing heavily from different banks, LTCM put $120 billion at risk bettingonthedirectionthatcertainkeybondswouldtakeinthesummer of1998.ItimplicitlybetthatthevalueofU.S.T- bondswouldgodown,and that thevalueof junkbondsandemergingmarketbondswouldgoup. LTCM’scomputermodel,however,neveranticipatedsomething likethe globalcontagionthatwouldbesetoffinAugustbyRussia’scollapse,a nd, as a result, its bets turned out to be exactly wrong. When the whole investmentworldpanickedatonceanddecidedtorushintoU.S.T- bonds, theirvaluesoaredinsteadoffell,andthevalueofjunkbondsandemergi ng marketbondscollapsedinsteadofsoared.LTCMwaslikeawishbonet hat gotpulledapartfrombothends.Ithadtobebailedoutbyitsbankersto preventitfromengaginginafiresaleofallitsstocksandbondsthatcoul
d havetriggeredaworldwidemarketmeltdown. Nowwegettomystreet.InearlyAugust1998,Ihappenedtoinvestin myfriend’snewInternetbank.Thesharesopenedat$14.50ashareand soaredto$27.Ifeltlikeagenius.ButthenRussiadefaultedandsetall thesedominoesinmotion,andmyfriend’sstockwentto$8.Why?Beca use hisbankheldalotofhomemortgages,andwiththefallofinterestratesi n America,triggeredbytherushtobuyT- bills,themarketsfearedthatalot ofpeoplewouldsuddenlypayofftheirhomemortgagesearly.Ifalotof peoplepaidoff theirhomemortgagesearly,myfriend’sbankmightnot havethe incomestreamthat itwascountingontopaydepositors.The markets were actually wrong about my friend’s bank, and its stock bouncedbacknicely. Indeed,byearly1999 Iwas feeling likeagenius again, as the Amazon.com Internet craze set in and drove my friend’s Internet bank stock sky high, as well as other technology shares we
owned.But,onceagain,itwasn’tlongbeforetherestoftheworldcrash ed theparty.Onlythistime,insteadofRussiabreakingdownthefrontdoo r,it wasBrazil’sturntoupsetU.S.marketsandevendampen(temporarily) the Internetstockboom. AsIwatchedallthisplayout,allIcouldthinkofwasthatittooknine monthsfortheeventsonAsokeStreettoaffectmystreet,andittookone week for events on the Brazilian Amazon (Amazon.country) to affect Amazon.com.USATodayaptlysummeduptheglobalmarketplaceatt he endof1998:“Thetroublespreadtoonecontinentafteranother likea virus,”thepapernoted.“U.S.marketsreactedinstantaneously....Peo ple inbarbershopsactuallytalkedabouttheThaibaht.” If nothing else, the cycle from Asoke Street to my street and from Amazon.countrytoAmazon.comservedtoeducatemeandmanyother s
aboutthestateoftheworldtoday.Theslow,stable,chopped- upColdWar systemthathaddominatedinternationalaffairssince1945hadbeenfir mly replaced by a new, very greased, interconnected system called globalization.Wearealloneriver. Ifwedidn’t fullyunderstandthat in 1989,whentheBerlinWallcamedown,wesureunderstooditadecade later. . . .Fromthemid-1800stothe late1920stheworldexperienceda similareraofglobalization. If youcompared thevolumesof tradeand capitalflowsacrossborders,relativetoGNPs,andtheflowoflaboracr oss borders, relative to populations, the period of globalization preceding WorldWarIwasquitesimilartotheonewearelivingthroughtoday.Gr eat Britain,whichwasthenthedominantglobalpower,wasahugeinvesto rin emerging markets, and fat cats in England, Europe and America were oftenbuffetedbyfinancialcrises,triggeredbysomethingthathappen edin
Argentine railroad bonds, Latvian government bonds or German governmentbonds.Therewerenocurrencycontrols,sonosoonerwast he transatlanticcableconnectedin1866thanbankingandfinancialcrise sin NewYorkwerequicklybeingtransmittedtoLondonorParis.Iwasona panel once with John Monks, the head of the British Trades Union Congress,theAFL- CIOofBritain,whoremarkedthattheagendaforthe TUC’sfirstCongressinManchester,England,in1868,listedamongth e itemsthatneededtobediscussed:“Theneedtodealwithcompetitionfr om theAsiancolonies”and“Theneedtomatchtheeducationalandtrainin g standardsoftheUnitedStatesandGermany.”Inthosedays,peopleals o migratedmorethanweremember,and,otherthaninwartime,countrie s didnotrequirepassportsfortravelbefore1914.Allthoseimmigrants who floodedAmerica’sshorescamewithoutvisas.Whenyouputallofthes e factors together, alongwith the inventionsof the steamship,
telegraph, railroadandeventuallytelephone, it issafetosaythatthis firsteraof globalizationbeforeWorldWarIshranktheworldfromasize“large”t oa size“medium.” Thisfirsteraofglobalizationandglobalfinancecapitalismwasbroke n apart by the successive hammer blows of World War I, the Russian Revolution and the Great Depression, which combined to fracture the worldbothphysicallyand ideologically.The formallydividedworld that emergedafterWorldWarIIwasthenfrozeninplacebytheColdWar.Th e ColdWarwasalsoaninternationalsystem.Itlastedroughlyfrom1945 to 1989,when,withthefalloftheBerlinWall,itwasreplacedbyanother system:theneweraofglobalizationwearenowin.Callit“Globalizatio n RoundII.”Itturnsoutthattheroughlyseventy-five-
yearperiodfromthe startofWorldWarItotheendoftheColdWarwasjustalongtime-out betweenoneeraofglobalizationandanother. Whiletherearealotofsimilaritiesinkindbetweenthepreviouseraof globalizationandtheonewearenowin,whatisnewtodayisthedegree and intensitywithwhich theworld isbeing tied together intoa single globalizedmarketplace.Whatisalsonewisthesheernumberofpeople andcountriesabletopartakeofthisprocessandbeaffectedbyit.The pre- 1914eraofglobalizationmayhavebeenintense,butmanydeveloping countriesinthaterawereleftoutofit.Thepre-1914eramayhavebeen largeinscalerelativetoitstime,butitwasminusculeinabsoluteterms comparedtotoday.Dailyforeignexchangetradingin1900wasmeasur ed inthemillionsofdollars.In1992,itwas$820billionaday,accordingto theNewYorkFederalReserve,andbyApril1998itwasupto$1.5trillio n aday,andstillrising.Inthelastdecadealonetotalcross- borderlendingby banksaroundtheworldhasdoubled.Around1900,privatecapitalflow s fromdevelopedcountries todevelopingonescouldbemeasured in the
hundredsofmillionsofdollarsandrelativelyfewcountrieswereinvol ved. According to the IMF, in 1997 alone, private capital flows from the developedworldtoallemergingmarketstotaled$215billion.Thisne w era of globalization, compared to the one before World War I, is turbocharged. Buttoday’seraofglobalizationisnotonlydifferentindegree;insome veryimportantwaysit isalsodifferent inkind.AsTheEconomistonce noted, the previous era of globalization was built around falling transportationcosts.Thankstotheinventionoftherailroad,thesteams hip and the automobile, people could get to a lot more places faster and cheaperandtheycouldtradewithalotmoreplacesfasterandcheaper. Today’s era of globalization is built around falling telecommunications costs— thankstomicrochips,satellites,fiberopticsandtheInternet.These
newtechnologiesareabletoweavetheworldtogethereventighter.The se technologiesmeanthatdevelopingcountriesdon’tjusthavetotradeth eir rawmaterialstotheWestandgetfinishedproductsinreturn;theymean thatdevelopingcountriescanbecomebig- timeproducersaswell.These technologies also allow companies to locate different parts of their production,researchandmarketingindifferentcountries,butstilltiet hem togetherthroughcomputersandteleconferencingasthoughtheywere in one place. Also, thanks to the combination of computers and cheap telecommunications,peoplecannowofferand tradeservicesglobally— frommedicaladvice to softwarewriting todataprocessing— thatcould neverreallybetradedbefore.Andwhynot?AccordingtoTheEconomi st, athree- minutecall(in1996dollars)betweenNewYorkandLondoncost $300in1930.TodayitisalmostfreethroughtheInternet. Butwhatalsomakesthiseraofglobalizationuniqueisnotjustthefact
thatthesetechnologiesaremakingitpossiblefortraditionalnation- states andcorporationstoreachfarther,faster,cheaperanddeeperaroundth e worldthaneverbefore.Itisthefactthatitisallowingindividualstodos o. Iwasremindedofthispointonedayinthesummerof1998whenmythen seventy-nine-year-old mother, Margaret Friedman, who lives in Minneapolis, called me sounding very upset. “What’s wrong, Mom?” I asked. “Well,” shesaid, “I’vebeenplayingbridgeon the Internetwith threeFrenchmenandtheykeepspeakingFrenchtoeachotherandIcan’ t understandthem.”WhenIchuckledatthethoughtofmycard- sharkmom playingbridgewiththreeFrenchmenontheNet,shetookalittleumbra ge. “Don’tlaugh,”shesaid,“IwasplayingbridgewithsomeoneinSiberiat he otherday.” Toallthosewhosaythatthiseraofglobalizationisnodifferentfrom thepreviousone,Iwouldsimplyask:Wasyourgreat-
grandmotherplaying bridgewithFrenchmenontheInternetin1900?Idon’tthinkso.Therea re somethingsaboutthiseraofglobalizationthatwe’veseenbefore,and somethingsthatwe’veneverseenbeforeandsomethingsthataresone w wedon’tevenunderstandthemyet.Forallthesereasons,Iwouldsumu p thedifferencesbetweenthetwoerasofglobalizationthisway:Ifthefir st era of globalization shrank the world from a size “large” to a size “medium,” this era of globalization is shrinking the world from a size “medium”toasize“small.” ...Thisneweraofglobalizationbecamethedominantinternational systemattheendofthetwentiethcentury— replacingtheColdWarsystem —and . . . it now shapes virtually everyone’s domestic politics and internationalrelations.Thebodyofliteraturethathasbeenattempting to definethepost– ColdWarworld[includes]fourbooks:PaulM.Kennedy’s
TheRiseandFalloftheGreatPowers:EconomicChangeandMilitary Conflictfrom1500to2000,FrancisFukuyama’sTheEndofHistoryan d the Last Man, the various essays and books of Robert D. Kaplan and SamuelP.Huntington’sTheClashofCivilizationsand theRemakingof WorldOrder. Whileallof theseworkscontained important truths, I thinknoneof themreallycapturedthepost– ColdWarworldinanyholisticway.Kaplan’s reportingwasvividandhonest,buthetookthegrimmestcornersofthe globeandovergeneralizedfromthemtothefateoftherestoftheworld. Huntingtonsawculturalconflictsaroundtheworldandwildlyexpand ed that into an enduring, sharply defined clash of civilizations, even proclaimingthatthenextworldwar,ifthereisone,“willbeawarbetwe en civilizations.”IbelievebothKaplanandHuntingtonvastlyunderesti mated
how the power of states, the lure of global markets, the diffusion of technology, the rise of networks and the spread of global norms could trumptheirblack-and-white(mostlyblack)projections. BothKennedyandHuntingtontriedtodivinethefuturetoomuchfrom thepastandthepastalone.Kennedytraced(quitebrilliantly)thedeclin e oftheSpanish,FrenchandBritishempires,butheconcludedbysugges ting that theAmericanempirewouldbethenext to fallbecauseof itsown imperialoverreaching.HisimplicitmessagewasthattheendoftheCol d WarnotonlymeanttheendoftheSovietUnionbutwouldalsoheraldthe declineoftheUnitedStates.IbelieveKennedydidnotappreciateenou gh thattherelativedeclineoftheUnitedStatesinthe1980s,whenhewas writing,waspartofAmerica’spreparingitselfforandadjustingtothen ew globalizationsystem— aprocessthatmuchoftherestoftheworldisgoing throughonlynow.Kennedydidnotanticipatethatunderthepressureof globalization America would slash its defense budget, shrink its government,andshiftmoreandmorepowerstothefreemarketinways
thatwouldprolongitsstatusasaGreatPower,notdiminishit. Huntington’sviewwasthat,withtheColdWarover,wewon’thavethe Sovietstokickaroundanymore,sowewillnaturallygobacktokickingt he Hindus and Muslims around and them kicking us around. He implicitly ruled out the rise of some new international system that could shape eventsdifferently.ForHuntington,onlytribalismcouldfollowtheCo ldWar, notanythingnew. Fukuyama’s pathbreaking book contained the most accurate insight aboutwhatwasnew—thetriumphofliberalismandfree- marketcapitalism asthemosteffectivewaytoorganizeasociety—buthistitle(morethan thebookitself)impliedafinalitytothistriumphthatdoesnotjibewitht he worldasIfindit. Inaway,eachoftheseworksbecameprominentbecausetheytriedto
captureinasinglecatchythought“TheOneBigThing,”thecentralmov ing part, theunderlyingmotor, thatwoulddrive internationalaffairs in the post–ColdWarworld— eithertheclashofcivilizations,chaos,thedeclineof empiresorthetriumphofliberalism. ...Ibelievethatifyouwanttounderstandthepost–ColdWarworld youhavetostartbyunderstandingthatanewinternationalsystemhas succeeded it—globalization.That is “TheOneBigThing”peopleshould focuson.Globalizationisnottheonlythinginfluencingeventsinthew orld today,buttotheextentthatthereisaNorthStarandaworldwideshapin g force,itisthissystem.Whatisnewisthesystem;whatisoldispower politics,chaos,clashingcivilizationsandliberalism.Andwhatisthed rama ofthepost– ColdWarworldistheinteractionbetweenthisnewsystemand these old passions. It is a complex drama, with the final act still not written. That is why under the globalization system you will find both
clashes of civilization and the homogenization of civilizations, both environmental disasters and amazing environmental rescues, both the triumphofliberal,free- marketcapitalismandabacklashagainstit,both thedurabilityofnation- statesandtheriseofenormouslypowerfulnonstate actors. ...Thepublisher...JonathanGalassicalledmeonedayandsaid,“I was telling some friends of mine that you’re writing a book about globalizationandtheysaid,‘Oh,Friedman,helovesglobalization.’W hat wouldyousaytothat?”IansweredJonathanthatIfeelaboutglobalizati on alotlikeIfeelaboutthedawn.Generallyspeaking,Ithinkit’sagoodthi ng thatthesuncomesupeverymorning.Itdoesmoregoodthanharm.But evenifIdidn’tmuchcareforthedawnthereisn’tmuchIcoulddoaboutit . Ididn’tstartglobalization,Ican’tstopit— exceptatahugecosttohuman development—
andI’mnotgoingtowastetimetrying.AllIwanttothink aboutishowIcangetthebestoutofthisnewsystem,andcushionthe worst,forthemostpeople. APPROACHESTOGLOBALIZATION PaulJames There are many different approaches to the study of globalization, testifyingto thediversityandvitalityof the fieldofglobalstudies.The diversityoftheseapproachesisnoteasytocategorize,however,inpart because of the intellectual climate in which most of the studies of globalizationhaveemerged. Studiesofglobalizationand,moregenerally,studiesinthebroadand loosely defined field of global studies did not become conscious of themselvesassuchuntilthe1990s;andbythenthedirect- linelineagesof
classic social theory had either been broken or segmented. The social sciencesandhumanitieswereinthemidstofaretreatfromgrandtheory . Therewasagrowingsuspicion,inpartinfluencedbyapoststructuralis t turn,ofanygeneralizingtheoreticalexplanationsofparticularpheno mena. This suspicion was paralleled by a claim made by some that the postmodern condition could be characterized by the end of grand narratives of all kinds: nationalism, socialism, liberalism, and by implication,globalism.Althoughinthepast,approachestoanytheore tical field could be comfortably organized according to three foundational considerations—theoretical lineage, scholarly discipline, and normative orientation— thiswaschanging.Bytheendofthe20thandintotheearly 21st century, those kinds of considerations remained useful by way of backgroundorientation,butthepatternofapproacheswasbecomingl ess
obviousandwithmorecrossovers. There is an irony in this retreat from generalizing theory that is importanttonote.Itconcernsaparadoxthatisyettobeexplained.Atthe sametimethatgeneralizingtheorylostitshold,ageneralizingcategor yof social relations gripped the imagination of both academic analysts and journalistic commentators—this, of course, was the category of “the global.” In this emerging imaginary, globalization was understood as a processof social interconnection, aprocess thatwas indifferentways connectingpeopleacrossplanetEarth.Globalizationasapracticeand subjectivityconnectingthe(global)socialwholethusbecamethestan dout object of critical enquiry. In other words, globalization demanded generalizingattentionattheverymomentthatresidualideasthatanall - embracing theory might be found to explain such a phenomenon was effectively dashed. This has profound consequences for the nature of
globalizationtheoryandhowwemightunderstanddifferentapproach es... . EARLYAPPROACHESTOGLOBALIZATION Although thereweresome isolatedarticlesacross the1960s to1980s directlyreferringtoglobalization— withthemostprominentofthesebeing by Theodore Levitt on the globalization of markets in 1983— more elaborateacademicapproachestoglobalizationlaggedbyadecadeors o. Theburgeoninganddominantjournalisticandbusinessdiscoursesoft he firstwaveofintenseattentionintothe1980stendedtobethinonanalysi s and thick on hyperbole. Most suggested that globalization was a completelynewphenomenonsymbolizedbythetriumphofthecapital ist market.Levitt’swritingsignaledtheriseoftheglobalcorporationcarr
ied byaworldwidecommunicationsrevolution. It took a sociologist of religion and a couple of anthropologists and socialtheoristsinthe1990s— scholarssuchasRolandRobertson,Jonathan Friedman,ArjunAppadurai,andMikeFeatherstone— towriteoreditthe firstmajorexplorationsofglobalization-as- such,contributionsthatmoved beyondhyperboleorthindescription.JournalssuchasTheory,Cultur eand Societywereinthevanguardofthenewthinkingofthissecondwaveof attention. Earlier work, such as that of Immanuel Wallerstein and the world-systems theorists, or Andre Gunder Frank and the dependency theorists,hadsignaledashiftawayfromclassicimperialismstudiesas the majorcarrierofworkonglobalizing relations.However, in relation to understanding globalization itself, this did not lead to significant developmentsintheory,exceptintherecognitionthatglobalizationw
asa centuries-oldprocess. The work of Wallerstein in the discipline of international political economycanherebeusedasanindicationofthedifficultyofcomingto termswithissuesofglobalization.Insteadofexploringtheconsequen cesof processesofglobalization— economic,ecological,cultural,andpolitical— forunderstandingthecomplexitiesofcapitalism,Wallersteinrework edthe veritiesof aworld system’sunderstanding:namely, that capitalismhad gonethroughtwomajoroverlappingcyclesofdevelopment: from1450, andfrom1945tothepresent,suggestingthatcapitalismwasnowenteri ng atransitionphaseofterminalcrisis.Whatotherscalledglobalization, he said,wasjusttheepiphenomenonofthetransition.Herethesophistica ted criticofmainstreammodernizationtheorythusreducedglobalization toa reflection of the phases of capital. He limited its consequences
to the domainofeconomicsorthenexusbetweencapitalandeverythingelse. Alternativelyandmoreproductively,theworkofRolandRobertsonto ok aculturalturn.Likethecriticalpoliticaleconomists,Robertsonrecog nized thelong- termandchanginghistoryofglobalization.However,unlikethe dominanttrendthatforatimedefinedglobalizationintermsofthedemi se ofthenation- state,perhapsmostprominentlysurfacinginthewritingsof Arjun Appadurai and Ulrich Beck, Robertson recognized the complex intersection and layering of nationally and globally constituted social relations.Oneofhismajorcontributionswastoshowhowglobalizatio n across its long uneven history contributed to a relativization of social meaningandsocialpractice,includingthenotionofa“worldsystem.” His
workstillstandsuptoscrutinytoday,andhecontinuestobeamajorfigu re inthefield. Another key figure of this time, Arjun Appadurai, also followed the cultural turn,but insteadof takingacriticalmodernistpositionon the changing order of things as Robertson did, he headed down the postmodernpathtoemphasizefluidity.Thekeycontributionforwhic hheis knownisthenotionofglobal“scapes,”unstructuredformationswithn o boundariesorregularities.Hedistinguisheddifferentformationsofw hat he called ethnoscapes, mediascapes, technoscapes, financescapes, and ideoscapes.Thisapproachwasavidlyusedforaperiodbeforeitlostits standingasdifferentwritersrealizedthat,apartfromthecategoriesof ethnoscapes and perhaps ideoscapes, his global landscape focused too narrowlyontheculturalpresentandtherecentpast.Broadercategorie s of analysis were needed to understand the unevenness of social
continuitiesanddiscontinuities. APPROACHESUNDERSTOODINTERMSOFTHEDOMAINOFE NQUIRY Athirdwaveofattentionemergedacrosstheturnofthecenturyintothe present. Journals such as Globalizations, Global Society, and Global Governanceemergedasthenumberofpublicationsexplodedinnumbe r. Oneofthemostimportantbroaderrenderingsofglobalizationcamefr om ajointlywrittenbookcalledGlobalTransformations(1999)byDavid Held, a political philosopher; Anthony McGrew, an international relations theorist;DavidGoldblatt,atheoristofenvironmentalpolitics;andJon athan Perraton,aneconomist.Interdisciplinarystudieshadbecomethekey. As signaledinthesubtitleofthebook,Politics,EconomicsandCulture,an d extendedinthechapterstructuretoincludeafocusonglobalizationan d environment,thisapproachworkedacrossthebroaddomainsofecono
my, ecology,politics,andculture.SimilarlyJanAartScholteworkedacro ssa broad series of domains. In his case, the domains were production, governance, identity, and knowledge. And, when Chamsy el- Ojeili and PatrickHaydencametowritetheirbookCriticalTheoriesofGlobaliza tion (2006),lookingbackonmorethanadecadeofdevelopingapproachest o globalization they returned to the useful categorization of economics, politics,andculture.Inallofthesecases,however,therewasnoattemp t to develop a theory of globalization as such. Rather these and other relatedwriters— writersasdiverseasJamesMittleman,GeorgeRitzer,Ulf Hannerz, and Heikki Patomaki—sought to explore the complexity of globalizationacrossdifferentdomains. In the domain of culture, for example, a penetrating critique of the
dominantideologyofglobalizationbyManfredStegerjoinedwithoth ersin introducingthenotionof“globalism.”Initsmidrangeuse,globalismc anbe defined as the ideologies and/or subjectivities associated with different historicallydominantformationsofglobalextension.Stegerinhisear lier writingsfromtheearly1990sfocusedonglobalismasneoliberalism,b ut as his analysis developed, he came to distinguish different kinds of globalism,includingjusticeglobalisms,imperialglobalisms,andreli gious globalisms.Hehelpedustounderstandthatglobalismisthereforemuc h morethantheideologyassociatedwiththecontemporarydominantva riant ofglobalism—marketglobalismandideasofaborderlessworld. APPROACHESUNDERSTOODINTERMSOFNORMATIVEORIE NTATION
Other ways to differentiate approaches to globalization include their normativeorethicalorientationandtheirpoliticaldescriptivestance. The mostcitedcategorizationofdifferentkindsofapproachestoglobaliza tion, which comes from Global Transformations, a book mentioned earlier, combines both of these categorizations and posits what it calls “three broad schools of thought”: the hyperglobalists, the sceptics, and the transformationalists.Theyarenotactuallyschoolsatallbutorientatio ns. ThehyperglobalizersincludewriterssuchasKenichiOhmae(aneolib eral) and Martin Albrow (a critical theorist) who argue that a wave of globalization ischanging theworld fundamentallyandsupplantingolder national sovereignties. The sceptics include Paul Hirst and Grahame Thompsonwhoarguethatwithcontemporaryso- calledglobalizationwhat we are witnessing is just another wave of internationalization. The
transformationalists, including James Rosenau and Saskia Sassen, who suggestthatwhileintensifyingglobalizationischangingthenatureof world politics,culture,andeconomy,theprocessisuneven. APPROACHESUNDERSTOODINTERMSOFSCHOLARLYDISC IPLINE With the realization in the 1990s that “the global” required direct attention, the taken-for-granted assumptions of fields of study such as internationalrelations,politics,andsociologycameunderdirectchal lenge. Ininternationalrelations,therealistemphasisonnation- statesasblack- boxentitiesinpoliticalinter- relationcameunderconsiderablepressure,as didtheemphasesofitscriticalcounterparts,includingevenMarxisma nd rationalism that had long recognized the long reach of both material processes and ideas across the world. International relations as a
disciplinehadprofoundproblemsdealingwithglobalization,butinto the newcentury,booksstartedtocomeoutbywriterscrossingtheboundari es ofthediscipline,includinginternationalcriticaltheoristJanAartSch olte andinternationalpoliticaleconomistMarkRupert. Onedisciplinethatsawaseachangeinitsapproachwasanthropology. Itmaintaineditsclassicalemphasisonethnographicdepth,butitshifte dits orientation from internally focused microstudies of remote locales to attempting to understand communities, whether they be remote or metropolitan,intermsoftheirplaceinaglobalizingworld.Newsubfie lds ofhistorydeveloped,including“bighistory”and“worldhistory.”The field ofglobalstudiesitselfemergedduringthisperiodasaninterdisciplina ry approachtounderstandingtherelationbetweenthelocalandthegloba
l acrossthedomainsofsociallife. APPROACHESUNDERSTOODINTERMSOFTHEORETICALLI NEAGE Adevelopingaversiontograndtheorydidnotmeanthattheoldtheoreti cal lineages became completely irrelevant, although it did mean that approaches associated with the classical social theories of Karl Marx, ÉmileDurkheim,andMaxWebertendedeithertodrawmorelooselyon thosepastwritingsortoworkacrossthemsynthetically.Outofacritica l reading of the Durkheimian–Weberian tradition came the work of such writersasRolandRobertsonandAmericansociologistofglobalreligi on, MarkJuergensmeyer— althoughitshouldbesaidthatRobertsonwasalso influencedbyanopenversionofneo- Marxisthistoricalmaterialism.Outof theneo- MarxistlineagecamethevariedworkofPaulHirst,MarkRupert,
Christopher Chase-Dunn, Tony McGrew, and via Karl Polanyi, Ronnie Munck.Third,severalwritersexplicitlysetouttoformulateapostclas sical synthesis. The most prominent of these writers was British sociologist AnthonyGiddens.Hehadbeenworkingacrossthe1980sand1990sona grandtheoreticalapproachtothesocialcalledstructurationism;howe ver, by the time that he wrote in an elaborated way on globalization, his approachhadbecomelesstheoreticallyintegratedandmoredescripti ve. Hismajorpointbecamethatglobalizationiscomplex,shapesthewayt hat welive,andislinkedtotheexpansivedynamicoflatemodernity. MarxistwriterJustinRosenbergimmediatelytookGiddenstotaskfor theoreticalincoherence.Inparticular,hecriticizedatendencyinGidd ens’s writing(andinmanyotherwritersonglobalization)totreatglobalizati on and the extension of social relations across world space as both the explanationandtheoutcomeofaprocessofchange.Thatis,heaskedho
w ifglobalizationinvolvesspatialextensioncanitbeexplainedbyinvok ing theclaimthatspaceisnowglobal.Theexplanationandthething- being- explained,herightlysays,arethusreducedintoaself- confirmingcircle. Takingintoaccounthiscritique,itisstilllegitimatetotreatglobalizati on asadescriptive category referring to a process of extension across a historically constituted world-space as we have been doing across this entry,but it isproblematictopositglobalizationasthesimplecauseof otherphenomena,muchlessofitself. CONCLUSION Now,afterthreedecadesofwritingonglobalization,wehavemadeso me extraordinarygainsinunderstanding.Thehistoricallychangingandu neven
nature of globalization is now generally understood. In the various scholarlyapproaches,muchofthehyperbolehastendedtodropawaya nd thenormativeassessmentofglobalizationhasbecomemoresoberand qualified. Scholarly approaches have tended to move away from essentializing thephenomenonasnecessarilygoodorbad.Similarly,at leastinthescholarlyarena,therehasbeenasignificantmovebeyondth e reductive tendency to treat globalization only in terms of economic domain. Ontheothersideoftheledger,ourcentralweaknessofunderstanding goesbacktothecentralparadoxofglobalizationstudies— theemergence ofanaversiontogeneralizingtheoryatatimewhentheimportanceofa generalizing category of relations came to the fore. Globalization may simply be the name given to a matrix of processes that extend social relations across world-space, but the way in which people live those relationsisincrediblycomplex,changing,anddifficulttoexplain.Th
us,we remain in search of generalizing methodologies (not a singular grand theory)thatcansensitizeustothoseempiricalcomplexitieswhileena bling ustoabstractpatternsofchangeandcontinuity. HOWGLOBALIZATIONWENTBAD StevenWeber Theworldtodayismoredangerousandlessorderlythanitwassuppose d tobe.Tenor15yearsago,thenaiveexpectationswerethatthe“endof history”wasnear.Therealityhasbeentheopposite.Theworldhasmor e internationalterrorismandmorenuclearproliferationtodaythanitdi din 1990. International institutions are weaker. The threats of pandemic disease and climate change are stronger. Cleavages of religious and
cultural ideologyaremore intense.Theglobal financialsystemismore unbalancedandprecarious.Itwasn’tsupposedtobelikethis.Theendo f theColdWarwassupposedtomakeglobalpoliticsandeconomicseasi erto manage,notharder. What went wrong? The bad news of the 21st century is that globalizationhasasignificantdarkside.Thecontainershipsthatcarry manufactured Chinese goods to and from the United States also carry drugs. The airplanes that fly passengers nonstop from New York to Singaporealsotransportinfectiousdiseases.AndtheInternethasprov ed just as adept at spreading deadly, extremist ideologies as it has e- commerce.Theconventionalbeliefisthatthesinglegreatestchalleng eof geopoliticstodayismanagingthisdarksideofglobalization,chipping away at the illegitimate co-travelers that exploit openness, mobility, and freedom,withoutputting toomuchsand in
thegears.ThecurrentU.S. strategyistopushformoretrade,moreconnectivity,moremarkets,an d more openness. America does so for a good reason—it benefits from globalizationmorethananyothercountryintheworld.TheUnitedStat es acknowledges globalization’s dark side but attributes it merely to exploitative behavior by criminals, religious extremists, and other anachronistic elements that can be eliminated. The dark side of globalization,Americasays,withverylittlesubtlety,canbemitigated by theexpansionofAmericanpower,sometimesunilaterallyandsometi mes throughmultilateralinstitutions,dependingonhowtheUnitedStatesl ikes it. In other words, America is aiming for a “flat,” globalized world coordinatedbyasinglesuperpower. That’sniceworkifyoucangetit.ButtheUnitedStatesalmostcertainly cannot.Notonlybecauseothercountrieswon’tletit,but,moreprofoun dly,
because that line of thinking is faulty. The predominance of American powerhasmanybenefits,butthemanagementofglobalizationisnoton e ofthem.Themobilityof ideas,capital, technology,andpeople ishardly new.Buttherapidadvanceofglobalization’sevilsis.Mostofthatadva nce hastakenplacesince1990.Why?Becausewhatchangedprofoundlyin the 1990swasthepolarityoftheinternationalsystem.Forthefirsttimein modernhistory,globalizationwassuperimposedontoaworldwithasi ngle superpower.Whatwehavediscoveredinthepast15yearsisthatitisa dangerousmixture.Thenegativeeffectsofglobalizationsince1990ar e nottheresultofglobalizationitself.TheyarethedarksideofAmerican predominance. THEDANGERSOFUNIPOLARITY Astraightforwardpieceoflogicfrommarketeconomicshelpsexplain why
unipolarity and globalization don’t mix. Monopolies, regardless of who holdsthem,arealmostalwaysbadforboththemarketandthemonopoli st. Weproposethreesimpleaxiomsof“globalizationunderunipolarity”t hat revealthesedangers. Axiom1: Aboveacertainthresholdofpower,therateatwhichnewglobal problemsaregeneratedwillexceedtherateatwhicholdproblemsare fixed. Power does two things in international politics: It enhances the capabilityofastatetodothings,butitalsoincreasesthenumberofthing s that a state must worry about. At a certain point, the latter starts to overtaketheformer.It’sthefamiliarlawofdiminishingreturns.Becau se powerful states have large spheres of influence and their security and economicintereststoucheveryregionoftheworld,theyarethreatened by theriskofthingsgoingwrong— anywhere.Thatisparticularlytrueforthe
UnitedStates,whichleveragesitsabilitytogoanywhereanddoanythi ng throughmassivedebt.Nooneknowsexactlywhenthelawofdiminishi ng returnswillkickin.But,historically,itstartstohappenlongbeforeasi ngle greatpowerdominatestheentireglobe,whichiswhylargeempiresfro m ByzantiumtoRomehavealwaysreachedapointofunsustainability.T hat mayalreadybehappeningtotheUnitedStatestoday,onissuesranging from oil dependency and nuclear proliferation to pandemics and global warming. What Axiom 1 tells you is that more U.S. power is not the answer;it’sactuallypartoftheproblem.Amultipolarworldwouldalm ost certainly manage the globe’s pressing problems more effectively. The largerthenumberofgreatpowersintheglobalsystem,thegreaterthe chancethatatleastoneofthemwouldexercisesomecontroloveragive n combinationofspace,otheractors,andproblems.Suchreasoningdoe sn’t restonhopefulnotions that thegreatpowerswillworktogether.They
mightdoso.Buteveniftheydon’t,theresultisdistributedgovernance, wheresomegreatpower is interested inmosteverypartof theworld throughproductivecompetition. Axiom2: Inanincreasinglynetworkedworld,placesthatfallbetweenthe networksareverydangerousplaces— andtherewillbemoreungoverned zones when there is only one network to join. The second axiom acknowledgesthathighlyconnectednetworkscanbeefficient,robust ,and resilienttoshocks.Butinahighlyconnectedworld,thepiecesthatfall between the networks are increasingly shut off from the benefits of connectivity.Theseproblemsfesterintheformoffailedstates,mutate like pathogenic bacteria, and, in some cases, reconnect in subterranean networks suchasalQaeda.The trulydangerousplacesare thepoints wherethesubterraneannetworkstouchthemainstreamofglobalpoliti cs andeconomics.WhatmadeAfghanistansodangerousundertheTaliba
n wasnotthatitwasafailedstate.Itwasn’t.Itwasapartiallyfailedand partially connected state that worked the interstices of globalization through the drug trade, counterfeiting, and terrorism. Can any single superpowermonitoralltheseamsandbackalleysofglobalization?Ha rdly. In fact, a lone hegemon is unlikely to look closely at these problems, becausemorepressingissuesarehappeningelsewhere,inplaceswher e tradeandtechnologyaregrowing.Bycontrast,aworldofseveralgreat powersisamoreinterest- richenvironmentinwhichnationsmustlookin lessobviousplacestofindnewsourcesofadvantage.Insuchasystem,i t’s harderfortroublemakerstospringup,becausethecracksandseamsof globalizationareheldtogetherbystrongerties. Axiom 3: Without a real chance to find useful allies to counter a superpower,opponentswilltrytoneutralizepower,bygoingundergro und, going nuclear, or going “bad.” Axiom 3 is a story about the preferred
strategiesoftheweak.It’sabasicinsightofinternationalrelationsthat statestrytobalancepower.Theyprotect themselvesby joininggroups thatcanholdahegemonicthreatatbay.Butwhat ifthereisnoviable grouptojoin?Intoday’sunipolarworld,everynationfromVenezuelat o NorthKoreaislookingforawaytoconstrainAmericanpower.Butinth e unipolarworld,it’sharderforstatestojointogethertodothat.Sothey turntoothermeans.Theyplayadifferentgame.Hamas,Iran,Somalia, NorthKorea,andVenezuelaarenotgoingtobecomealliesanytimesoo n. Each is better off finding other ways to make life more difficult for Washington. Going nuclear is one way. Counterfeiting U.S. currency is another.Raisinguncertaintyaboutoilsuppliesisperhapsthemostobv ious methodofall.Here’stheimportantdownsideofunipolarglobalizatio n.Ina worldwithmultiplegreatpowers,manyof these threatswouldbe less troublesome. The relatively weak states would have a choice among potentialpartnerswithwhichtoally,enhancingtheir
influence.Without that more attractive choice, facilitating the dark side of globalization becomesthemosteffectivemeansofconstrainingAmericanpower. SHARINGGLOBALIZATION’SBURDEN The world is paying a heavy price for the instability created by the combination of globalization and unipolarity, and the United States is bearingmostof theburden.Considerthecaseofnuclearproliferation. There’seffectivelyamarketoutthereforproliferation,withitsownsu pply (stateswillingtosharenucleartechnology)anddemand(statesthatba dly want a nuclear weapon). The overlap of unipolarity with globalization ratchetsupboththesupplyanddemand,tothedetrimentofU.S.nationa l security. It has become fashionable, in the wake of the Iraq war, to commenton the limits of conventionalmilitary force.Butmuchof
this analysisisoverblown.TheUnitedStatesmaynotbeabletostabilizean d rebuild Iraq. But that doesn’t matter much from the perspective of a government that thinks the Pentagon has it in its sights. In Tehran, Pyongyang,andmanyothercapitals,includingBeijing,thebottomlin eis simple:TheU.S.militarycould,withconventionalforce,endthosereg imes tomorrow if it chose to do so. No country in the world can dream of challengingU.S.conventionalmilitarypower.Buttheycancertainly hope todeterAmericafromusingit.Andthebestdeterrentyetinventedisthe threatofnuclearretaliation.Before1989,statesthatfeltthreatenedby theUnitedStatescouldturntotheSovietUnion’snuclearumbrellafor protection.Now, they turn topeople likeA.Q.Khan.Havingyourown nuclearweaponusedtobealuxury.Today,itisfastbecominganecessit y. NorthKoreaistheclearestexample.Fewcountrieshaditworseduring the Cold War. North Korea was surrounded by feuding, nuclear- armed
communistneighbors,itwasofficiallyatwarwithitssouthernneighb or, anditstaredcontinuouslyattensofthousandsofU.S.troopsonitsbord er. But,for40years,NorthKoreadidn’tseeknuclearweapons.Itdidn’tne ed to,becauseithadtheSovietnuclearumbrella.Withinfiveyearsofthe Soviet collapse, however, Pyongyang was pushing ahead full steam on plutonium reprocessing facilities. North Korea’s founder, Kim Il Sung, barely flinchedwhen formerU.S.PresidentBillClinton’sadministration readiedwarplans to strikehisnuclear installationspreemptively.That brinkmanshippaidoff.TodayNorthKoreaislikelyanuclearpower,an d Kim’s son rules the country with an iron fist. America’s conventional military strength means a lot less to a nuclear North Korea. Saddam Hussein’sgreatstrategicblunderwasthathetooktoolongtogettothe sameplace. Howwouldthingsbedifferentinamultipolarworld?Forstarters,great
powerscouldsplitthejobofpolicingproliferation,andevencollabora teon someparticularlyhardcases.It’softenforgottennowthat,duringtheC old War,theonlystatewithatoughernonproliferationpolicythantheUnit ed States was the Soviet Union. Not a single country that had a formal alliancewithMoscoweverbecameanuclearpower.TheEasternblocw as full of countries with advanced technological capabilities in every area except one—nuclear weapons. Moscow simply wouldn’t permit it. But today we see the uneven and inadequate level of effort that non- superpowers devote to stopping proliferation. The Europeans dangle carrots at Iran, but they are unwilling to consider serious sticks. The Chineserefuse toadmit that there isaproblem.And theRussiansare aiding Iran’s nuclear ambitions. When push comes to shove, nonproliferationtoday
isalmostentirelyAmerica’sburden.Thesameis true forglobalpublichealth.Globalization is turning theworld intoan enormous petri dish for the incubation of infectious disease. Humans cannotoutsmartdisease,becauseitjustevolvestooquickly.Bacteriac an reproduceanewgeneration in less than30minutes,while it takesus decadestocomeupwithanewgenerationofantibiotics.

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