Critique of the Sandinista National Liberation Front's dictatorship elections under a state of repression of the opposition.

1. Nicaragua:
No to the bloody presidential election of the
Comandantissimo Ortega!
By Humberto Gómez Sequeira-HuGóS
15 October 2021
The Supreme Electoral Council (SEC) summoned, on May 7, 2021, the general elections in which
the electorate will elect the President of the Republic, the National Assembly (NA) and the members
of the Central American Parliament (CAP). The SEC is one of the powers that the Frente Sandinista de
Liberación Nacional (FSLN), Sandinista National Liberation Front (SNLF), has used to impose the
dictatorship it began to insert into the State since it took power on July 19, 1979.
Prior to that announcement, on April 18, 2018, the FSLN inaugurated its campaign to re-elect the
despot José Daniel Ortega Saavedra as the Head of State with a bloody repression of people who then
began to exercise their human right to oppose its totalitarian, kleptocratic and brutal policies. The
crimes that the SNLF committed at that time were reported by the Inter-American Commission on
Human Rights (IACHR), in part, as follows.
"To date, the violent response of the State to the social protests initiated on April 18, 2018, executed
under different modalities or stages of repression, has resulted in the death of 328 people, among them,
21 policemen and 24 children and adolescents; nearly 2 thousand injured; hundreds of arbitrary
dismissals of health professionals; more than 777 people were deprived of their liberty. These violations
remain in absolute impunity". Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) - Organization of
American States (OAS) - Press Release - April 18, 2020
The elections in question will be another political spectacle that the FSLN will present as its
"evidence" that the government it exercises—with the misleading seal of Gobierno de Reconciliación y
Unidad Nacional or Government of Reconciliation and National Unity—since January 10, 2007, is not a
totalitarian dictatorship, but a "popular democracy". The protagonist will be "the Sandinista people",
whose predecessor was "the Somocista people", dispossessed of their political agency and excited by
their prefabricated desire to reelect a liar as their messiah. This soldier, sick with aggressive ambition,
continues to be the FSLN's primitive candidate for President of the Republic. The corruptor of the
revolution still seems to have the power to complement the inadequacy of his followers by giving their
existence security with his violence, sense with his ignorance and value with his mediocrity.
If the Comandantíssimo Ortega does not officially impose a state of siege, the vote will be held under
the conditions that the FSLN imposed in previous elections in which it participated as the ruling
party—Sandinista electoral law, judges, police, mobs and violence—driven by its ambition to
perpetuate itself as the power of the State. The imposition of those restrictions in the November 5,
2017 municipal elections produced seven people dead and the occupation of the government of most
municipalities by the FSLN. Those elections, tinged with human blood, were observed by Haydée
Castillo in her capacity as a representative of Panorama Electoral. The following is an excerpt from the
interview between France 24 and Haydée Castillo, conducted on November 7, 2017.

2. 2 Humberto Gómez Sequeira-HuGóS
"The Sandinista Front party concentrated the power of all the voting boards and electoral structures,
played 'crazy mouse', which in Nicaragua means moving voters from one city to another so that people
cannot exercise their vote, hid cédulas (identification cards), used state vehicles and means, public
officials were pressured saying that in exchange for their work they should vote for the Sandinista Front."
MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS IN NICARAGUA - Irregularities and 4 deaths reported during the elections in
Nicaragua - France 24
The "peace" of the elections, tied to the trigger of the FSLN’s assault rifle, is already "guaranteed"
by the people it has killed, imprisoned, tortured, raped, defamed and pushed into exile during its dirty
electoral war against the opposition. The all-out offensive that the FSLN launched against the people
that rebelled against its dictatorship, on April 18, 2018, is the continuation of the FSLN's historical
policy of defending its right to rule as the victorious army that enclaved itself in the State, on July 19,
1979, and enriched itself with the booty of war and the appropriation of the public assets that the
Somoza Dynasty and its henchmen had stolen.
As the government, judge and electoral police, the FSLN approved, on December 21, 2020, the
totalitarian Law for the defense of the rights of the people to independence, sovereignty and self-determination for peace,
Law No. 1055, which it uses as the red-black powder of the assault rifle with which it has imprisoned
the opposition candidates so that they cannot "opt for positions of popular election". The Sandinista
law states that those who "injure the supreme interests of the nation" will be "Traitors to the
Homeland". To "injure" really means to oppose the FSLN’s dictatorship that has replaced the interests
of the nation with its ambition as a stupid, brutal and vain kleptocracy. With the aforementioned law,
the FSLN has robbed the nation of its right to rebel against its authoritarianism as the exercise of its
sovereignty over the State and the political party that administers it.
The Sandinista judges are applying the "Law for Peace" as a war tribunal that is part of the dirty
army that is carrying out the national purge, à la Stalin, as the sine qua non condition for the reelection
of the despot Ortega Saavedra as the President of the Republic. The humanity of the persons it
punishes, without having committed a crime, and the morality that should be the imperative of its
judgments are not elements of the conscience of that court.
Law No. 1055 is similar to Law No. 1074, Law on the Maintenance of Order and Public Security, which
the FSLN’s Government, called Junta de Gobierno de Reconstrucción Nacional or Government Junta of National
Reconstruction (GJNR), under the leadership of Daniel Ortega Saavedra and Sergio Ramírez Mercado,
acting as President and Vice President, respectively, approved on July 6, 1982. The similarity between
said laws is that both were adopted by the FSLN as "clean" instruments of its dirty war against the
opposition which in 1979 acted and currently acts according to the Statute on Rights and Guarantees of
Nicaraguans, Law No. 52, which the GJNR approved on August 21, 1979.
The tribunals that today the FSLN uses as the showcases of its prisons—where it exhibits the laws
with which it validates its dictatorship—are the successor agencies of the conscience of the 1979
Popular Anti-Somocista Tribunals, which were the extrajudicial powers that judged and condemned the
people that the FSLN then accused of being "enemies of the revolution". This accusation was part of
the FSLN's dirty war propaganda to implant itself in the State as the total power of the revolution that
it used to become the ruling class that today parasitizes and corrupts the State.
The class that was engendered by the capitalist ambition of the FSLN commanders stimulated its
development by putting its stamp of victorious army on the conscience of the State, represented by

3. Nicaragua: No to the bloody presidential election of the Comandantissimo Ortega! 3
the Law on the transfer of ownership of housing and other real estate belonging to the State and its institutions, Law
No. 85, of March 29, 1990. The FSLN captured the State property as part of its booty of war with its
victorious army right, which it turned into law, armed with the Legislative Power of the State it
controlled from 1979 to 1990. Law No. 85 was ratified by the governments that succeeded the FSLN’s
regime in the power of the State from 1990 to 2006. With the apparent acquiescence of its political
enemies, the FSLN adjusted the ethics of the State to its corruption and turned it into the social virtue
with which it built the sweeping power of its current dictatorship.
The tribunals of the FSLN’s dictatorship in 1979 were composed of the FSLN Political
Commission (PC), which functioned as the "Sandinista Cheka," the State Security Office (SSO), the
Sandinista Popular Army (SPA) and the Sandinista Defense Committees (SDC). The PC and the SSO
exercised the powers of accuser and interrogator, respectively, of the persons “not aligned" with the
ideological and political infallibility of the FSLN. The political propaganda and shock force that the
PC used to spy on, defame and intimidate people who were accused of the crime of political heresy
were the SDC. These groups became excited and aggressive mobs in the streets when incited by the
PC. Their role in the FSLN's dirty war against the opposition was to hold demonstrations, day and
night, in front of the homes of the accused, shouting death threats against them and praising the
FSLN.
The FSLN assumed the Judicial Power of the State, through the GJNR in 1979, as part of its
military victory and used it to consolidate its own power. Accordingly, the PC identified the persons
it accused of political heresy and submitted their data to the SSO, which responded by ordering the
SPA to arrest them. The SSO's favorite method of arrest was the invasion of their homes by SPA
soldiers in the middle of the night to brand their families' foreheads with the terror of the red and
black cross of the new doctrine of domination called Sandinismo. After they were arrested, at
gunpoint—without an arrest warrant signed by a judge—the victims of the lauded Popular Sandinista
Revolution were imprisoned, without charge or public trial, indefinitely.
In Granada, the FSLN imprisoned its political prisoners in the fortress and jail called La Pólvora
(The Gunpowder) that the Somoza Dynasty had used to torture its opponents. There, the SPA soldiers,
who acted as jailers, treated them as prisoners of war, without respect for their humanity and rights
according to any declaration on human rights, including that of the GJNR contained in Law No. 52.
The political prisoners were extracted from their cells at midnight by SPA soldiers to be taken to the
SSO in Granada. In that dark and terrible interrogation center, the political prisoners were interrogated
by the Criminal Judge of Granada, Agustín Cruz Pérez—who was charged by the FSLN to apply the
"justice of the revolution"—with an interrogatory written by the SSO to examine their conscience and
prescribe their punishment.
In 1979, "Year of the Liberation" in the Sandinista calendar of myths and lies, the FSLN waged a
dirty war of revenge against its enemies and total elimination of the opposition, backed by the silence
of the GJNR. In that Junta, Violeta Barrios Torres, widow of Chamorro, and Luis Alfonso Robelo
Callejas participated as representatives of the democratic bourgeoisie and their political parties:
Democratic Liberation Union (UDEL) and Nicaraguan Democratic Movement (MDN), respectively.
Also, Sergio Ramírez Mercado and Ernesto Cardenal Martínez participated in the same Government
as representatives of the intelligentsia that adorned the brutality of the FSLN.
During its crusade to align the opposition with the assault rifle of its doctrine of domination,
Sandinismo, the FSLN made false accusations with which it persecuted, arrested, imprisoned and

4. 4 Humberto Gómez Sequeira-HuGóS
violated the human rights of persons accused of political heresy and their families. Also, SPA soldiers
executed prisoners, extrajudicially, without opposition or denunciation by the "democratic" members
of the GJNR. Instead of confronting the FLN—armed with the Statute on Rights and Guarantees of
Nicaraguans that they had approved—the UDEL and MDN representatives preferred to resign their
political posts—which the Sandinista commanders gave them as bona fide evidence of their class
consciousness—to support the counterrevolutionaries' that were waging war against the FSLN, in
1980, to seize the power of the State.
The violations that the FSLN and JGRN committed and for which it is responsible were
investigated, defined and published by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR)
in its Resolution 12/83 cited here, in part, as follows.
"On July 1, 1983, the IACHR adopted Resolution 12/83 which in its operative part declared that the
Government of Nicaragua violated Articles 4 (Right to Life), 7 (Right to Personal Liberty) and 8 (Judicial
Guarantees), of the American Convention on Human Rights by being responsible for the illegal executions
of persons detained in the prison known as "La Pólvora" in the city of Granada." Inter-American
Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) - Organization of American States (OAS) - Resolution Number
20/83 Case "La Pólvora" Nicaragua - October 4, 1983
The dirty war the FSLN waged against the opposition in 1979 was the model for the dirty war it
has been waging, at least since April 2018, against the opposition as the bloody prologue to the day
when the FSLN wants to turn its Comandantíssimo Ortega into the body and blood of the State, and the
host of the nation. That political spectacle will be the smokescreen over the jails where the FSLN
continues to confine the people it accuses of the crime that the despot and judge Ortega Saavedra
invented, "Traitor to the homeland", and the Sandinista Assembly approved.
According to reports by Human Rights Watch and Presas and Presos Políticos Nicaragua (Women and
Men Political Prisoners Nicaragua) the FSLN was holding approximately 145 political prisoners in its
jails as of September 2021. The following is an excerpt from the Human Rights Watch report.
"In addition to the 36 detentions carried out since the end of May 2021, Nicaraguan human rights
organizations indicate that another 104 people perceived to be critical were previously detained and, as
of August, remained in detention. Many have been detained for more than a year and face abusive
conditions of detention similar to those documented in this publication." Nicaragua: Fabricated
accusations against critics - Abusive detention conditions, due process violations, and arbitrary
prosecutions. Human Rights Watch – 9/20/2021
In addition to having granted itself the repressive and selective power of Law No. 1055, the FSLN
has merged the State power with the totalitarian ambition of its leader, elevating him above national
sovereignty with the fictitious title of "El Pueblo Presidente" (The People President). In this way, his
followers pretend to hide the fact that the despot wants to be the power of the State because he is
affected with the Hubris Syndrome, addiction to power, and not because "the people" have commanded
him to do so. That disease and its extreme manifestations, corruption and violence, drove the despot
Anastasio Somoza Debayle and now drive the despot José Daniel Ortega Saavedra to wage a total war
against the nation using the State as the weapon with which he defends the interests of the red-black
kleptocracy he created with Law No. 85.
The Electoral Power that will determine the results of the so-called presidential elections continues
to be controlled by the FSLN, now, through magistrates Brenda Isabel Rocha Chacón and Cairo

5. Nicaragua: No to the bloody presidential election of the Comandantissimo Ortega! 5
Melvin Amador, who are the President and Vice-President, respectively, of the new Supreme Electoral
Council (SEC) or, better said, Sandinista Electoral Council (SEC). These judges were appointed by
the majority of Sandinista deputies and their political cronies in the National Assembly and sworn in
after having recited the prayer Thanks to Commander Daniel and his good government, on May 6, 2021. Rocha
Chacón and Amador are the representatives of the new generation of the intelligentsia, the Birretes
Rojinegros (Red-black Mortarboards), who graduated as Guardians of the Power of the FSLN after they
surrendered their conscience to the party in exchange for allowing them to enjoy the pleasure of being
members of the Cofradía del Comandantíssimo Ortega (Brotherhood of the Supreme Commander Ortega). The
aforementioned jurists are united to the Sandinista kleptocracy by means of their motto: Lies can be the
truth and corruption can be integrity. This is the ethical mechanism with which that class of jurists and
politicians, which parasitizes and corrupts the State, fights to retain the power of the State like the
assault rifle with which the Sandinista police defends its belief that it deserves the privileges it enjoys.
The SEC continues to be an organ dependent on the FSLN as the force that dominates the State
and creates the legislation with which it supports the value of its parliamentarians who sell quotas of
power in the Government’s dark room, where capital determines the utility of its politics. Its historical
role has been that of the judge that applies the corruption of the State in the form of electoral law, at
least since the Somoza Dynasty eliminated it as the conscience of the electoral system and guarantor
of the honesty of its functioning and product.
The Electoral Power does not exist as a moral agent of a sovereign electorate. Before the FSLN
entrusted the application of its Electoral Law to Rocha Chacón, the President of the SEC was Roberto
José Rivas Reyes. This judge was reelected by the government of José Arnoldo "El Gordo" Alemán
Lacayo, president of the Constitutionalist Liberal Party (CLP), in 2000. The reelection of Rivas Reyes
was one of the effects of the 1999 Alemán-Ortega Pact. According to the terms of that "Fat Pact",
the governing PLC and the opposing FSLN divided the Legislative Power between them and reformed
the Electoral Law to adjust it to their moral and political insufficiency to win a presidential election or
to win it with the majority of the votes. Therefore, they lowered the percentage of votes needed to
win the presidency from 45% to 35%. This reform was one of the factors that determined the victory
of the despot Ortega Saavedra in the 2006 election for President of the Republic with only 38% of
the votes, according to the data of the SEC under the administration of Judge Rivas Reyes.
The judge in question resigned from his position on May 31, 2018, after he was accused of
corruption by the Frente Amplio por la Democracia (FAD), Broad Front for Democracy, among other
entities. The FAD filed a formal complaint at the offices of the Public Ministry against Rivas Reyes
and his boss, despot Ortega Saavedra, for Crimes Against Public Administration and Crimes Against
Patrimony and Socioeconomic Order, on February 28, 2021. The "resignation" of the former
president of the SEC does not exempt the FSLN from the crimes of which he is accused. The case of
Rivas Reyes is only a bubble of the boiling corruption that continues to be the value with which the
political parties, historically, have negotiated the power of the State at the table of ambition.
The SEC's call for general elections is not the act of a power separate from the FSLN’s dirty
strategy to capture the elections’ results and turn them into its victory. Furthermore, it is not clear and
convincing evidence that the Government of Reconciliation and National Unity (GRNU), controlled by the
FSLN, is a free democracy and not the dictatorship of a kleptocracy that hides its black muzzle and
red cudgel behind the slogan "good government". The truth is that the FSLN can only govern like the
army that, on July 19, 1979, converted its military victory into the right to possess the State and reorder
it to turn it into the fortress from which it defends its booty of war—which it immunized against

6. 6 Humberto Gómez Sequeira-HuGóS
prosecution with Law No. 85—repressing whoever it suspects of wanting to take away "its reward"
for having "liberated the nation" from the evil Somoza Dynasty.
The FSLN has already turned the announced presidential elections into its means to achieve its
goal of covering up its totalitarian ambition, creating a mirage with the heat generated by the assault
rifles with which it represses the opposition to its dictatorship that its publicists make up with the vain
adjectives "Christian, socialist and solidary". In that illusion, "the people" will "happily" vote, once
again, for "the Good Government of President Commander Daniel Ortega and Compañera Rosario
Murillo". "Good" is the adjective with which the FSLN qualifies itself in its propaganda discourse,
while in its jails its henchmen torture its designated "enemies", or suspected of being so, "for their
own good" and to align them with the corrupt tongue of the despot Ortega Saavedra under the shadow
of his conscience.
In the elections in which the FSLN has "won", "the people" who have elected it, in fact, have
validated the ignorance, ambition, corruption, brutality and mediocrity which are its real attributes. By
voting in elections that the FSLN has conditioned with its policy of leader of the kleptocracy that
plunders the State, "the people" have corrupted themselves and lost their sovereignty. The incentive
of voters intimidated by poverty—which the FSLN has cultivated with its "socialist" policy for the
enrichment of its capitalist sponsors—has been hunger, not love for the "good despot" who gets
confused trying to talk like a good Samaritan.
Presidential elections are a mechanism of democracy, which is the property of the nation that
works and pays tribute to the State to maintain it. And the vote is a right of the nation that exercises
it to confirm the primacy of its sovereignty over the State and the political party that administers it.
Democracy is not the program of the political party that administers the State, which is the property
of the nation. The Government should be the moral agent of a policy that belongs to the nation and
should serve only as the instrument for the construction of its welfare and improvement. The
Government should not be the political party and public policy should not be the political party line.
The FSLN does not understand the aforementioned democratic principles because it is not a
democratic entity nor does it know how to govern a civil society without its assault rifle and mobs;
armed only with the lantern of truth, reason and honesty. The law and policy of its government are
the reflections of its instinct as an army fighting to defeat its enemy and retain the power of the State
that it conquered as the main objective of its war against the Somoza Dynasty in 1979. Public power
has been converted by the FSLN into the bullet of honor that it has pinned to the chest of a false hero
to satisfy his vanity and complement his inadequacy to make a living as a naked ape.
The knowledge of government that the president of the FSLN possesses is the product of the
sum of his war experience and admiration for the totalitarian power and the "revolutionary” and
luxurious way of life of the Stalinist bureaucracy that educated him and lives off the domination of
Cuban and its wealth. His conscience is a traumatized remnant of the war he waged against his enemy,
the National Guard (NG), killing in order not to be killed, guided by the principle of "the end justifies
the means". The Sandinista commanders learned to govern their army during said war as members of
a privileged aristocracy with the scepter of "comandantismo", that is, the descending pyramidal system,
of order and obedience, originating in the superiority of the commander over the soldier.
The dirty electoral war that the FSLN is waging against the opposition to impose the despot
Ortega Saavedra as the winner of the next presidential election is a reflection of its moral and political

7. Nicaragua: No to the bloody presidential election of the Comandantissimo Ortega! 7
insecurity of itself. The aspirant to the scepter of totalitarian Commander-State is a soldier who is sick
with war, ambition, vanity and mediocrity. His decadent "strongman" appearance is a manufactured
"bravery" armored with the assault rifles of his henchmen. Such a war is the expression of his fear of
the inevitable advent of "Somoza's day", when he will no longer be able to impose his immoral power
on the nation with his military might and his political illusion will disappear.
The FSLN took the power of the State, on July 19, 1979, acting in its condition of victorious army
with the right to take possession of the booty of war and govern the nation. The first government it
established, the Government Junta of National Reconstruction (GJNR), was a product of its need to articulate
the State with its purpose of becoming the ruling class, the "sons of Sandino", that is rooted in the
"liberator" army that was the beneficiary of the spoils of war. The functioning of the GJNR was
subordinated by the FSLN to the despot Ortega Saavedra’s desire of becoming the sum total of the
power of the armed forces, the State and the nation.
The current dictatorship of the FSLN—which it executes with the deceptive seal of Government of
Reconciliation and National Unity (GRNU)—is the desire of said despot converted into the economic,
political and military machine that he uses to wage his dirty war against the opposition to impose
himself as the total incarnation of the State and democracy.
Democracy is not the instrument that suits the FSLN's primitive condition of an army that governs
with its war mentality to defend its possession of the power of the State as the most valuable jewel of
its booty of war. Moreover, the FSLN is a kleptocracy whose survival instinct drives it toward
totalitarianism and war. Its only interest in government is to use it as the legislator who turns its
corruption into law, the policeman who arrests its enemies and the judge who convicts them.
The bloody presidential election of the Comandantíssimo Ortega will be carried out as part of the
FSLN's policy for the perpetuation of its dictatorship through the substitution of democracy by a false
and tyrannical "Father of the Homeland".
The presidential election which is part of the mechanism of the democracy that the nation controls
as part of its sovereignty over the State cannot be held with the People imprisoned by the Government
of a delusional, lying, thieving and aggressive soldier.