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South African Journal of Education, Volume 36, Number 1, February 2016 1
Art. # 792, 8 pages, doi: 10.15700/saje.v36n1a792
The readiness of schools in Zimbabwe for the implementation of early childhood
education
Ezron Mangwaya
Department of Educational Foundations, Faculty of Education, Midlands State University, Zimbabwe
mangwaya@gmail.com
Sylvan Blignaut and Shervani K. Pillay
Faculty of Education, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, Port Elizabeth, South Africa
This qualitative study focuses on primary schools’ state of readiness for the introduction of early childhood education.
Adopting a multiple case study design, the article explores, through semi-structured interviews and documentation, school
heads, teachers-in-charge and classroom teachers’ perceptions of their respective schools’ state of readiness for the
installation and implementation of early childhood education. The study established that, while classroom teachers were
adequately qualified to implement early childhood education, teachers-in-charge were not. Secondly, school heads received
limited induction for the introduction and implementation of early childhood education. Additionally, inadequate teaching-
learning resources and lack of on-going teacher support contributed to schools’ lack of readiness for the introduction of early
childhood education. The study recommends interventions that curriculum planners and implementers can utilise in order to
create conditions that enable primary schools to be ready for introducing and implementing early childhood education.
Keywords: early childhood education; implementation; primary school; school readiness
Introduction
Contemporary educational discourse has pushed early childhood education (ECE) and care closer to the
forefront of what is considered progressive policy formation. International aid agencies, such as the World
Bank, World Health Organization (WHO), United Nations Educational and Scientific and Cultural Organisation
(UNESCO), United Nations Children’s Education Fund (UNICEF) and others (Freeman & Faure, 2003), have
promoted the creation and expansion of ECE programmes in developing countries. Developing countries,
including Zimbabwe, have been caught in this storm of educational policy reform and have, consequently,
demonstrated a new commitment to educational provision for pre-primary learners. According to Evans, Myers
and Ilfeld (2000), the period of early childhood has been identified as the most formative in a child’s
development, one that will have long-lasting – even permanent – influence on his/her adult life. From birth to
age eight, a child gradually masters increasingly complex levels of moving, thinking, feeling, and interacting
with people and the world around him. Abundant evidence from diverse fields – physiology, nutrition, health,
sociology, psychology, and education shows how these early years are crucial to the development of
intelligence, personality, and social behaviour (Hubbard, Stein & Mehan, 2006; Weick, Sutcliffe & Obstfeld,
2005).
Evans et al. (2000) assert that roughly three stages of early childhood development lay the foundation for
future growth. The most rapid period of brain development (cell growth and neural connections) takes place in
the first two years of life. Although the structure of the brain is determined biologically, and, is considerably
developed in the prenatal stage, a child’s interaction with his/her environment will develop the critical brain
connections that set the pathways for intellectual, physical, emotional, immunological and social functions
(Freeman & Faure, 2003). The ability to walk as well as manual dexterity are developed in the first two years.
From ages two through five, a child develops language skills, fundamental social skills, and the base for
‘learning to learn’ that translates into school readiness. Character and personality are largely formed, and major
social and moral values are transmitted. From ages six through to eight, a child consolidates earlier learning,
begins to learn conceptually, as well as to manipulates ideas, and enters the ‘age of reason’. From the foregoing
it can be observed that for Evans et al. (2000), Freeman and Faure (2003) and indeed for many scholars who
have investigated learners between 0 and 8 years, ECE is very broad. In the Zimbabwean context, Grade Zero
refers to pre-primary school learners and has specific age boundaries (3-5 years). Grade zero logically thus
qualifies as a subset of ECE. It may thus seem odd to use Grade Zero and ECE interchangeably. For the purpose
of this study, however, Zimbabwe policy circular 14 of 2004 uses grade zero and ECE interchangeably hence
the use of this coupling in this study.
Evans et al. (2000) further highlight that if a child’s body and brain develop well, his learning potential
increases. Conversely, neglect of a child’s biological and mental needs at this critical and formative stage can
have a negative impact, resulting in delayed or debilitated cognitive development, stunted growth, and physical
impairment. When a child’s inherent physical, social, and psychological capacities are not nurtured, they wither.
The quality of care during this period, through ECE, thus greatly affects the development of the child, his/her
health, his/her psyche, and his/her capacity for future learning.
2 Mangwaya, Blignaut, Pillay
Provision of ECE in Zimbabwe can be traced
to the early 1970s (Zimbabwe Ministry of
Education, 1989). During that period, ECE was
generally understood to include nursery schools,
pre-school education, creche and ECE and care.
The differences in nomenclature served to divide
early childhood provision according to age of
learners, with the first two categories referring to
those learners (ages 5-6), who were preparing to
join the formal primary school system, as distin-
guished from the latter two, referring to learners
between 3-4 years of age. Zvobgo (2007) asserts
that during this pre-independence era, ECE was
largely provided in affluent urban areas. Rural
areas had no such provision. The dawn of inde-
pendence ushered in the high demand for ECE by
the black working classes, and this led to a
proliferation of pre-schools in urban centres, and
some such centres were created in rural areas as
well. Dyanda, Makoni, Mudukuti and Kuyayama
(2005) have observed that the pre-schools which
mushroomed at this time were privately owned, did
not have a uniform curriculum, and were staffed by
people with differing qualifications. It is such
circumstances that the government of Zimbabwe
was trying to address when it directed that Grade
Zero/ECE be implemented in primary schools in
2006. To place this directive in proper context, a
background to the introduction of ECE, both
internationally as well as in Zimbabwe, is provided.
Background to the Study
Children and young people constitute more than
half of Africa’s population (UNICEF, 2003).
Therefore, proper care of and investment in
children, through sound ECE programmes, can
ensure a bright future for the continent, with well-
developed human capital and enhanced produc-
tivity. The most recent impetus for ECE and care
growth in Africa can be traced to the adoption of
the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC)
on 20 November 1989, and its rapid ratification
from 1990 onwards (Aidoo, 2006). In March 1990,
the World Conference on Education for All (EFA)
held in Jomtien, Thailand, launched ECE and care
as an essential part of the global movement to
educate all children. The world declaration on EFA
(UNESCO, 2004) observed that since learning
begins at birth, it is imperative to give priority to
ECE.
In September 1990, the World Summit for
Children was held in New York to give the highest
level of endorsement to the survival, development
and protection rights of all children without
discrimination of any kind. Jomtien’s endorsement
of ECE and the enthusiasm that led to the CRC
being ratified more quickly and by more countries
than any previous human rights instruments
(UNICEF, 2001) gave rise to the proliferation of
government ECE programmes. These programmes
were partly supported by multilateral, bilateral,
non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and chari-
table organisations in Latin America, East Asia,
Middle East and North Africa, but to a much lesser
extent, in Sub-Saharan Africa (Jaramillo & Mingat,
2003). Aidoo (2006) further points out that in April
2000, a follow up conference on EFA, the World
Education Forum, held in Dakar, provided an
opportunity to review and assess ECE and care ex-
periences to date. The conference made a renewed
commitment to expanding and improving compre-
hensive early childhood care and education. The
call for comprehensive ECE and care received yet
another high-level political endorsement (UNICEF,
2003) when the United Nations Millennium Sum-
mit of September 2000 adopted eight millennium
development goals (MDGs) to be met by 2015. Six
of the MDGs related to young children and women,
and thus to ECE. According to UNICEF (2003) the
six MDGs can best be met when the rights of
children to health, education, and equality are pro-
tected. The six MDGs in question are:
 eradicating extreme poverty and hunger;
 achieving universal primary education;
 promoting gender equality and empowering women;
 eliminating gender disparities in schooling
opportunities;
 reducing by two thirds the death rate of children
under the age of five, and;
 reducing by three quarters, the ratio of maternal
deaths to live births; and
 combating HIV/Aids, malaria and other diseases
(UNICEF, 2003:145).
According to Young (2002) the expanding vision
of ECE and care since 1990 has further been pro-
moted by a growing body of literature that advo-
cates, justifies and reviews early childhood ac-
tivities worldwide. This has helped clarify the
concepts, scope and best features of ECE, as well
as the rationale for governments and their develop-
ment partners to invest in ECE and care pro-
grammes. The work of, among others, the Consul-
tative Group of Early Childhood Care and De-
velopment and the Working Group on Early
Childhood Development of the Association for the
Development of Education in Africa (ADEA) has
contributed significantly to the common view of
the principles and main features of ECE and care
policy provision (Vargas-Baron, 2004).
In Zimbabwe, ECE and care can be traced, as
intimated earlier on, to the pre-independence era.
During this colonial era, ECE services were
provided in line with Statutory Instruments and
Education Acts which portrayed bias, racial dis-
crimination and segregation. For instance, whereas
the Child Protection and Adoption regulations of
1972 provided for the establishment of custodial
and healthcare centres for African children between
ages of zero and three, the Nursery School
regulations of 1973 specifically stipulated that
provision of nursery education should benefit pu-
South African Journal of Education, Volume 36, Number 1, February 2016 3
pils who are not Africans to prepare for formal
learning. The table below clearly illustrates the
differences as spelt out in the two sets of regu-
lations:
The Child Protection and Adoption Regulations of 1972 The Nursery School Regulations of 1973
Regulated the establishment of creches for children between
0 - 3 years.
Administered by the Department of Social Welfare.
People with some health training e.g. nurses and midwives
would man the creche.
Focused on custodianship and healthcare of children.
Regulated establishment of nursery schools for white
children between 0-6 years.
Administered by the Ministry of Education.
Manned by qualified white nursery school teachers.
Care taking and cleaning of the premises were done by
citizens.
Curriculum was structured to develop basic learning and
developmental skills but not the ‘three Rs’ (Reading, Writing
and Arithmetic).
NB: Meant to prepare children for formal learning.
A number of observations can be made from
the provisions of the two sets of regulations.
Firstly, the creches to be established for African
children, under the Child Protection and Adoption
regulations of 1972, were to be brought under the
auspices of the Department of Social Welfare. This
means that the Ministry of Education was not in
any way linked to these centres. Secondly, no
curriculum was suggested under the Child Pro-
tection and Adoption regulations of 1972. On the
other hand, the Nursery School regulations of 1973
(which were developed for white children), pro-
vided for nursery schools under the Ministry of
Education. From these observations it is evident
that while the 1972 regulations served a paediatric
function, the 1973 regulations served a pedagogic
function, which advantaged white children only.
This meant that the ECE service, meant to provide
a foundation for future development, was utilised
only by the elite (non-Africans), thereby per-
petuating the social and economic injustices at the
earliest stage of child development.
After attaining independence in 1980, the new
government’s intervention with respect to these
discrepancies only began in 1982, when the Child
Protection and Adoption regulations of 1972 and
the Nursery School regulations of 1973 were re-
pealed (Zimbabwe Ministry of Education, 2006).
New ECE and care programmes were initiated
under the Ministry of Community Development
and Women’s Affairs. The UNESCO (2006) coun-
try report on Zimbabwe states that the government
realised that ECE and care programmes were
necessary in order to promote the holistic develop-
ment of children. These programmes would also
enable early childhood learners to reach their full
potential for formal schooling and life-long
education. This realisation, by the Zimbabwe go-
vernment led to the establishment and mush-
rooming of rural ECE centres with the majority of
them operating under trees and manned by un-
trained staff.
In 1988, the status of ECE and care was
enhanced when it was brought under the Zimbabwe
Ministry of Education (1989). This was a major
turning point since ECE had all along operated
under a ministry (Community Development and
Women's Affairs) which had little to do with
education. By placing ECE under the Ministry of
Education the Zimbabwean government was ack-
nowledging that ECE and care was an integral part
of the formal education system. Early childhood
education (ECE) was thus declared a basic human
right, as for all other forms of education. Although
the government, through the Ministry of Education
Sport and Culture, took the lead in the development
of ECE programmes, it should be highlighted that
the Ministry of Education only provided a policy
framework which guided the operations of ECE
centres run by a variety of stakeholders outside the
ministry. These stakeholders included, among oth-
ers, local authorities and communities and their
centre development committee structures, NGOs,
church groups, as well as private organisations and
individuals.
These various stakeholders effectively ran
ECE programmes, which prepared children for
primary education beginning at the age of six years
(Zimbabwe Ministry of Education, 1987). Thus
before this age, several programmes variously
known as creches, nursery schools, day care cen-
tres, kindergartens and pre-schools, served children
from three years of age. In theory, each name
connotes a different target group and different
content, differentiated primarily by age. The first
four programmes are usually designated for child-
ren up to four years of age and are designed to
provide mainly custodial care. On the other hand,
pre-schools are usually meant for children between
four and five years of age, and are more concerned
4 Mangwaya, Blignaut, Pillay
with school preparation (Dyanda et al., 2005). In
practice, however, the name most establishments
go by has more to do with marketing, with mixed
age enrolment being the norm. UNESCO (2006)
observed that from the late 1970s up to 2003, ECE
in Zimbabwe, as represented by the above named
categories, was largely run by local authorities,
private individuals, non-governmental organisa-
tions, voluntary organisations and self-help groups.
The Ministries of Women’s Affairs and Comm-
unity Development and Labour and Social Ser-
vices, coordinated rural pre-schools. The Zim-
babwe Ministry of Education (1989) only provided
a policy framework for ECE operations with mini-
mum guidelines for its supervision. Since education
at this level was largely in the hands of private
providers, financing of ECE has remained unclear.
Home based pre-schools in urban areas have mush-
roomed, albeit at the expense of quality education.
It has been documented that much of the curricula
of private pre-schools are outdated, and inadequate
for this age group, and the home environments are
not conducive to learning (UNESCO, 2006).
According to UNESCO, coordination and collab-
oration across all levels and ministries in the
government is essential for a strong and cohesive
ECE policy (Aidoo, 2006; UNICEF, 2008).
Given the above, there was an urgent need for
a coherent policy on ECE. According to the Mini-
stry of Education ECE was thus to be absorbed into
the general education development policy frame-
work and made part of a coherent, systematic,
comprehensive and proactive development reality
in Zimbabwe (Zimbabwe Ministry of Education,
2006). Realising that there was no coordination in
the manner in which ECE programmes operated in
particular, and in the manner in which education
and training was operating in general, the Zimba-
bwean government set up a commission of inquiry
into education and training to examine how the
education system could be revamped. One of the
terms of reference of this commission (Nzirama-
sanga, 1999) was to identify areas in education and
training that required reform on a short-term,
medium-term and long-term basis. The commission
identified ECE and care (term of reference 2.1.2) as
a decisive area, where the foundation of the basic
principles and philosophy of Zimbabwe’s educa-
tion system was to be laid. The commission thus
recognised the importance of this stage in a child’s
life and education. It also took note of the fact that
not all Zimbabwean children below the age of six
years were able to access ECE (Nziramasanga,
1999). In the commission’s view, an improved and
extended system of provision of education for
children in this age bracket would provide
extensive long-term benefits for the nation. Such an
educational change/reform was to be implemented
by the Ministry of Education.
Educational change can be categorised either
as a first order or second order change (Fullan,
2007). First order changes are those that improve
the efficiency and effectiveness of what is currently
being implemented without disturbing the basic
organisational features and without substantially al-
tering the way children and adults perform their
roles. Waks (2007) adds that first-order changes are
initiated to enhance the existing organisation by
correcting deficiencies in organisational policies
and procedures. Such changes assume that the exis-
ting goals and structures are adequate and desira-
ble. In our view, first order changes are thus not
intended to alter the structure of an organi-
sation/school. In theory, this arrangement should
improve coordination, supervision and monitoring,
as well as resource allocation. Second order
changes, on the other hand, seek to alter the funda-
mental ways in which organisations are put
together, including new goals, structures and roles.
As an example of a second order change that has
taken place, Waks (2007) points to a replacement
of the common school by a graded elementary
school in the mid-nineteenth century America. This
change involved structural differentiation: the
graded school had new parts put together in a new
way. Children were grouped in age-graded class-
rooms, where previously they had been grouped in
benches within a single one-room school, accord-
ing to their discernible academic progress. From
the foregoing, the second-order change, which
Waks (2007) also calls ‘fundamental change’,
means putting an existing organisation/school in a
new working order through functional and struc-
tural alterations. It means change in educational
ideas, norms, and organisational arrangements. Al-
though Fullan (2007) asserts that most changes
since the turn of the century have been first order
changes, it is our contention that the introduction of
grade zero/ECE was a second order change. The
change was new to primary schools in Zimbabwe,
and hence meant that new structures, goals and
roles had to be developed. The foregoing has im-
plications for the various school contexts in which
ECE was introduced.
In 2004, the Ministry of Education instituted a
policy that directed all primary schools to attach at
least two Grade Zero/ECE classes for children in
the 3-5 year age group to their schools. From the
findings of Nziramasanga (1999), it was observed
that the majority of Zimbabwean children,
particularly those in rural and poor areas, did not
have access to Grade Zero/ECE. Dyanda et al.
(2005) assert that the commission recommended
that all children go through Grade Zero, an ECE
programme, before entry into the first formal
school learning grade, in order to increase access
and give every child a fair start. Grade Zero or ECE
was mandated to be implemented in primary
South African Journal of Education, Volume 36, Number 1, February 2016 5
schools with effect from 2006 (Zimbabwe Ministry
of Education, 2006). This study seeks to investigate
teachers’ perceptions of primary schools’ state of
readiness for the introduction of this innovation.
Statement of the Problem
Prior to institutionalising policy 14 of 2004 ECE
was implemented by local authorities, non-govern-
mental organisations, church groups, private or-
ganisations and individuals. The curriculum used
by the foregoing players was not uniform. It is
against this background that primary schools which
originally had no role to play in the implementation
of ECE were directed to implement Grade Zero
/ECE with effect from 2006. This study investi-
gates primary school teachers’ perceptions of
schools’ state of readiness for not only introducing
but also implementing the early childhood inno-
vation.
Research Questions
The study was structured around the following re-
search questions:
 How were teachers prepared for implementing early
childhood education?
 What resources were set aside for implementing
early childhood education?
 How were teachers supported as they implemented
early childhood education?
Methodology
This qualitative study makes use of a multiple case
study research design. A case study is an intensive,
holistic description and analysis of a bounded phe-
nomenon such as a programme (like ECE), an
institution, a person, a process or a social unit. By
concentrating on a single phenomenon or entity,
(the case), this design aims to uncover the inter-
action of significant factors characteristic of the
phenomenon. The case study, which is also known
as an examination of an instance in action or
interpretation in context, is described by Bassey
(1999:36) as an inquiry that “investigates a con-
temporary phenomenon within its real life context.”
In this study, the phenomenon that is being in-
vestigated is teachers’ perceptions of primary
schools’ state of readiness for the implementation
of ECE. Early childhood education (ECE) was
introduced in a particular context, namely primary
schools. Five primary schools were purposively
sampled and from each school the school head, the
teacher-in-charge (TIC) and the ECE teacher were
purposively selected as participants in the study.
These participants were selected as they were
considered to be information rich by working
directly with ECE learners. It is thus imperative to
investigate what the school heads, teachers-in-
charge and classroom teachers (who are all referred
to as teachers in this study) say about their schools’
state of preparedness for this innovation. To in-
vestigate teachers’ perceptions on primary schools’
state of readiness for implementing ECE, the study
made use of semi-structured interviews and docu-
ment analysis.
Findings
Data from semi-structured interviews and docu-
ment analysis can be placed into the following
themes which are now discussed below:
Teacher Preparation
From the interview data and school records, it was
evident that teachers-in-charge only attended an
average of two half-day workshops as preparation
for supervising Grade Zero/ECE. Grade Zero/ECE
teachers in four selected schools held diploma in
ECE. These teachers were adequately prepared at
teacher education institutions. From our personal
interviews with school heads and teachers-in-
charge, qualified Grade Zero/ECE teachers were
described as displaying confidence and a capacity
for warm relationships with learners. Such teachers
were said to be nurturing towards ECE learners,
skillful communicators, good role models and
allowed children to learn through play. Unqualified
ECE teachers did not, understandably, exhibit these
characteristics. Such a picture points to the need for
the Ministry of Education to ensure that persons
engaged as ECE teachers are adequately and
sufficiently trained. Only then, would it be possible
to say confidently that Zimbabwe primary schools
are ready for the introduction of Grade Zero/ECE
with respect to availability of qualified teachers. At
the rural school, however, unqualified teachers
handled the two Grade Zero/ECE classes. Prepa-
ration for this group of teachers was done in
workshops attended by teachers-in-charge. Inter-
views with unqualified teachers yielded no useful
information, as these were not conversant with the
procedures that teachers adopt in teaching-learning
situations. Perhaps observing them teach a lesson
or two could have shed more light on their state of
readiness for implementing ECE.
Interview data and school records further re-
vealed that school heads were provided with
limited preparation for executing their roles with
respect to ECE. In this respect, one school head had
this to say: “although we attended three day
workshops at the district office I cannot say that I
am clear of what I am expected to do with regards
supervision of ECE programmes. I need extended
training perhaps for six months, or more.” Conse-
quently some school heads remained uncertain as
to what constitutes ECE, as well as how ECE
learners should be taught. This might perhaps ex-
plain why every time we raised specific issues on
the teaching, supervision and assessment of learn-
ers at this level, school heads almost always
referred us to either the TIC or the ECE teacher for
clarification. One limitation experienced during this
study relates to the use of two instruments to
6 Mangwaya, Blignaut, Pillay
generate its data. A use of observation might have
been useful for triangulation purposes.
The introduction of ECE created challenges
for school heads and TICs alike. The problem lay
in the fact that they were confronted with having to
cope with a new reality – managing the intro-
duction and implementation of ECE – despite the
fact that they were not specifically trained for it.
From the demographical data, all school heads and
TICs in this multiple case study had been trained to
teach learners from Grade One, upwards. It is
possible to argue that the ECE change was intro-
duced by the Ministry of Education with insuffi-
cient consideration of how school heads and TICs
as key players in curriculum implementation ex-
perience the process. Educational planners seemed
to be unaware of the extent of the cultural shift they
were requiring school heads and TICs to make.
These teachers were expected to adjust personal
habits, learn new skills, and perform new roles.
Thus, the proposed change seemed revolutionary
(in the sense that it was introduced using a cir-
cular/it came as a directive) rather than evo-
lutionary for the majority of these school heads and
TICs. Morrison’s (2008:15) adage, “drag them by
the hair and their hearts and minds will follow”,
seems to have been adopted with respect to involv-
ing school heads and TICs in the implementation of
ECE. Early childhood education (ECE) could have,
however, been better understood and assimilated
into the primary school culture and structure had
unqualified classroom teachers, teachers-in-charge,
and school heads been adequately prepared for the
innovation.
Availability of Resources
With respect to availability of appropriate re-
sources, most participants indicated that schools
had very little to use in the implementation of
Grade Zero/ECE teaching. Additionally, all partici-
pants were of the view that school diversity was
ignored by policy makers and planners when ECE
was mandated. In particular, the promulgation of
the Grade Zero/ECE policy did not take into con-
sideration the differences between schools which
were previously disadvantaged; schools that are in
rural and high density areas with their associated
poverty and need; and those in suburbs, with ass-
ociated affluence. As Rogan and Grayson (2003)
point out, not all schools have the capacity to
implement a given innovation to the same extent.
Resources are certainly one major factor that in-
fluences school capacity. In this study, we argue
that planning for resources as well as actual
provision could have enhanced primary schools’
chances of being ready for the introduction of ECE.
Teacher Support
Support provided or lack thereof is one of the most
commonly cited reasons why educational inno-
vations fail to be implemented. Huberman and
Miles (1984:273), highlighting the importance of
support, observed that “…large scale change bear-
ing innovations lived or died by the amount and
quality of assistance that their users received once
the change was under way.” One of the findings of
this study is that there was no on-going support for
school heads, teachers-in-charge and ECE teachers
in most of the schools which constituted this
multiple case study. This lack of on-going support
thus seems to have contributed to some of these
schools not being quite ready for the introduction
of this innovation. Literature makes it clear though
that support needs to be used in combination with
pressure. In connection with this, Fullan (2007)
argues that if centrally regulated reforms are to
succeed, pressure and support are both necessary.
As Dalin (1998:252) has pointed out, “pressure
without support will get us nowhere. The more
extensive the changes, the more support required.”
Early childhood education (ECE), as a system-wide
innovation required both support and pressure for it
to take root and be implemented in primary
schools. Providing on-going support to the key
participants is an acknowledgement that ECE im-
plementation is a process, not an event, and that its
implementation does not proceed on autopilot. One
lesson evident from this study is that policy makers
should take into account that curriculum im-
plementation is not linear, as espoused by the
fidelity perspective, but is messy and complicated.
Educational programmes, like ECE, are im-
plemented in specific contexts which may require
that certain conditions be met before actual im-
plementation takes place. These conditions, which
may not have been anticipated by policy planners,
highlight the need for implementers like school
heads, TICs and ECE teachers, to be provided with
as much support as possible.
Conclusion and Recommendations
Based on the findings of this study, the following
recommendations are made:
 Educational innovations often focus on changing the
visible structures within schools (restructuring) and
tend to ignore prior knowledge, attitudes, experi-
ences, beliefs, norms and values (re-culturing) of
school heads and TICs within schools. Although it
may take a long time, the preceding can be changed
through instituting pre-implementation programmes.
It does not appear that a consistent re-culturing
arrangement was put in place by the Ministry of
Education. One lesson that could be learnt from this
case study is that key participants in innovation
implementation, like school heads, TICs and ECE
teachers, should receive re-orientation and retraining
well before innovations are introduced.
 In many cases, policy planners seem to believe that
policy is normative and practice should follow suit.
Given the complexity and the unpredictability of
innovation implementation, an initial piloting fo-
llowed by a progressive implementation of ECE
South African Journal of Education, Volume 36, Number 1, February 2016 7
could have helped policy planners to identify some
of the challenges primary schools experienced as
they struggled not only to install, but also to im-
plement ECE. Indeed, a phased approach could have
taken into account the diversity of the schools which
were to implement ECE. In matters of policy im-
plementation, primary school heads’ roles need to
be granted considerable attention. The clearer their
roles in the implementation process, the better, since
ambiguity is often experienced as a threat. Con-
sequently, as key gatekeepers in the education
system, school heads should be amongst the first
practitioners to be re-oriented, re-trained and well-
informed about the introduction and implementation
of new innovations, such as Grade Zero/ECE in
primary schools.
 Teachers-in-charge should attend intensive staff de-
velopment sessions on ECE during school holidays.
These staff development sessions should be
developmental particularly during the first critical
years of ECE implementation in order to provide
them with the support necessary to update their
pedagogical knowledge, content knowledge and
pedagogical content knowledge on the teaching of
ECE. Adopting such an approach enables TICs to
maintain the same vision of the ECE innovation.
Additionally, this enhances their competence and
confidence levels in supervising the day to day
activities of ECE teachers and learners.
 Curriculum policy change and implementation is
increasingly shaped by broad forces of consultation
of stakeholders on the nature and direction of the
change that is perceived to be desirable. Such dia-
logue fosters more commitment from school heads,
teachers-in-charge (TICs) and ECE teachers, and
gives them a sense of ownership. It is thus re-
commended that curriculum policy planners engage
these practitioners as a way of ensuring that the
phenomenology of change – that is, the way in
which people actually experience change – is
accounted for in the process of implementation.
 Programme implementation depends on adequate
support. Effective teacher support mechanisms
should thus be put in place by both the Ministry of
Education and School development associations
(SDAs) to ensure effective installation, implement-
ation and institutionalisation of ECE in Zimbab-
wean primary schools.
References
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Hubbard L, Stein MK & Mehan H 2006. Reforming as
learning: School reform, organizational culture,
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NY: Routledge.
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Plenum Press.
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  • 1. South African Journal of Education, Volume 36, Number 1, February 2016 1 Art. # 792, 8 pages, doi: 10.15700/saje.v36n1a792 The readiness of schools in Zimbabwe for the implementation of early childhood education Ezron Mangwaya Department of Educational Foundations, Faculty of Education, Midlands State University, Zimbabwe mangwaya@gmail.com Sylvan Blignaut and Shervani K. Pillay Faculty of Education, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, Port Elizabeth, South Africa This qualitative study focuses on primary schools’ state of readiness for the introduction of early childhood education. Adopting a multiple case study design, the article explores, through semi-structured interviews and documentation, school heads, teachers-in-charge and classroom teachers’ perceptions of their respective schools’ state of readiness for the installation and implementation of early childhood education. The study established that, while classroom teachers were adequately qualified to implement early childhood education, teachers-in-charge were not. Secondly, school heads received limited induction for the introduction and implementation of early childhood education. Additionally, inadequate teaching- learning resources and lack of on-going teacher support contributed to schools’ lack of readiness for the introduction of early childhood education. The study recommends interventions that curriculum planners and implementers can utilise in order to create conditions that enable primary schools to be ready for introducing and implementing early childhood education. Keywords: early childhood education; implementation; primary school; school readiness Introduction Contemporary educational discourse has pushed early childhood education (ECE) and care closer to the forefront of what is considered progressive policy formation. International aid agencies, such as the World Bank, World Health Organization (WHO), United Nations Educational and Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), United Nations Children’s Education Fund (UNICEF) and others (Freeman & Faure, 2003), have promoted the creation and expansion of ECE programmes in developing countries. Developing countries, including Zimbabwe, have been caught in this storm of educational policy reform and have, consequently, demonstrated a new commitment to educational provision for pre-primary learners. According to Evans, Myers and Ilfeld (2000), the period of early childhood has been identified as the most formative in a child’s development, one that will have long-lasting – even permanent – influence on his/her adult life. From birth to age eight, a child gradually masters increasingly complex levels of moving, thinking, feeling, and interacting with people and the world around him. Abundant evidence from diverse fields – physiology, nutrition, health, sociology, psychology, and education shows how these early years are crucial to the development of intelligence, personality, and social behaviour (Hubbard, Stein & Mehan, 2006; Weick, Sutcliffe & Obstfeld, 2005). Evans et al. (2000) assert that roughly three stages of early childhood development lay the foundation for future growth. The most rapid period of brain development (cell growth and neural connections) takes place in the first two years of life. Although the structure of the brain is determined biologically, and, is considerably developed in the prenatal stage, a child’s interaction with his/her environment will develop the critical brain connections that set the pathways for intellectual, physical, emotional, immunological and social functions (Freeman & Faure, 2003). The ability to walk as well as manual dexterity are developed in the first two years. From ages two through five, a child develops language skills, fundamental social skills, and the base for ‘learning to learn’ that translates into school readiness. Character and personality are largely formed, and major social and moral values are transmitted. From ages six through to eight, a child consolidates earlier learning, begins to learn conceptually, as well as to manipulates ideas, and enters the ‘age of reason’. From the foregoing it can be observed that for Evans et al. (2000), Freeman and Faure (2003) and indeed for many scholars who have investigated learners between 0 and 8 years, ECE is very broad. In the Zimbabwean context, Grade Zero refers to pre-primary school learners and has specific age boundaries (3-5 years). Grade zero logically thus qualifies as a subset of ECE. It may thus seem odd to use Grade Zero and ECE interchangeably. For the purpose of this study, however, Zimbabwe policy circular 14 of 2004 uses grade zero and ECE interchangeably hence the use of this coupling in this study. Evans et al. (2000) further highlight that if a child’s body and brain develop well, his learning potential increases. Conversely, neglect of a child’s biological and mental needs at this critical and formative stage can have a negative impact, resulting in delayed or debilitated cognitive development, stunted growth, and physical impairment. When a child’s inherent physical, social, and psychological capacities are not nurtured, they wither. The quality of care during this period, through ECE, thus greatly affects the development of the child, his/her health, his/her psyche, and his/her capacity for future learning.
  • 2. 2 Mangwaya, Blignaut, Pillay Provision of ECE in Zimbabwe can be traced to the early 1970s (Zimbabwe Ministry of Education, 1989). During that period, ECE was generally understood to include nursery schools, pre-school education, creche and ECE and care. The differences in nomenclature served to divide early childhood provision according to age of learners, with the first two categories referring to those learners (ages 5-6), who were preparing to join the formal primary school system, as distin- guished from the latter two, referring to learners between 3-4 years of age. Zvobgo (2007) asserts that during this pre-independence era, ECE was largely provided in affluent urban areas. Rural areas had no such provision. The dawn of inde- pendence ushered in the high demand for ECE by the black working classes, and this led to a proliferation of pre-schools in urban centres, and some such centres were created in rural areas as well. Dyanda, Makoni, Mudukuti and Kuyayama (2005) have observed that the pre-schools which mushroomed at this time were privately owned, did not have a uniform curriculum, and were staffed by people with differing qualifications. It is such circumstances that the government of Zimbabwe was trying to address when it directed that Grade Zero/ECE be implemented in primary schools in 2006. To place this directive in proper context, a background to the introduction of ECE, both internationally as well as in Zimbabwe, is provided. Background to the Study Children and young people constitute more than half of Africa’s population (UNICEF, 2003). Therefore, proper care of and investment in children, through sound ECE programmes, can ensure a bright future for the continent, with well- developed human capital and enhanced produc- tivity. The most recent impetus for ECE and care growth in Africa can be traced to the adoption of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) on 20 November 1989, and its rapid ratification from 1990 onwards (Aidoo, 2006). In March 1990, the World Conference on Education for All (EFA) held in Jomtien, Thailand, launched ECE and care as an essential part of the global movement to educate all children. The world declaration on EFA (UNESCO, 2004) observed that since learning begins at birth, it is imperative to give priority to ECE. In September 1990, the World Summit for Children was held in New York to give the highest level of endorsement to the survival, development and protection rights of all children without discrimination of any kind. Jomtien’s endorsement of ECE and the enthusiasm that led to the CRC being ratified more quickly and by more countries than any previous human rights instruments (UNICEF, 2001) gave rise to the proliferation of government ECE programmes. These programmes were partly supported by multilateral, bilateral, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and chari- table organisations in Latin America, East Asia, Middle East and North Africa, but to a much lesser extent, in Sub-Saharan Africa (Jaramillo & Mingat, 2003). Aidoo (2006) further points out that in April 2000, a follow up conference on EFA, the World Education Forum, held in Dakar, provided an opportunity to review and assess ECE and care ex- periences to date. The conference made a renewed commitment to expanding and improving compre- hensive early childhood care and education. The call for comprehensive ECE and care received yet another high-level political endorsement (UNICEF, 2003) when the United Nations Millennium Sum- mit of September 2000 adopted eight millennium development goals (MDGs) to be met by 2015. Six of the MDGs related to young children and women, and thus to ECE. According to UNICEF (2003) the six MDGs can best be met when the rights of children to health, education, and equality are pro- tected. The six MDGs in question are:  eradicating extreme poverty and hunger;  achieving universal primary education;  promoting gender equality and empowering women;  eliminating gender disparities in schooling opportunities;  reducing by two thirds the death rate of children under the age of five, and;  reducing by three quarters, the ratio of maternal deaths to live births; and  combating HIV/Aids, malaria and other diseases (UNICEF, 2003:145). According to Young (2002) the expanding vision of ECE and care since 1990 has further been pro- moted by a growing body of literature that advo- cates, justifies and reviews early childhood ac- tivities worldwide. This has helped clarify the concepts, scope and best features of ECE, as well as the rationale for governments and their develop- ment partners to invest in ECE and care pro- grammes. The work of, among others, the Consul- tative Group of Early Childhood Care and De- velopment and the Working Group on Early Childhood Development of the Association for the Development of Education in Africa (ADEA) has contributed significantly to the common view of the principles and main features of ECE and care policy provision (Vargas-Baron, 2004). In Zimbabwe, ECE and care can be traced, as intimated earlier on, to the pre-independence era. During this colonial era, ECE services were provided in line with Statutory Instruments and Education Acts which portrayed bias, racial dis- crimination and segregation. For instance, whereas the Child Protection and Adoption regulations of 1972 provided for the establishment of custodial and healthcare centres for African children between ages of zero and three, the Nursery School regulations of 1973 specifically stipulated that provision of nursery education should benefit pu-
  • 3. South African Journal of Education, Volume 36, Number 1, February 2016 3 pils who are not Africans to prepare for formal learning. The table below clearly illustrates the differences as spelt out in the two sets of regu- lations: The Child Protection and Adoption Regulations of 1972 The Nursery School Regulations of 1973 Regulated the establishment of creches for children between 0 - 3 years. Administered by the Department of Social Welfare. People with some health training e.g. nurses and midwives would man the creche. Focused on custodianship and healthcare of children. Regulated establishment of nursery schools for white children between 0-6 years. Administered by the Ministry of Education. Manned by qualified white nursery school teachers. Care taking and cleaning of the premises were done by citizens. Curriculum was structured to develop basic learning and developmental skills but not the ‘three Rs’ (Reading, Writing and Arithmetic). NB: Meant to prepare children for formal learning. A number of observations can be made from the provisions of the two sets of regulations. Firstly, the creches to be established for African children, under the Child Protection and Adoption regulations of 1972, were to be brought under the auspices of the Department of Social Welfare. This means that the Ministry of Education was not in any way linked to these centres. Secondly, no curriculum was suggested under the Child Pro- tection and Adoption regulations of 1972. On the other hand, the Nursery School regulations of 1973 (which were developed for white children), pro- vided for nursery schools under the Ministry of Education. From these observations it is evident that while the 1972 regulations served a paediatric function, the 1973 regulations served a pedagogic function, which advantaged white children only. This meant that the ECE service, meant to provide a foundation for future development, was utilised only by the elite (non-Africans), thereby per- petuating the social and economic injustices at the earliest stage of child development. After attaining independence in 1980, the new government’s intervention with respect to these discrepancies only began in 1982, when the Child Protection and Adoption regulations of 1972 and the Nursery School regulations of 1973 were re- pealed (Zimbabwe Ministry of Education, 2006). New ECE and care programmes were initiated under the Ministry of Community Development and Women’s Affairs. The UNESCO (2006) coun- try report on Zimbabwe states that the government realised that ECE and care programmes were necessary in order to promote the holistic develop- ment of children. These programmes would also enable early childhood learners to reach their full potential for formal schooling and life-long education. This realisation, by the Zimbabwe go- vernment led to the establishment and mush- rooming of rural ECE centres with the majority of them operating under trees and manned by un- trained staff. In 1988, the status of ECE and care was enhanced when it was brought under the Zimbabwe Ministry of Education (1989). This was a major turning point since ECE had all along operated under a ministry (Community Development and Women's Affairs) which had little to do with education. By placing ECE under the Ministry of Education the Zimbabwean government was ack- nowledging that ECE and care was an integral part of the formal education system. Early childhood education (ECE) was thus declared a basic human right, as for all other forms of education. Although the government, through the Ministry of Education Sport and Culture, took the lead in the development of ECE programmes, it should be highlighted that the Ministry of Education only provided a policy framework which guided the operations of ECE centres run by a variety of stakeholders outside the ministry. These stakeholders included, among oth- ers, local authorities and communities and their centre development committee structures, NGOs, church groups, as well as private organisations and individuals. These various stakeholders effectively ran ECE programmes, which prepared children for primary education beginning at the age of six years (Zimbabwe Ministry of Education, 1987). Thus before this age, several programmes variously known as creches, nursery schools, day care cen- tres, kindergartens and pre-schools, served children from three years of age. In theory, each name connotes a different target group and different content, differentiated primarily by age. The first four programmes are usually designated for child- ren up to four years of age and are designed to provide mainly custodial care. On the other hand, pre-schools are usually meant for children between four and five years of age, and are more concerned
  • 4. 4 Mangwaya, Blignaut, Pillay with school preparation (Dyanda et al., 2005). In practice, however, the name most establishments go by has more to do with marketing, with mixed age enrolment being the norm. UNESCO (2006) observed that from the late 1970s up to 2003, ECE in Zimbabwe, as represented by the above named categories, was largely run by local authorities, private individuals, non-governmental organisa- tions, voluntary organisations and self-help groups. The Ministries of Women’s Affairs and Comm- unity Development and Labour and Social Ser- vices, coordinated rural pre-schools. The Zim- babwe Ministry of Education (1989) only provided a policy framework for ECE operations with mini- mum guidelines for its supervision. Since education at this level was largely in the hands of private providers, financing of ECE has remained unclear. Home based pre-schools in urban areas have mush- roomed, albeit at the expense of quality education. It has been documented that much of the curricula of private pre-schools are outdated, and inadequate for this age group, and the home environments are not conducive to learning (UNESCO, 2006). According to UNESCO, coordination and collab- oration across all levels and ministries in the government is essential for a strong and cohesive ECE policy (Aidoo, 2006; UNICEF, 2008). Given the above, there was an urgent need for a coherent policy on ECE. According to the Mini- stry of Education ECE was thus to be absorbed into the general education development policy frame- work and made part of a coherent, systematic, comprehensive and proactive development reality in Zimbabwe (Zimbabwe Ministry of Education, 2006). Realising that there was no coordination in the manner in which ECE programmes operated in particular, and in the manner in which education and training was operating in general, the Zimba- bwean government set up a commission of inquiry into education and training to examine how the education system could be revamped. One of the terms of reference of this commission (Nzirama- sanga, 1999) was to identify areas in education and training that required reform on a short-term, medium-term and long-term basis. The commission identified ECE and care (term of reference 2.1.2) as a decisive area, where the foundation of the basic principles and philosophy of Zimbabwe’s educa- tion system was to be laid. The commission thus recognised the importance of this stage in a child’s life and education. It also took note of the fact that not all Zimbabwean children below the age of six years were able to access ECE (Nziramasanga, 1999). In the commission’s view, an improved and extended system of provision of education for children in this age bracket would provide extensive long-term benefits for the nation. Such an educational change/reform was to be implemented by the Ministry of Education. Educational change can be categorised either as a first order or second order change (Fullan, 2007). First order changes are those that improve the efficiency and effectiveness of what is currently being implemented without disturbing the basic organisational features and without substantially al- tering the way children and adults perform their roles. Waks (2007) adds that first-order changes are initiated to enhance the existing organisation by correcting deficiencies in organisational policies and procedures. Such changes assume that the exis- ting goals and structures are adequate and desira- ble. In our view, first order changes are thus not intended to alter the structure of an organi- sation/school. In theory, this arrangement should improve coordination, supervision and monitoring, as well as resource allocation. Second order changes, on the other hand, seek to alter the funda- mental ways in which organisations are put together, including new goals, structures and roles. As an example of a second order change that has taken place, Waks (2007) points to a replacement of the common school by a graded elementary school in the mid-nineteenth century America. This change involved structural differentiation: the graded school had new parts put together in a new way. Children were grouped in age-graded class- rooms, where previously they had been grouped in benches within a single one-room school, accord- ing to their discernible academic progress. From the foregoing, the second-order change, which Waks (2007) also calls ‘fundamental change’, means putting an existing organisation/school in a new working order through functional and struc- tural alterations. It means change in educational ideas, norms, and organisational arrangements. Al- though Fullan (2007) asserts that most changes since the turn of the century have been first order changes, it is our contention that the introduction of grade zero/ECE was a second order change. The change was new to primary schools in Zimbabwe, and hence meant that new structures, goals and roles had to be developed. The foregoing has im- plications for the various school contexts in which ECE was introduced. In 2004, the Ministry of Education instituted a policy that directed all primary schools to attach at least two Grade Zero/ECE classes for children in the 3-5 year age group to their schools. From the findings of Nziramasanga (1999), it was observed that the majority of Zimbabwean children, particularly those in rural and poor areas, did not have access to Grade Zero/ECE. Dyanda et al. (2005) assert that the commission recommended that all children go through Grade Zero, an ECE programme, before entry into the first formal school learning grade, in order to increase access and give every child a fair start. Grade Zero or ECE was mandated to be implemented in primary
  • 5. South African Journal of Education, Volume 36, Number 1, February 2016 5 schools with effect from 2006 (Zimbabwe Ministry of Education, 2006). This study seeks to investigate teachers’ perceptions of primary schools’ state of readiness for the introduction of this innovation. Statement of the Problem Prior to institutionalising policy 14 of 2004 ECE was implemented by local authorities, non-govern- mental organisations, church groups, private or- ganisations and individuals. The curriculum used by the foregoing players was not uniform. It is against this background that primary schools which originally had no role to play in the implementation of ECE were directed to implement Grade Zero /ECE with effect from 2006. This study investi- gates primary school teachers’ perceptions of schools’ state of readiness for not only introducing but also implementing the early childhood inno- vation. Research Questions The study was structured around the following re- search questions:  How were teachers prepared for implementing early childhood education?  What resources were set aside for implementing early childhood education?  How were teachers supported as they implemented early childhood education? Methodology This qualitative study makes use of a multiple case study research design. A case study is an intensive, holistic description and analysis of a bounded phe- nomenon such as a programme (like ECE), an institution, a person, a process or a social unit. By concentrating on a single phenomenon or entity, (the case), this design aims to uncover the inter- action of significant factors characteristic of the phenomenon. The case study, which is also known as an examination of an instance in action or interpretation in context, is described by Bassey (1999:36) as an inquiry that “investigates a con- temporary phenomenon within its real life context.” In this study, the phenomenon that is being in- vestigated is teachers’ perceptions of primary schools’ state of readiness for the implementation of ECE. Early childhood education (ECE) was introduced in a particular context, namely primary schools. Five primary schools were purposively sampled and from each school the school head, the teacher-in-charge (TIC) and the ECE teacher were purposively selected as participants in the study. These participants were selected as they were considered to be information rich by working directly with ECE learners. It is thus imperative to investigate what the school heads, teachers-in- charge and classroom teachers (who are all referred to as teachers in this study) say about their schools’ state of preparedness for this innovation. To in- vestigate teachers’ perceptions on primary schools’ state of readiness for implementing ECE, the study made use of semi-structured interviews and docu- ment analysis. Findings Data from semi-structured interviews and docu- ment analysis can be placed into the following themes which are now discussed below: Teacher Preparation From the interview data and school records, it was evident that teachers-in-charge only attended an average of two half-day workshops as preparation for supervising Grade Zero/ECE. Grade Zero/ECE teachers in four selected schools held diploma in ECE. These teachers were adequately prepared at teacher education institutions. From our personal interviews with school heads and teachers-in- charge, qualified Grade Zero/ECE teachers were described as displaying confidence and a capacity for warm relationships with learners. Such teachers were said to be nurturing towards ECE learners, skillful communicators, good role models and allowed children to learn through play. Unqualified ECE teachers did not, understandably, exhibit these characteristics. Such a picture points to the need for the Ministry of Education to ensure that persons engaged as ECE teachers are adequately and sufficiently trained. Only then, would it be possible to say confidently that Zimbabwe primary schools are ready for the introduction of Grade Zero/ECE with respect to availability of qualified teachers. At the rural school, however, unqualified teachers handled the two Grade Zero/ECE classes. Prepa- ration for this group of teachers was done in workshops attended by teachers-in-charge. Inter- views with unqualified teachers yielded no useful information, as these were not conversant with the procedures that teachers adopt in teaching-learning situations. Perhaps observing them teach a lesson or two could have shed more light on their state of readiness for implementing ECE. Interview data and school records further re- vealed that school heads were provided with limited preparation for executing their roles with respect to ECE. In this respect, one school head had this to say: “although we attended three day workshops at the district office I cannot say that I am clear of what I am expected to do with regards supervision of ECE programmes. I need extended training perhaps for six months, or more.” Conse- quently some school heads remained uncertain as to what constitutes ECE, as well as how ECE learners should be taught. This might perhaps ex- plain why every time we raised specific issues on the teaching, supervision and assessment of learn- ers at this level, school heads almost always referred us to either the TIC or the ECE teacher for clarification. One limitation experienced during this study relates to the use of two instruments to
  • 6. 6 Mangwaya, Blignaut, Pillay generate its data. A use of observation might have been useful for triangulation purposes. The introduction of ECE created challenges for school heads and TICs alike. The problem lay in the fact that they were confronted with having to cope with a new reality – managing the intro- duction and implementation of ECE – despite the fact that they were not specifically trained for it. From the demographical data, all school heads and TICs in this multiple case study had been trained to teach learners from Grade One, upwards. It is possible to argue that the ECE change was intro- duced by the Ministry of Education with insuffi- cient consideration of how school heads and TICs as key players in curriculum implementation ex- perience the process. Educational planners seemed to be unaware of the extent of the cultural shift they were requiring school heads and TICs to make. These teachers were expected to adjust personal habits, learn new skills, and perform new roles. Thus, the proposed change seemed revolutionary (in the sense that it was introduced using a cir- cular/it came as a directive) rather than evo- lutionary for the majority of these school heads and TICs. Morrison’s (2008:15) adage, “drag them by the hair and their hearts and minds will follow”, seems to have been adopted with respect to involv- ing school heads and TICs in the implementation of ECE. Early childhood education (ECE) could have, however, been better understood and assimilated into the primary school culture and structure had unqualified classroom teachers, teachers-in-charge, and school heads been adequately prepared for the innovation. Availability of Resources With respect to availability of appropriate re- sources, most participants indicated that schools had very little to use in the implementation of Grade Zero/ECE teaching. Additionally, all partici- pants were of the view that school diversity was ignored by policy makers and planners when ECE was mandated. In particular, the promulgation of the Grade Zero/ECE policy did not take into con- sideration the differences between schools which were previously disadvantaged; schools that are in rural and high density areas with their associated poverty and need; and those in suburbs, with ass- ociated affluence. As Rogan and Grayson (2003) point out, not all schools have the capacity to implement a given innovation to the same extent. Resources are certainly one major factor that in- fluences school capacity. In this study, we argue that planning for resources as well as actual provision could have enhanced primary schools’ chances of being ready for the introduction of ECE. Teacher Support Support provided or lack thereof is one of the most commonly cited reasons why educational inno- vations fail to be implemented. Huberman and Miles (1984:273), highlighting the importance of support, observed that “…large scale change bear- ing innovations lived or died by the amount and quality of assistance that their users received once the change was under way.” One of the findings of this study is that there was no on-going support for school heads, teachers-in-charge and ECE teachers in most of the schools which constituted this multiple case study. This lack of on-going support thus seems to have contributed to some of these schools not being quite ready for the introduction of this innovation. Literature makes it clear though that support needs to be used in combination with pressure. In connection with this, Fullan (2007) argues that if centrally regulated reforms are to succeed, pressure and support are both necessary. As Dalin (1998:252) has pointed out, “pressure without support will get us nowhere. The more extensive the changes, the more support required.” Early childhood education (ECE), as a system-wide innovation required both support and pressure for it to take root and be implemented in primary schools. Providing on-going support to the key participants is an acknowledgement that ECE im- plementation is a process, not an event, and that its implementation does not proceed on autopilot. One lesson evident from this study is that policy makers should take into account that curriculum im- plementation is not linear, as espoused by the fidelity perspective, but is messy and complicated. Educational programmes, like ECE, are im- plemented in specific contexts which may require that certain conditions be met before actual im- plementation takes place. These conditions, which may not have been anticipated by policy planners, highlight the need for implementers like school heads, TICs and ECE teachers, to be provided with as much support as possible. Conclusion and Recommendations Based on the findings of this study, the following recommendations are made:  Educational innovations often focus on changing the visible structures within schools (restructuring) and tend to ignore prior knowledge, attitudes, experi- ences, beliefs, norms and values (re-culturing) of school heads and TICs within schools. Although it may take a long time, the preceding can be changed through instituting pre-implementation programmes. It does not appear that a consistent re-culturing arrangement was put in place by the Ministry of Education. One lesson that could be learnt from this case study is that key participants in innovation implementation, like school heads, TICs and ECE teachers, should receive re-orientation and retraining well before innovations are introduced.  In many cases, policy planners seem to believe that policy is normative and practice should follow suit. Given the complexity and the unpredictability of innovation implementation, an initial piloting fo- llowed by a progressive implementation of ECE
  • 7. South African Journal of Education, Volume 36, Number 1, February 2016 7 could have helped policy planners to identify some of the challenges primary schools experienced as they struggled not only to install, but also to im- plement ECE. Indeed, a phased approach could have taken into account the diversity of the schools which were to implement ECE. In matters of policy im- plementation, primary school heads’ roles need to be granted considerable attention. The clearer their roles in the implementation process, the better, since ambiguity is often experienced as a threat. Con- sequently, as key gatekeepers in the education system, school heads should be amongst the first practitioners to be re-oriented, re-trained and well- informed about the introduction and implementation of new innovations, such as Grade Zero/ECE in primary schools.  Teachers-in-charge should attend intensive staff de- velopment sessions on ECE during school holidays. These staff development sessions should be developmental particularly during the first critical years of ECE implementation in order to provide them with the support necessary to update their pedagogical knowledge, content knowledge and pedagogical content knowledge on the teaching of ECE. Adopting such an approach enables TICs to maintain the same vision of the ECE innovation. Additionally, this enhances their competence and confidence levels in supervising the day to day activities of ECE teachers and learners.  Curriculum policy change and implementation is increasingly shaped by broad forces of consultation of stakeholders on the nature and direction of the change that is perceived to be desirable. Such dia- logue fosters more commitment from school heads, teachers-in-charge (TICs) and ECE teachers, and gives them a sense of ownership. It is thus re- commended that curriculum policy planners engage these practitioners as a way of ensuring that the phenomenology of change – that is, the way in which people actually experience change – is accounted for in the process of implementation.  Programme implementation depends on adequate support. Effective teacher support mechanisms should thus be put in place by both the Ministry of Education and School development associations (SDAs) to ensure effective installation, implement- ation and institutionalisation of ECE in Zimbab- wean primary schools. References Aidoo AA 2006. Ensuring a supportive policy environment. In Third African International Conference on Early Childhood Development (ECD). Libreville, Gabon: Association for the Development of Education in Africa (ADEA). Available at http://www.adeanet.org/portalv2/adea/biennial- 2006/doc/document/PL4_1_aidoo_en.pdf. Accessed 10 November 2015. Bassey M 1999. Case study research in educational settings. 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