The International Women’s Network - Impacts of Information and Communication Technologies and Social Media Networks on African Women’s Leadership

The International Women’s Network:
Impacts of Information and Communication Technologies
and Social Media Networks on African Women’s Leadership
Jacqueline Stein
Word Count: 16,069
Department of Sociology
School of Social Sciences
City University London
International Communications and Development (MA)
Postgraduate Dissertation (September 2012)

Student # 110043415 Postgraduate Dissertation

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Table of Contents
Special Acknowledgements (N/A) 3
Abstract 4
Abbreviations 4
1. Introduction 5
2. Literature Review 7
i. Access and Usage 9
ii. Networking 13
iii. Benefits and Limitations 17
iv. Gender Dynamics 21
v. Leadership and Empowerment 25
3. Research Questions and Hypothesis 28
4. Methodology 30
i. Methodological Approaches 30
ii. Sampling and Access 34
iii. Data Analysis 36
iv. Ethical Issues 37
v. Potential and Actual Challenges 38
5. Results and Findings 40
i. The Respondents 42
ii. Access to and Usage of ICTs 44
iii. Networking Experiences 46
iv. Benefits and Limitations 49
v. Gender in the Digital World 51
vi. ICTs for Leadership and Empowerment 53
6. Conclusion 55
7. Suggestions for Further Research 60
Bibliography 62
Appendices 68


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With special acknowledgement and thanks to:
The women who participated in my research interviews. Their enthusiasm,
willingness to disclose personal information, and continued support of this study
has been invaluable to my findings.
Without their contributions, there would be no dissertation.


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Abstract
Information and Communication Technologies have long been considered a ‘male
domain’ where, much like the realities of the offline world, women’s narratives have been
controlled and silenced, and their opportunities for growth and development have been
denied. More and more women however, in spite of the social and economic barriers
that they face, are making their presence known in the digital world, using technologies
such as mobile phones and the Internet to connect, acquire information, develop skills,
and market themselves to a global network. This study explores the impacts and
outcomes of women change-makers and leaders in Africa who are active participants in
the realm of ICTs. Using a qualitative research approach, interviews were conducted
with ten female respondents in Kenya, Ghana, and Nigeria, three African countries
where Internet usage amongst citizens is prevalent. The collected data does not claim to
represent an entire population of African women, but rather to showcase the personal
narratives of women who are already actively using these technologies, in various
capacities, in order to gain a more comprehensive understanding of any returns on
investment that might surface when women are ‘plugged into’ technologies. The findings
and results indicated that these women have found their ICT usage to have profound
impacts on their ability to become successful agents of change in their communities,
develop their international networks, and exploit social and professional opportunities
that would have otherwise not been readily available to them offline. It is suggested,
however, that government policies be devised and implemented to further reduce the
digital ‘gender’ divide so that more women can access and take advantage of the
numerous benefits and returns that ICTs provide.
Abbreviations
APC – Association for Progressive Communications
GAD – Gender and Development
ICT – Information and Communication Technologies
ICT4D – Information and Communication Technologies for Development
IDRC – International Development Research Centre
NGO – Non-Governmental Organization
UNIFEM – United Nations Development Fund for Women
VIFU – Virtual International Women’s University
WNSP – Women’s Networking Support Programme


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1. Introduction
This study aims to investigate if and how women leaders in Africa, with a specific focus
on the countries of Kenya in East Africa and Ghana and Nigeria in West Africa, who are
active users of Information and Communication Technologies*
(ICTs) and social media†
,
are amassing tangible returns on investment as a result of using Internet technologies
and online social networks to enhance their personal and professional lives.
Though Africa is a vast and diverse continent, these specific countries were chosen for
their high percentage of Internet users within their overall populations. According to
Internet World Stats (2012, http://www.internetworldstats.com/stats1.htm), out of the 58
African countries included in its data, Kenya (4), Ghana (11), and Nigeria (1) rank
amongst the top 15 ‘Internet’ countries on the continent.
The study, which will look at the first-hand accounts of ten African women who are active
community leaders, will take into account their overall access to the Internet, including
personal ownership of technological devices such as computers and cellular phones,
their individual experiences using social networks and online forums to promote
themselves and their work, any notable challenges or negative ramifications that have
emerged consequent to their usage, and how they may see ICTs and social media as
actors in their current and prospective successes.

*
In development circles, ICTs tend to be construed as consisting of newer technologies such as†
Social Media is defined as “the media we use to be social” (Safko, 2010, p.3). Safko explains
that social refers to the “instinctual needs humans have to connect with other humans” whereas
media (for these research purposes, ICTs) is what we use to “make those connections with other
humans […] and create a relationship, build trust…” (p.4).


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Though African women, like their female counterparts in other developing regions‡
of the
world, face no shortage of social and economic barriers, Brayton et al. (2001, p.56)
contend that another challenge is for “the African woman to have her story told. We
should use the Internet to tell our stories”.
This study hypothesizes that the online community has the potential to act as so much
more than merely a portal for “telling stories”; it is also a gateway for women to write new
stories and develop new narratives and enterprises that are subsequently transferable to
the offline world and to the development discourse. To support this, findings have
attested to women’s resourcefulness by affirming that while men “play” with technology,
women use it “as a tool to achieve a goal” (Melhem et al., 2009).
Women have also been found to be more ‘relationship-driven’ in their online activity, as
they spend a considerable amount of time navigating networking sites and developing
and maintaining relationships (Hoffman, 2008). As a result, women bring value to both
the on and offline world by connecting more intimately and taking the necessary time to
evaluate opportunities for innovative problem solving and enterprise development using
ICTs and social media (Melhem et al., 2009).
In order to prove the hypothesis that women are positive actors and receivers in the
realm of ICTs and development, it is essential to understand in which ways women
function within this discourse, and what underlying factors, such as access to
technology, education and training, and gender dynamics, contribute to both their
progress and setbacks. This will be examined, using theories and approaches including

‡
Developing regions refers to less industrialized countries.


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the Information and Communication Technologies for Development (ICT4D) theory and
the Capabilities Approach, during the Literature Review (Chapter 2; 7).
In order to test the hypothesis of this study, methods of research must be developed and
introduced. In the Methodology (Chapter 4; 30), the method of research chosen,
qualitative interviewing (to better understand how individual women, exemplary
community leaders, are taking advantage of ICTs and social media networks to further
their causes), will be discussed in detail. After considering the merits of this research
method, the Results and Findings (Chapter 5; 40) of the research will be developed.
In the Conclusion (Chapter 6; 54), the findings will be related back to the Research
Questions and Hypotheses (Chapter 3; 27) to determine what new information has been
amassed through the research and what gaps remain, and the results will be drawn
together. This will be followed by Suggestions for Future Research (Chapter 7; 60),
where suggestions for future work will be presented.
2. Literature Review
The short- and long-term impacts of ICTs and social media on women in developing
countries are still a relatively unexplored phenomenon in the field of technology
research, and the majority of the research examined was quantitative in nature or
composed of secondary research, with limited attention paid to individual women’s
stories and personal anecdotes. Given the fact that ICTs and social media are about
connecting directly with women, this can be deemed as a flaw in the research, to date.


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This study aims to investigate how women in developing regions of the world are using
ICTs and social media in their personal and professional lives, what benefits they are
deriving and challenges they are encountering with their online media usage, and what
opportunities they have been afforded as a result of utilizing these technologies.
This chapter will focus on aggregating previous literature that addresses research
relating to ICTs and social media in the developing world, with special consideration
allotted to research on female users. It will use existing research to analyze experiences
and trends of access and usage, the role that ICTs and online networking has played in
women’s social and economic status, dominant facilitations and limitations, existing and
perpetuated gender dynamics, and ongoing potential for leadership and empowerment.
Several authors in the analyzed literature alluded to the fact that technology is not
gender neutral (Spence, 2010; Litho and Wakunuma-Zoject, 2009; KIT, 2005; Mitter,
2004; Hafkin, 2000). Hafkin (ibid) even goes as far to suggest that women living in Africa
experience particular difficulty in access, as they lack the necessary time, tools, and
income to properly educate themselves and master technology, while their male
counterparts, who understand the global power of technology, will use these tools to
further propagate social inequalities that will leave women behind. In response to this
notion, Mienje Momo (2000) suggests that, in order for women and men to achieve
equal access to ICTs, it is essential to not simply promote the image of women as
successful operators of ICTs, but also to sensitize women to the communication tools at
their disposal and train them sufficiently on how to properly use computers and
information systems. As Winnie Byaniama, a Member of Ugandan Parliament and a
leading feminist, pointed out during a 1998 United Nations Commission on Science and


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Technology for Development (UNCSTD) meeting, African women need to be told about
the possibilities of ICTs: “We, women in Africa, feel that information and communication
technology is passing us by; and sisters, we are hungry for it” (Mitter, 2004, p.26). Huyer
(1997) validates this call-to-action by attesting that, “when women can understand and
experience the benefits of ICTs, they are quick to use them”.
While it is necessary that women receive proper education and training in both
accessing and using ICTs, this despondent perception that African women are, until
now, incapable of understanding and taking advantage of the benefits of online
communication tools, victimizes them to the point that it fails to acknowledge their
already established success with ICTs. There is, in fact, substantial evidence to support
the fact that women are employing communication technologies to expand their power
and presence, to organize and campaign on various social and political issues such as
violence against women and human trafficking, and to launch online social networks and
enterprises (Youngs, 2012). The Songtaaba Association, a collective of women in
Burkino Faso who manufacture shea butter skincare products, is a prime example of
women who understand the benefits of ICTs, have used the exposure to promote their
brand and, resultantly, have personally experienced its returns. Since the Association
commenced its ICT usage and set up a website, managed by its members, to highlight
its products, its profits have more than doubled (Melhem et al., 2009).
i. Access and Usage
Within the ICT discourse, the leading issue that surfaces time and time again is that of
‘access’, which Nath (2006, p.199) refers to as “opportunities or avenues that allow
individuals to seek information from different sources, such as other individuals or


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institutions, public-domain resources or databases, websites, news groups, e-mails, chat
sessions, or blogs.” The literature, to date, is defined by the argument that the most
persistent factor preventing women’s and girls’ entry into the realm of technology is a
basic lack of immediate and easy access to ICTs. Though cyberfeminists§
argued that
women required equal access to and skills in this new technology as a source of
empowerment, they were subsequently critiqued for taking a “technology neutral” stance
(Consalvo and Paasonen, 2002).
The Aristotelian concept of ‘universality’ in human rights and values has been influential
in contemporary Western feminist philosophy (Mitter, 2004). Cyberfeminists, in their
neutrality towards technology and the belief that women are at liberty to plug themselves
into technology and access endless streams of information if and as they please,
suggest a technological universalism that fails to account for the existent social
structures and culture that permeates new media (Consalvo and Paasonen, 2002).
Similarly, as was found in Munyua’s (2009) study on women entrepreneurs in Nairobi, a
contemporary concept of empowerment in Kenya rests on the assumption that increases
in women’s access to ICTs would transform both them and their society in a meaningful
way, while disregarding the fact that women’s access is often mediated by social
traditions, divisions of labour, and general poverty.
Several factors are currently in place, and embedded in traditional social constructions
that were present long before the introduction of ICTs, to limit women’s access to ICTs.
These have been found to include: lack of financial resources (Melhem et al., 2009; Litho

§
‘Cyberfeminist’ is a term coined as early as 1997 by Faith Wilding and Critical Art Ensemble as
a “promising new wave of thinking and practice” that emerged with the growing presence of
women on the Internet. (Daniels, 2012)


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and Wakunuma-Zojer, 2009; Adam and Green,1995) to purchase computers, pay
Internet service providers for monthly Internet access, or print information off the
Internet; lack of education (Brayton, et al., 2001; Melhem et al., 2009; KIT, 2005; Mitter,
2005; Momo and Solange, 2000) whereby two-thirds of the world’s illiterate people are
women (Melhem et al., 2009) and where the majority of women in Africa, who bear
enormous household responsibilities, have less access than men to formal education
(Mienje Momo, 2000); lack of gender-sensitive training in ICT skills (Melhem et al., 2009;
Mienje Momo, 2000); a pronounced fear of technology (referred to as ‘technophobia’)
and ‘abandoning’ social norms (Hallberg et al., 2011; Harcourt, 2002) by spending more
time pursuing technology-related activities outside the home and stepping into the
predominantly “male” domain of cybercafés where they could conceivably begin to
absorb and adopt ICTs to access information and knowledge (Melhem et al., 2009); lack
of time (Adam and Green, 1995; Hafkin, 2006; KIT, 2005) to make use of the Internet,
whether for work or leisure purposes; and lack of mobility (Melhem et al., 2009), which,
in turn, limits their access to remote Internet centres and ICT training courses.
A recent study, which looks at 13 African countries in an attempt to understand to what
extent the gender digital divide**
exists between women and men, supports the above
evidence with its overall conclusion that the reason why fewer women (than men)
access and use ICTs is a “direct result of their unfavourable conditions with respect to
employment, education and income” (Hilbert, 2011, p.479). It is also determined, that
based on overall findings, the belief that women are “less digitally capable” is not
accurate and requires a change in mindset. The study, although quantitative in nature

**
The Digital Divide “means that different groups and individuals are differentially placed in terms
of having or lacking access to, knowledge about, and motivations to use ICTs” (Youngs, 2012,
p.31)


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and lacking the voices and inputs of the women that it sets out to reflect, does make the
critical recommendation for modifications in government policy that will “make use of the
natural communication skills and media capacities of women and their proven embrace
of the new digital opportunities to overcome longstanding gender inequalities” (p.487).
Though the aforementioned access issues may present a bleak picture, as Hilbert’s and
other research indicates, women are overcoming these barriers and using their own
resourcefulness to educate themselves on ICTs and navigate the online world. Sen
(1999, p.201) states that, “whenever social arrangements depart from the standard
practice of male ownership, women can seize business and economic initiative with
much success”. While Sen’s capability approach to human welfare acknowledges the
impact of social institutions on human capabilities, like other research that does not
account for social and cultural norms, it fails to adequately examine the role of traditional
power in preserving inequalities in individual opportunities to achieve (Hill, 2003).
Warschauer (2003) adds to Sen’s view by maintaining that the issue is not simply about
access or availability of ICTs, but rather about the use of these technologies for
meaningful social practices, which will consequently lead to women’s economic, social,
and political empowerment.
In her own take on the capabilities approach, Nussbaum (2000) goes so far as to
challenge the view that a culture/context-based understanding of empowerment would
suffice when women strive toward social justice and empowerment. She proposes that,
rather than solely evaluating the equality of and access to resources such as income
and wealth, the analysis should focus on women’s ability to take action.


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The insights of Sen, Warschauer, and Nussbaum are reflective of the actions that many
women’s collectives are taking to free themselves from the reigns of cultures that have
controlled their freedom of movement and expression. While the reviewed literature
produced little in the way of qualitative research on individual African women and their
personal experience accessing and using ICTs and social media networks, research did
find that organizations such as the Busoga Rural Open Source and Development
Initiative, which engages rural communities in Uganda to share knowledge and reduce
household poverty, have proponed the importance of ICTs in encouraging collaboration
and networking amongst women in rural areas (Melhem et al., 2009). A day-long
Kenyan retreat, held in cooperation with the African Women in Crisis (AFWIC) group to
determine how men and women regarded ICTs, discovered that women in Nairobi
recognized the significance of ICTs as an opportunity to enhance their communication
power and elevate their socio-economic position within society, as well as to promote
their entrepreneurial activities and indigenous knowledge (Brayton et al., 2001).
ii. Networking
In the World Bank’s 2012 World Development Report on Gender Equality and
Development (2011), reference is made to the fact that, in the wake of the 21st
Century,
a communication revolution has emerged that has seen social media, including blogs
and social networking websites like Facebook, Twitter, LinkedIn, and Google+, amongst
others, open new and increasingly popular channels for cross-cultural social and political
participation. It is identified that what makes this media channel innovative is that, unlike
its predecessors, social networking is a two-way, interactive process that hypothetically
allows for women around the world to collaborate on ideas, exchange knowledge and


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information, and build their local, regional, national, and international networks. These
networks have further acted as platforms for awareness raising, social mobilization,
political discussion and fundraising (World Bank, 2011; Youngs, 2012).
As noted by Anand (2002), at a conceptual level, and without accounting for women’s
continued lack of access in developing regions of the world such as Africa, ICTs have
the potential to digitally connect every women in the world in a star topology network††
,
thus opening up endless opportunities for information exchange.
An increasingly expanding global network of women would indicate that the ICT4D
theory, which proposes that more and better information and communication furthers
development, is experiencing positive returns. The theory, which developed from a 1997
IDRC workshop, is articulated from an analysis of the “five indicators of development”: 1)
literacy, education, and skills; 2) health; 3) income and economic welfare; 4) choice,
democracy, and participation; and 5) technology (the capacity to develop technological
innovations and make technological choices (Akpan-Obong, 2009).
When relating this theory back to online networking, it may be conceived from the
literature that if the number of women using online channels continues to grow
expansively, then these development indicators are being met; arguably however, it
would be ‘development for ICTs’ as opposed to the other way around. This is to say that,
as findings indicated in women’s limited access to ICTs, a lack of literacy, education, and
technology skills were all factored into the equation of why women’s online presence

††
Star Topology Network refers to connecting computers to cable segments that branch out from
a single point or hub.


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was lacking in developing regions. Only once women were educated, literate, and
trained sufficiently in the use of ICTs, would they be able to use these online channels
effectively. Furthermore, increased choice, and a changing sociopolitical landscape that
welcomed women’s participation in the labour market, would also contribute to women’s
ability to access online networks.
Ultimately, reason would suggest that the ICT-Development theory is reciprocal in
nature. Each entity shapes the other. The literature has found that women will stand a
far lesser chance of getting online – and networking – if these indicators are not being
met and surpassed; likewise, development is also shaped online, as the more women
that use social networks to both acquire and spread knowledge, the greater the
propensity for transferring this knowledge to the offline market and transmitting it to local
communities of women who may not yet be experiencing the same level of access.
One young woman shared her thoughts on using ICTs to connect to the world and
expand her network:
We get our freedom from the Internet since in our society girls have limited freedom
of movement. We are not allowed to go wherever we want. The Internet… takes us
out to other people, places, and other realities. No one controls where we go with
Internet. It is for us a way of escaping from our closed society. It is vital to us; it gives
us liberty. (Huyer, 2006, p.29)
Yet women’s ability to communicate effectively and with intent has been questioned by
those who suggest that women are not capable of generating big ideas (Kramarae and
Wei, 2012). Literary critic Germaine Greer poses the following question: “Why don’t
women write big ideas books?” Her response is that women are “more interested in
understanding than explaining, in describing rather than accounting for” (p.70).


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To add to this, feminist scholar Dale Spender postulates that the idea that women do not
have the capacity to make worthwhile creative or intellectual contributions is deeply
imbedded in academic and popular literature and that, while there are countless ideas
named after men – Confuciusm, Darwinism, and Marxism – finding ideas or ‘isms’
named after women proves a challenging task (Kramarae and Wei, 2012).
Even online, within the realm of social networks and women’s ideas, interests, and
online activities, similar assumptions have been made. Where user-generated content is
available, it is supposed that, compared with men’s use of social networking
technologies, women’s ideas and activities lack seriousness and direction (Kramarae
and Wei, 2012).
Another criticism of social networks is that women who use online communities are more
likely to connect with individuals who are similar to them in offline communities, and that
membership in online communities generally mirrors one’s offline identity (Kramarae
and Wei, 2012).
These viewpoints, however, are in direct contrast with the belief that women are
inventors and innovators who will use electronic networking activities to make a
difference (Gittler, 1999). The APC-WNSP has, since 1993, actively contributed to
making the information society a reality for women worldwide, working with grassroots
organizations to empower women with ICTs and help them network their knowledge and
skills (Youngs, 2012), while VIFU, an online community which prides itself on assisting
women in their networking efforts, has congregated hundreds of women, including


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students, researchers, journalists, activists, and artists, from more than 100 countries
since 2000 (Zorn, 2004).
As founder of ‘Blogs for African Women’, Oreoluwa Somolu (2007, p.487) attests that
“although many of the blogs featured are not overtly pushing for women’s empowerment
and gender equality, the fact that women are able to write about issues of interest to
them is an important first step in giving them a sense of psychological empowerment”,
and might also help to mitigate the notion that women cannot have “big ideas”.
iii. Benefits and Limitations
It is evident from the literature that women have dually amassed many benefits and
incurred several limitations, as a result of increased ICT usage. In her interpretation,
Zillah Eisenstein views cyberdiscourse‡‡
, rooted in American neoliberalism and its
emphasis on freedom over equality, as a double-movement involving both promises of
overcoming the limitations of time, space, and embodiment and reinforcements of
economic and political power structures and structured privilege (Consalvo and
Paasonen, 2002). Eisenstein refers to this as a ‘cyberfantasy’, which “functions as a new
imaginary location of escape, promise and profit. Cyberspace becomes a whole new
arena to conquer where privatization openly seduces some, but silently punishes those
who are excluded” (p. 27).

‡‡
Cyberdiscourse is a term coined in William Gibson’s 1984 novel, Neuromancer, to depict the
Internet as a parallel reality, a ‘cyberspace’. It has been further popularized by authors such as
John Perry Barlow who argue that, in cyberspace, identities do not have bodies and users are
free to enter this realm on equal footing and express themselves without limitations (Consalvo
and Paasonen, 2002)


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The concepts of ‘escape’, ‘promise’, and ‘genderless bodies’, as well as free and
limitless expression, are arguably a smokescreen for the breadth of limitations that exist
in the online world. In his comprehensive report on the role of ICTs in development,
Sciadas (2005) reveals that ICTs have brought new security threats and increased
opportunity for privacy invasion to the forefront. Video and computer-based technologies
have opened the door to undetected surveillance such as spy software, eavesdropping
on wireless transmissions via mobile phones, e- mail tampering such as intercepting or
redirecting e-mail, and hidden GPS tracking devices (ibid). Although both women and
men are susceptible to being tracked online, harassment and threats of violence,
pornography and the use of Internet to facilitate trafficking of women and girls (Sciadas,
2005; Karamare and Wei, 2012), is evidence that, in reality, the Internet is not a gender-
free zone. In a British study, which sampled 48 female and male bloggers and had them
answer a questionnaire about their blogging practices and attitudes, the results found
that more women than men were concerned about privacy and hacking on the Internet
that, as a result, may limit women’s capacity to transfer their knowledge and social and
economic capitals to online communities (Macafee and Pederson, 2007)
The heightened role of ICTs in the international and domestic trafficking of women and
girls and the growing industry for pornographic images of women and girls has attracted
the attention of feminists and women’s rights activists, who have since raised calls for
increased monitoring of such content (Moolman et al., 2007).
Other areas where limitations exist, although less visibly harmful in context, is in
infrastructure and language. Mulama (2007) argues that any ICT-related benefits that do


19
exist are largely restricted to towns and cities, as most rural areas lack the sophisticated
infrastructure and equipment needed to take advantage of these technologies.
Moreover, the predominant language that permeates the Internet is English (Mitter,
2005; Primo and Radloff, 2002). For women who lack formal education, especially in
English, this means that much of the information that is available online will be
inaccessible to them. Mitter (2005) does stress, however, that the dominance of English
is on the downturn as, in 1999, 95% of webpages were in English, while this figure
declined to 68.4% in 2000. In the specific context of African women, who use the
Internet to publish and disseminate their writing and knowledge, the dominance of
English for information production and exchange may exclude them from the online
discourse (Primo and Radloff, 2002). Francophone African women may find, however,
that reasonable efforts have been made to translate material into French. Enda-Synfev,
a Senegalese ICT for Development Network, encourages an awareness of the need for
French content and adds local Francophone content to the Internet (ibid).
Worth noting is that both of these publications have findings that date back several
years, and the Internet has since diversified significantly in terms of its language content.
Online networks such as World Pulse, which is powered by the voices of women from
190 countries, translates its content into 66 languages including Swahili, French, and
Afrikaans (World Pulse, 2012). Google, with its free Website Translator plugin, also
offers websites the opportunity to translate their pages in over 60 languages (Google,
2012).


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On the opposite end of the spectrum, many findings have illustrated the benefits derived
from the use of ICTs and social networks. Teleworking (‘tele’ meaning distance), where
computers and the Internet are used for business transactions, may enhance women’s
participation in e-commerce, as it allows for flexibility both in timing and location of work
(Mitter, 2004). In a recent case study by Hallberg et al. (2011), which analyzed the
success of the Kenyan Government’s Digital Villages Project by collecting empirical data
and interviewing government representatives, a university director, and telecentre§§
managers and users, it was found that the principal potential benefit of using telecentres
was a reduction in crime in the villages. The reasoning given was that rather than youth
and women idling, they would have something productive and positive to keep them
busy, which would, in turn, contribute to knowledge building and empowerment (ibid).
Women utilizing these centres would be afforded an opportunity to acquire valuable
information through the digital domain, and this use in running or starting up a business
(ibid). What is more, with African governments such as Kenya’s recognizing the value in
ICTs and setting up telecentres outside of urban centres, women in rural areas will
benefit from having nearby, reliable low-cost access.
A case study, which targeted hundreds of women in Palestinian rural areas receiving
basic ICT training through Relief International Schools Online (RI-SOL) and UNIFEM,
sought to track the trainees’ responses and evolution of capabilities through qualitative
and quantitative means such as focus group discussions, interviews with stakeholders,
questionnaires, surveys, and observations of on-going activities (Rabayah, 2009). For
those women who felt that the training had significantly improved their ability to acquire
knowledge through ICTs, a number of benefits were accounted for. As one respondent

§§
Telecentres provide services with regard to Internet and telecommunications (Hallberg et al.,
2011)


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testified, “I now have better awareness regarding information on health, women rights
and educational opportunities. I have been able to find out many things that I did not
know before and now, whenever I need to know anything, I feel confident I am able to
easily find an answer, thanks to the Internet” (p.8).
On a like note, in a 2005/2006 empirical study, including a combination of qualitative and
quantitative research, conducted at Makerere University in Uganda, the challenges of
using ICTs in higher education for empowerment were thoroughly examined. One of the
findings concluded that, within higher education, computer technology and the Internet
exert tremendous benefits including access to cutting edge education materials, flexible
distance learning that is suitable for time-constrained women, the enhancement of
academic outcomes, and the promotion of self-esteem and attainment of transferrable
skills (Bantebya-Kyomuhendo et al., 2007).
In its Gender Equality and Empowerment of Women through ICT report, the United
Nations Division for the Advancement of Women made claims to a growing body of
evidence on the benefits of ICTs for women’s empowerment (DAW, 2005). The specified
benefits included increased access to health, nutrition, education and other human
development opportunities, such as political participation (ibid).
iv. Gender Dynamics
The issue of ‘gender’ in relation to ICTs and development has been threaded throughout
this chapter. A closer look into the specifics of the gender ‘digital divide’, however, is
required, as previous findings have discussed it in great depth and the history of ICTs
has shown that the dynamics of gender, and the dominance and controlling attitudes of


22
men in the online world, much like the dynamics that exist in the offline world, have
worked to keep women in positions of powerlessness and passivity.
Dale Spender (1995), one of the foremost authorities on women’s use of new
technologies, uses the concept of ‘codes’ to explain why women are often relegated to
‘no-class’ status online. She claims that so long as men are ‘in charge’ of the rules, they
can develop their own code that continues to perpetuate their reign. In 1995, when there
were few women using the Internet, there were also few voices being raised to object to
this male-propagated discourse code. She contests that, “While the Internet is ostensibly
free of any censorship, women find that by the very nature of their language, what they
have to say is not only unheard, but does not fall within the parameters of acceptable
discourse” (p.198). As a result, women are not afforded the opportunity to develop their
own online code.
In the rare instance where an online space was reserved specifically for women and
feminist conversations, men continued to dominate the conversational space (Spender,
1995). One study, conducted by Tamra DiBenedetto et al. (1992), that reviewed a five-
week forum using covert participant observation, found that when a two-day turn was
devoted solely to women-speak, there were accusations of ‘silencing men’. When men
dominated the space, it was deemed acceptable, whereas when women did so, men
retaliated by becoming defensive and emotionally abusive, because their ‘code’ of
control had been threatened.
The findings further indicated that women had fewer rights to online discourse, and that
the penalties for challenging male control may be even more severe than in real life


23
because the ratio of men to women online was greater and because relative anonymity
meant that users could behave in a much more abusive and coercive way when their
identity is unknown than they would in a face-to-face scenario (DiBenedetto et al., 1992).
Though the research and findings of Spender and DiBenedetto et al. may have been
relevant in the late 20th
Century, the question remains: are these findings and attitudes
still relevant in 2012? With an ever-expanding online world, where women are accessing
online networks in far greater numbers and creating their own spaces, are they finally
able to develop their own ‘codes’ of discourse?
Vandana Shiva, a feminist philosopher, held the belief that new technologies merely
reinforced old structures rather than transforming them, and once said that ‘new
technologies travel on old social relations’ (Ekdahl and Trojer, 2002). In a similar train of
thought, feminist philosopher and theoretician, Rosi Braidotti (1998), states that:
One of the great contradictions of Virtual Reality (cyberspace) images is that they
titillate our imagination, promising the marvels and wonders of a gender-free world
while it simultaneously reproduces some of the most banal, flat images of gender
identity […] The central point remains: there is a credibility gap between the promises
of virtual reality and cyberspace and the quality of what it delivers.
In her research, and in contrast with previous findings and viewpoints, Harcourt (2002)
determines that women are, indeed, using the Internet to build International solidarity
and support for one another, in hopes of changing deeply rooted structures like gender
relationships. This suggests that, unlike in the mid-1990’s when women’s voices online
were silenced and there was no one to ‘fight’ on their behalf, even though the gender
divide persists to this day and there continues to be a need for women’s education and
training and strategies for reducing the gender gap (Carr and Huyer, 2002), online


24
forums dedicated to women’s voices are no longer an anomaly. In fact, African women
bloggers are responding to a history of online violence against women, with the ‘Take
Back the Tech’ campaign organized by the APC-WNSP, by speaking out against ICT-
mediated violence in their blogs (Somolu, 2007).
The APC is attempting to adopt a gender perspective on using ICTs as a tool to instate
social justice, with the objective of transforming unequal power relations between
women and men; they emphasize that ICTs can either be use to transform or exacerbate
gender relations, and stress the importance of ICTs for development (Bakesha et al.,
2004).
Even as recently as within the last few years, however, some scholars, such as Munyua
(2009) continue to point out that while ICTs have opened their virtual doors to women in
greater numbers, patterns of gender socialization and segregation continue to be
produced. In her study on women entrepreneurs in Nairobi, Munyua discovered that
while ICTs such as mobile phones have played a positive role in endorsing development
of women-owned micro-enterprises in Kenya, it can also tempt the user to blur the line of
private spaces, which can foster another source of tension in unequal gender relations
(ibid). It was found that women’s ownership of mobile phones was seen as a threat to
men, who thought that the technology would destabilize their marital relationships.
Resultantly, men would often monitor their wives’ use of the Internet and mobile phones
(ibid).
Reviewing research and results over the years has returned conflicting evidence about
women’s status and freedom, on and offline. While women’s use of ICTs and their online


25
presence is more prevalent today than it was 20 years ago, findings reveal that women
are still likely to have their voices monitored and censored as a result of long-embedded
gender relations that perpetuate the women-as-passive and men-as-controlling
dichotomy.
v. Leadership and Empowerment
Two terms that consistently reveal themselves in the literature, when referencing women
who utilize ICTs, are ‘leadership’ and ‘empowerment’. It is therefore important to address
what past studies and research have found with relation to women, leadership, and
empowerment, and any linkages that this may have with ICTs.
To better understand the concept of ‘empowerment’ and what it entails, a UN Millennium
Project Task Force on Education and Gender Equality report helps to define the term,
stating that:
‘Empowerment’ implies that women must not only have equal capabilities (such as
education and health) and equal accesses to resources and opportunities (such as
land and employment) but also the agency to use these rights, capabilities, resources
and opportunities for strategic choices and decisions (such as is provided through
leadership opportunities and participation in political institutions). (Grown et al., 2005,
p.33-34)
The term ‘agency’ stands out in this definition, as it places onus on women to be active
participants in their decision-making, rather than passive recipients of choices made on
their behalf. Research findings discussed throughout this chapter have revealed time
and again that a shift in power relations will have to occur in order for women to assume
an elevated status in their societies. It would make sense that if women have a stake in


26
the changes and developments that reflect their social, economic, and political needs,
that they would experience an elevated sense of empowerment.
It follows then that the central question in Nussbaum’s (2000) capabilities approach also
requires women to assert agency in their activities. The question is not “How satisfied is
X?” or “How much in the way of resources is she able to command?” but “What is X
actually able to do and be?” (p.71). When applying this question to real lives in their
material and social settings, its universality is indication that ideas of activity and ability
are everywhere, as there is no one culture in which people do not ask themselves what
they are able to do and what opportunities they can make for themselves (ibid).
To offer a tangible example of this approach, in Nigeria, Bene E. Madunagu,
Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN) regional coordinator for
Anglophone Africa and Chairperson of the Girl Power Initiative in Calabar Cross River
State, uses her agency to send e-mails that garner global support and solidarity for
young women taking action against female genital mutilation (Harcourt, 2002). “The
technology of electronic mail has been of immense use to us in our work. It has enabled
us to share our work with others to mobilize larger groups… to break the cycle of
reproducing decadent culture and tradition,” testifies Madunagu (p.155). Madunagu
understands what she is able to do and who she is able to be, and she uses this
knowledge to leverage social change in her community. ICTs have allowed her to
disseminate her message (what she will do) and assume a position of leadership (who
she will be).


27
Other women have attested to the sense of empowerment that ICTs has provided them,
including this VIFU participant:
What VIFU has done is the empowerment of women through easy access to
information. It has engendered global solidarity in strengthening personal relationship
among activists, academics, and change agents. I continue staying connected with
human rights lawyers in Africa, with educators in Latin America, with activists and
social workers in Asia – all these were possible because VIFU was the technological
conduit where life-relationships are nurtured and kept alive. (Zorn, 2004, p.83)
On a multinational level, WomenAction, a global communication and media network that
enabled non-governmental organizations to actively participate in the Beijing +5***
review
process with a long-term commitment to women’s empowerment, established a
communications network that enabled women from every region to participate in and
influence the five-year review of the implementation of the 1995 Beijing Plan of Action
(Primo and Radloff, 2002).
In response to the Beijing +5, a partnership between APC-Africa Women and The
African Women's Development and Communication Network saw the emergence of
Flamme, an online network of women committed to strengthening the capacity of African
women, through the use of ICTs, to participate in, lobby, and advocate during the Beijing
+5 review process, at both regional and global levels (Primo and Radloff, 2002). Flamme
served as an electronic forum where women could exchange information, ideas, and
strategies and present issues of concern to account for during the assessment of the
implementation of the Beijing Plan for Action (ibid).

***
The Beijing +5 was a follow-up review to United Nation’s Fourth World Conference on Women,
held in Beijing in 1995.


28
Not only is the Flamme network exemplary of women using ICTs and, in return,
establishing themselves as leaders and agents of change, but it also discredits Greer’s
earlier criticism that women are incapable of having – and following through on – big
ideas.
3. Research Questions and Hypothesis
Several gaps were discovered in the literature, including a number of quantitative
studies, such as Akpan Obong’s (2009) and Hilbert’s (2011), which left women’s voices
out of the discourse. There was also a considerable amount of discussion around
women who didn’t have access (Melhem et al., 2009; Hafkin, 2000; Adam and Green,
1995), leaving an opening for discussion with those women who are using ICTs
frequently to understand their perspectives. Furthermore, there was considerable focus
on university students and university-aged women (Akpan Obong, 2009; Bantebya-
Kyomuhendo et al., 2007).
In response to the aforementioned gaps in current research and findings, ten African-
born and based (Kenya, Ghana, and Nigeria, specifically) women leaders were selected
as an exemplary model of women in developing countries who are regular users of ICTs
and social media, and who are making positive contributions to their individual and
collective social and economic development. These women, who act as catalysts for
change in their communities and encourage their neighbouring women to follow suit, will
act as respondents to the research questions.
The research questions and hypothesis that have been developed for this study will aim
to examine if and how these women, who are actively engaged in ICTs and social media


29
in their professional lives, are achieving greater social and economic success and
assuming higher positions of leadership in both their local communities and beyond their
cities, countries, and continent, as a result of using such tools. The questions will assess
to what extent these women believe ICTs and online networks are key facilitators in their
personal and professional growth and success.
The research questions further seek to answer whether these women are experiencing
the same gender-specific challenges with relation to accessing and using ICTs that an
earlier generation of women in the ICT-era has encountered.
The proposed research questions are as follows:
• Are these women, who are using ICTs and Social Media tools in their daily lives,
likely to associate their usage with elevated levels of personal autonomy, leadership,
and success?
o What, if any, are the main factors and issues that prohibit these women from
successfully accessing and using online communication tools?
o To what extent, if any, are these women developing and honing their
transferrable (from online to offline) skills, and what specific skills are they
building, as a result of their ICT and Social Media usage?
o What trends in social and economic benefits emerge from the use of ICTs
and what specific variables contribute to these women’s ability to successfully
utilize and take advantage of these benefits?
The central research hypothesis is that, when women are able to successfully
access ICTs and take full advantage of the abundance of information, connections,


30
and opportunities that are available via these tools and online networks, they will
thrive, socially and economically, and will be able to increase the depth of their
contributions at a community level.
4. Methodology
This chapter commences by specifying the methodological approach and data collection
method selected for this research, and will elaborate on why these methods were
chosen for the study, as well as briefly touch on other possible methods considered. It
will then detail the sampling methods and method of data analysis employed, and will
highlight any ethical issues to consider prior to undertaking the research. This chapter
will conclude by addressing any challenges (both anticipated and actual) revealed during
the research process – and how they were addressed.
i. Methodological Approach
As this study is investigative in nature, and aims to analyze and better understand, through
personal anecdotes and insights, the overall impacts and takeaways of regular ICT and
social media usage on the women who access them, a qualitative methodological
approach was instated (Bryman, 2008). From an epistemological stance, this approach
encouraged face-to-face interaction and the opportunity to “participate” in the thought
process of another human being, as well as a chance to undertake “the role of the other”
in order to attain social knowledge (ibid). By utilizing a feminist ethnography perspective,
the research emphasized listening to women´s voices and understanding them in context;
this two-way communication thus served to minimize women´s exploitation (ibid).


31
The preexisting literature and findings placed women’s ICT access and usage in the
context of men’s (Adam and Green, 1998) or focused on women’s lack of access to ICT
tools; and quantitative studies such as Hilbert’s (2011) and Akpan Obong’s (2009) were
more concerned with numbers than voices, which appeared somewhat contradictory given
the characteristically social nature of ICTs. The research undertaken here, in contrast,
accounting for embedded social and economic challenges such as lack of infrastructure,
education, and training, immobilization, and monetary restrictions, sought to focus on
women and ICTs from a different – and more inclusionary – angle. The study is interested
in understanding the potential returns on investment as well of any enduring challenges of
ICTs for women who are already active users of computer and mobile technologies, and
who are established agents of change and leadership in their local communities. A
grounded theory approach was employed with the intention of allowing fresh theoretical
ideas and concepts to emerge from the data (Bryman, 2008).
As theorized by Spender (1995) and several years later by Munyua (2009), men have
customarily maintained ‘control’ over the use of ICTs such as the Internet and mobile
telephones, and have developed their own set of codes that have either excluded women
from the outset or renounced their freedom of access and usage at a later period. Since
women ICT users have, in the past, been barred from producing a discourse of codes that
speak to their own needs and challenges, this research aimed to develop a new set of
codes, articulated by the female respondents in this study, that are resultantly more
reflective of women-friendly language.


32
If the collected data affirmed that these women, as a result of their active participation in
ICTs and social media, are receiving increased social and economic benefits, then
emergence of new theories would help to reinforce final recommendations in the research.
As part of the qualitative approach, a series of interviews were conducted with a
handpicked selection of women in the African countries of Kenya, Ghana, and Nigeria.
Travel to each of these countries was undertaken, to personally meet and interview the
women, in an attempt to gain a better first-hand understanding of the rules of each culture
(Rubin and Rubin, 1995). Directly engaging with these cultures required the confrontation
of personal ethnocentricities, as well as incorporating an understanding of the relativism of
others’ worldviews (ibid).
This was of particular significance, as the relationship that a researcher forms with her
subjects is characterized by trust and integrity (Ali and Kelly, 2004); in other words, in
order for a researcher to effectively communicate across cultural divisions, it is crucial that
subjects do not feel any preexisting judgments or biases on part of the researcher, both
during and after data collection.
Moreover, qualitative semi-structured interviewing allowed for a certain amount of flexibility
when designing an interview guide of questions that evolved based on new ideas and the
unique experiences of each interviewee (Rubin and Rubin, 1995). As this international
travel extended to different countries, and the interviews were conducted with women of
diverse socioeconomic and professional statuses, each of whom had unique insights to
share according to her lived experience, this flexibility was required to extract relevant and
diverse data.


33
In deliberating other research methods, the quantitative method of self-completing
questionnaires was considered as an alternative approach, as they were inexpensive to
produce and disseminate (more affordable than traveling to Africa to conduct in-person
interviews, for instance), provided broader geographical coverage, reduced biasing
errors triggered by preconceived conceptions of the interviewer and variability in the
interviewer´s skills, and were potentially anonymous, so there was no concern regarding
the leaking of confidential information (Bloch, 2004).
Upon further consideration, however, this method was discounted for several reasons.
To start, questionnaires must be concise in order to hold the respondent´s attention
when there is no external probing involved (Bloch, 2004), and responses must be
accepted at face value (Bell, 2005). There was no option to delve deeper with the
respondents and pose follow-up questions, where there was insufficient information or
further clarification and comprehension was required. There was also an issue of
reliability, as the researcher lacks control over who completes the questionnaire, and
whether or not the response is valid (Bloch, 2004). Furthermore, a standardized
approach is assumed in questionnaires so that questions are worded identically, with no
option for clarification or rephrasing, for the individual respondent (ibid).
From a feminist research context, this was of particular concern, as predetermined
categories in quantitative research emphasizes what is already known and,
consequently, results in silencing women´s unique voices and narratives (Bryman,
2008). During the preliminary research, in which existing literature and findings were
examined, women’s first-hand narratives were rarely incorporated into the discourse,
and thus contributed to often repetitive and lackluster findings. There was irony in the


34
fact that, while the research concerned itself with a lack of women’s presence in and
contribution to the public domain, women’s voices were, with the rare exception of
studies such as Harcourt’s (2002), Mitter’s (2004), and Somolu’s (2007), excluded from
the published literature.
Relating this back to quantitative research, and questionnaires in particular, when the
sample of respondents is diverse across social, economic, and geographical stratum, a
‘one-size-fits-all’ questionnaire may undesirably result in the aggregation of biased and
censored data.
ii. Sampling and Access
For this research, purposive sampling, a non-probability form of sampling, where the
researcher’s knowledge of the population guides the process, was used to select
interviewees (Bryman, 2008). By using this method of sampling, individuals were
purposefully selected based on their relevance to the understanding of specific social
phenomenon (ibid), in this case the emergence of ICTs and online social networks in the
past twenty-or-so years. Because this study entailed interviewing a predefined and
already visible set of actors, in this case the ten selected women, purposive sampling
allowed for identifying specific respondents of interest who would have the appropriate
insights to understand and further the research (Tansey, 2007).
Specifically, snowball sampling was used, involving the attainment of respondents
through key referrals, among people who share similar characteristics. This approach is
often utilized when there is no available sampling frame in place (Bloch, 2004), such as
organizational data or statistical data that represent specific population demographics.


35
This technique is thus reliant on personal recommendation by individuals the respondent
knows, and may contribute to the legitimacy of the researcher, as there is a common
connection within the network (ibid).
The snowballing technique was taken full advantage of in preparation for the research
conducted in Africa. With networks already established in each country where interviews
were being carried out, it became essential to seek out the connections of already-
selected respondents to identify potential respondents. The variables in place for this
study included gender, age, educational background, profession, socioeconomic status,
marital status, and geographic location (urban/rural).
Taking into consideration the fact that the field research was carried out in an unfamiliar
part of the world, careful preparation and planning was in order. A preliminary interview
guide (Bloch, 2004; Bryman, 2008) was developed out of main themes and topics
relevant to the study with a list of relevant questions that ranged from introductory to
complex (Rubin and Rubin, 1995) in order to collect as much data as possible in a
relatively concise period of time. Most of the respondents were heavily entrenched in
their own work and only had a small timeframe available in which to meet. All interviews
were tape-recorded. As noted by Silverman (2010), it is critical that interviews be
recorded, as assurance that there is no loss in meanings or inferences, and
subsequently transcribed in a way that is suitable to the research and theoretical model
in place.
As qualitative interviews are time-consuming in their initial preparations and subsequent
transcription and analysis (Bryman, 2008), respondents were limited to ten: Kenya (3);


36
Ghana (3); Nigeria (4). Each respondent was chosen for her active use and participation
in ICTs and social media, and was not intended to reflect an entire population of women
in her country, but rather to act as an exemplary model of a change-maker and leader in
her community.
iii. Data Analysis
Upon the completion of the interview transcriptions, an assessment of the
collected data was carried out, using thematic analysis, which allowed for the
identification of themes and subthemes through the coding of transcriptions and
notes produced from interviews (Bryman, 2008). From the key text and
observations that were aggregated, a coding scheme of key terms and themes
that emerged from the collected data was subsequently developed (Seale, 2004).
As with qualitative interviewing, flexibility was required, and one of the chief
benefits of coding was that it allows a researcher to account for any unexpected
issues that arise from the initial data collection, and update the code meanings
as new data is collected, both deductively from my pre-existing concerns and
questions and inductively from the data itself (ibid).
Due to the personal and subjective nature of qualitative interviewing, reliability,
the extent to which identical results will be produced when a study is replicated,
is a near impossible occurrence (Bryman, 2008). Rather, a focus was placed on
transparency, which concerns the researcher’s own cultural assumptions,
theoretical stances, and knowledge of other ways the analysis may be


37
approached, which would be a factor in achieving clarity and accountability
during the analytical stages of the research (Walliman, 2005).
Validity, conversely, which is concerned with a study’s ability to measure what
the researcher endeavours to measure (Seale, 2004) is a more probable
outcome, and it is expected of qualitative researchers that they will demonstrate
how they will achieve precision in terms of validity (Kelly, 2004). For the purpose
of this research, Face Validity was used as a measurement, as it allowed for the
consideration of whether the questions formed in the interview guide were
indicative of the intended concepts that were set out for analysis (Seale, 2004).
Member validity, which is often used in a feminist approach (Ali and Kelly, 2004),
was also employed, and interview transcripts and other accumulated data was
made available to research participants, at their own request and discretion, so
that they could assess whether their words and actions were fairly represented
(Seale, 2004). This, in turn, made for a more equal and trustworthy relationship
between the researcher and the researched (Ali and Kelly, 2004).
iv. Ethical Issues
The study was required to follow the basic ethical protocols of informed consent,
confidentiality, anonymity, and not causing harm (personal or professional) or inciting
deception (presenting research one day while carrying it out in another way) (Walliman,
2005).


38
Respondents were fully informed, via the distribution of an information sheet in simple
and straightforward language, prior to the commencement of the study, about what the
research entailed, why their participation was requested, what would be involved and
what would be done with the obtained information (Bell, 2005), in order to meet the
requirements of ‘informed consent’. A consent form was also distributed to prospective
participants, in advance, so that they were afforded an opportunity to query the meaning
and implications of any statements, and even to withdraw from participating at their own
discretion (p.157). Further to this, two copies of the consent form were signed at the time
of meeting, one by the participant and one by the researcher (Ali and Kelly, 2004).
As the collected data, consisting of notes and tape recordings, was of a sensitive nature
and contained confidential information, a storage system was devised whereby all tapes
and handwritten notes were locked and stored privately in the researcher’s home office
(Walliman, 2005). Computer-generated content was protected by a password.
v. Potential and Actual Challenges
There was the potential for several challenges in the research. The first concern was
with relation to the snowball interviewing technique, or convenience sample, which had
the potential to limit the depth and diversity of respondents (Bloch, 2004). There was
initial concern that, because the interviews were being conducted within a relatively
‘closed’ network of respondents, that the experiences might be similar, thus contributing
to bias in the research findings. However, the outcome of the interviews proved
otherwise. The women ranged across ages, educational and professional backgrounds,
and socioeconomic status, and each respondent supplied her own unique narrative


39
based on personal lived experience. The unifying link between all ten respondents was
their involvement with ICTs.
‘Going native’ was another potential challenge, as there was initial concern that
becoming too immersed in the world view of the respondents, by spending an extended
period of time in each of their environments, might detract from the ‘researcher’ role, and
subsequently contribute to difficulty in developing a social scientific angle concerning the
collection and analysis of data (Bryman, 2008). When ‘going native’, it was also easier to
unintentionally impose outside cultural assumptions (i.e. white, Western), especially
when interviewing and observing people of different cultural heritages and social status
(Walliman, 2005). Inequalities of power and vulnerability may exist between the
interviewer and respondent based on educational levels, socioeconomics, and place of
origin (Wengraf, 2001). Taking a feminist ethnography approach, which stresses the
value of listening to women’s narratives and understanding them within the context of
their own environment and without imposing outside cultural values and assumptions,
helped to prevent any possibility of ‘going native’ during the interviewing process.
While the above challenges were foreseeable and could be addressed prior to the
commencement of the research, there were other challenges that presented themselves
during the course of the research. The first challenge was actually getting the women to
commit to an interview day and time. Schedules operate differently in Africa, and a lack
of reliable public transportation and infrastructural issues meant that meetings were
often pushed back or rescheduled due to poor road conditions and buses that didn’t run
on time or at all.


40
Also, due to the time limitations in each country (one week in Kenya, and two weeks
each in Ghana and Nigeria), this provided a small window of opportunity for the
interviews to take place. In a few instances, respondents were out of the city or country
during the visit, and arrangements were made to interview them via Skype at a later
date. In another instance, one Nigerian respondent lived in a rural area and, given the
current security situation in the country, it was unadvisable to travel by bus to her
community, and she was unable to travel to Lagos for the interview. Under these
circumstances, a Skype meeting was also arranged.
Chapter 5: Results and Findings
This chapter will examine the impacts and outcomes that ICTs and online networking
have had on the women respondents of this study, who are already established and
active users of these technologies. It will explore, to what degree, these women have
ease of access to get online and what their greatest challenges, if any, are in terms of
accessing these networks and will review which communication devices and networks
are most frequently used and in what capacity they are being used for.
Further to this, it will explore the pronounced benefits and limitations that these women
encounter as a result of using ICTs, will aim to better understand their individual
experience as a woman in their local community using ICTs, and will finally inquire to
what extent and in what ways ICTs have acted as a tool for leadership, empowerment,
and success in their personal lived experiences.
During the course of this study, several themes emerged, including the fact that, in spite
of infrastructural challenges such as dropped networks, power outages, and the


41
potentially high monetary cost of getting online, the majority of the respondents revealed
that they spent several hours online a day and used a variety of devices, such as
computers, phones, and tablets to access the Internet in their homes, offices, and, at
one point, in cybercafés. The respondents most frequently used the Internet for
networking, professional collaborations, and to promote their projects and organizational
activities. Facebook, Twitter, and e-mail were most frequently cited by the respondents
as the social networks and communication mediums used to connect and reach out.
Several benefits were also noted such as access to individuals and organizations that
might normally be out of reach, increased confidence and heightened communication
skills, building global networks and taking advantage of professional opportunities,
collaborating with like-minded individuals, and establishing lasting friendships. The most
commonly cited limitations were online verbal attacks and hate mail, lack of reliability
and high cost of network services, and lack of privacy and a tendency towards
overexposure. In terms of a gender ‘divide’, the responses offered a ‘mixed bag’ of
perspectives. While some believed that ICTs and the Internet, in particular, was a level
playing field, others had experienced backlash from men for being vocal and active
online citizens, and the majority of respondents still believed that it was more challenging
for women and girls to access and use ICTs than it was for boys and men, due to
embedded gender roles and relations. When asked to speak to the idea of ICTs as a
mechanism for empowerment, leadership, and success, all respondents agreed that
ICTs had played a chief role in their personal growth and development. It should be
noted, however, that these themes are fluid in that they correspond to each other in
many ways.


42
The following is an analysis of the ten interviews undertaken for this study. This analysis
will relate the findings back to relevant literature and use a selection of quotes from the
interviews to help illustrate the conclusions. Given the nature and intent of the study, it
was important to let the women’s voices speak for themselves, and every effort has
been made to incorporate their narratives into the results of the study.
i. The Respondents
The ten respondents, who ranged in age between 22 and 48, were a diverse selection of
women with a variety of educational and professional backgrounds, and varied (self-
identified) socioeconomic statuses, from lower to upper class (see Appendix A for
respondent coordinates). All respondents were Anglophone. Five out of the ten
respondents were single, one was separated, and four were married. This serves as a
relevant detail as other findings (Munyua, 2009) have shown that, in some cases,
women’s access to ICTs was seen by their husbands as a threat and possible
relationship destabilizer, to the point that men would often monitor their wives’ access
and usage and, in the most extreme cases, limit their access altogether.
Nine respondents identified as Christians (with one respondent converting to Christianity
from Islam), and one identified as “spiritual, not religious”. Although an effort was made
to locate respondents of the Muslim faith, this proved to be a fruitless effort. This might
have added a dynamic perspective to the results, as Mitter (2004) notes in her research
that Islamic scholars have raised doubts about the appropriateness of ‘imported
technology’ on philosophical and ethical grounds, making claims that a ‘cyberfuture’ is


43
viewed by some as an accentuation of a European Civilization that is ‘aggressive’ and
‘unstable’ by nature.
Of the ten respondents, one held a law degree and five held degrees at a Masters level,
including the only participant who defined herself as “lower-class”. She did however,
specify, that this “status” was only in regards to her material wealth, and that she was
wealthy in many other ways. Three respondents were educated overseas in England
and the United States, which might have influenced their attitudes about privilege and
gender with reference to ICTs. One respondent, a 25-year old Ghanaian (Respondent F)
who studied in Pennsylvania and later founded an African ‘literary award’ initiative noted,
“I don’t think my gender has done anything for my use of ICTs and social media. I went
to an all girls’ high school and a women’s college, so I have an interesting relationship
with gender where I don’t see the trouble and disadvantages that accrue to me.”
Nine out of the ten respondents were active in social causes and the remaining
respondent was a journalist who wrote about social issues. Six of the respondents have
started their own projects, organizations, and enterprises.
Only two respondents, one Kenyan and one Nigerian, lived in rural areas. This was
somewhat of a detriment to the research, as earlier studies had indicated that women
living in rural areas experienced a more difficult time accessing ICTs (Mulama, 2007).
Thus, it may seem that there still remains a certain bias toward the narratives of urban
women who, by their default location, may already have an easier time accessing ICTs.


44
In terms of ICT-focused training and skills building, five respondents acknowledged that
they had partaken in formal and/or online training programs to develop their ICT
acumen.
In this study, the respondents were asked to draw on their personal experiences using
ICTs, in the context of both the online communities that they affiliate with and within their
local communities in Kenya, Ghana, and Nigeria.
ii. Access to and Usage of ICTs
As was alluded to in the literature, women’s access to ICTs, or lack thereof, appeared to
be a dominant theme in the research findings (Hafkin, 2000; Munyua, 2009; Melhem et
al., 2009; Litho and Wakunuma-Zojer, 2009; Adam and Green,1995; Brayton, et al.,
2001; KIT, 2005; Mitter, 2005; Momo and Solange, 2000). With this sentiment in mind,
one of the first things to address in this study was that the selected participants were
already known to have access to ICTs. The central question then, around access, was
not “if” but rather “to what extent”. Further to this, it was important to understand whether
these women, who are using ICTs as a part of their daily routine, encounter their own
challenges with the technologies.
The findings revealed that all ten respondents had personal means to connect, which
included computers (10), smartphones (6), tablets such as the iPad (3), and sometimes
a combination of all three. Six respondents reported mostly accessing their Internet from
home, while three reported that they access it from their office. None of the respondents
reported currently accessing their Internet from telecentres. One respondent, a 39-year-


45
old writer and NGO Founder from Lagos, Nigeria (Respondent H), when asked why she
did not access the Internet from her mobile phone, replied that while the cost of
accessing the Internet by mobile is not, in itself, expensive “it’s expensive to get a phone
that can browse.”
However, regardless of what country they lived in and whether they were based in urban
or rural areas, and irrespective of their socioeconomic status, they all encountered the
same infrastructural issues such as power outages and poor connectivity from their
Internet Service Providers.
Economics played a role in connectivity. A 32-year-old social entrepreneur (Respondent
B) from Nairobi, Kenya’s major urban centre, who gave her socioeconomic status as
‘upper-middle class’, stated that, when it came to access she was “always connected”.
She further elaborated, “I have a smart phone, I own a laptop, and I just got an iPad, so
I’m privileged to always be connected […] in terms of access to the Internet, compared
to the majority of Kenyan women.” Conversely, a 48-year-old NGO director (Respondent
C) from rural Kenya, whose socioeconomic status is ‘lower-middle class’ has a more
difficult time connecting: “I am lucky to have a laptop at home, so when I can afford to
buy data bundles then I have access to the Internet. It’s quite unreliable and
unpredictable, but is a blessing in comparison to many other people around me.” The
operative word here, of course, is “afford”. While the former respondent has relatively
endless (save for network issues) privileged access, the latter respondent struggles to
afford the cost of Internet service. Affordability aside, however, she still manages to
spend “about ten hours” a day online when she isn’t out working in her community, in
order to strengthen her “young organization”.


46
These two aforementioned cases seem to exacerbate previous research that depicts a
much harsher ‘climate’ for ICT-seekers in rural areas (Mulama, 2007), partly to do with
the even less built-up infrastructure that exists in rural parts of Africa, as was noted in
the Hallberg et al. study (2011), and also because there tends to be more opportunity to
make money in the city, hence higher proportions of wealth and subsequent access.
The difference, however, between the established literature and the respondents in this
study is that these women are exemplary of Nussbaum’s (2000) “where there’s a will,
there’s a way” capabilities approach. In the case of Respondent C, she has answered
that central ‘capabilities’ question: “What am I actually able to do and be?” Setting her
financial limitations aside, she is aware of what she is capable of doing and how she can
impact her growing organization in a positive way by using ICTs to reach out beyond her
rural network in Kenya. She thus answers the question by way of her forward-thinking
attitude and actions.
iii. Networking Experiences
The respondents, when asked about their online networking experiences, were generally
unified in their overall responses, which were overwhelmingly positive. As Hoffman
(2008) discussed in her study, women’s predominant online focus revolves around social
networking sites, where they can grow their networks and build their relationships. She
refers to women’s tendency to be more ‘relationship-driven’ in their activity, a notion that
is validated by a 24 year-old respondent (Respondent A) from Kenya who works as a
new media consultant:


47
[In reference to being a woman] I guess maybe it ties with the personality or the
virtues that come from the nurturing kind of thing, so they bring that sense of
nurturing to the conversations, because it’s easy to just come and state facts, but it’s
another thing to be informed, especially with some difficult conversations […] you
needed some sort of understanding, because it’s easy to go into defense mode and
attack mode. But it’s because of understanding, that nurturing thing, that continuity.
Those skills that I find innately in a woman, I’ve been able to enhance them and to
use them in the communication that I have online.
When asked to identify which social networks helped them to communicate and build
their communities most successfully, Twitter (4) and Facebook (4) emerged as the two
preferred networks; Twitter was selected for its ability to connect the respondents with
anyone, regardless of status, breaking down the social barrier of “it’s all about who you
know”, while Facebook was praised for its large platform. A 26-year-old freelance
journalist and writer from Nigeria (Respondent I), noted that “I have so many friends on
Facebook, and I’m sort of this hermit in real life, like over 3,000, I don’t know half of
them. So sometimes I ask myself, ‘what the use of having all these friends anyway if I
can’t tell them about what I do, if I can’t share with them events?’”
Twitter and Facebook are, in some ways, part of the star topology network, to which
Anand (2002) refers. Both mediums act as a central hub that the respondents connect to
and, by way of connecting, are opening themselves up to a potentially endless stream of
individuals and ideas.
On that note, social networking was also highly regarded by the respondents for its
ability to generate professional connections and funding opportunities, its aptitude for
providing a vast range of valuable information in real time, and its broad platform for
campaigning and advocacy, the latter of which fits in well with the ICT4D model in that


48
using ICTs as a forum from where to share important messages contributes to
development both on and offline (Akpan-Obong, 2009).
As a result of using social networks, several of the correspondents have reaped
significant personal and professional rewards:
I see my opportunity to go to the US for empowerment training as a huge
achievement and a source of opportunity through social media. When I first
connected to World Pulse, and the ‘Voices of Our Future’ program, about 520 women
entered the competition, and I saw myself as somebody who couldn’t make it,
because we were told that 30 of us would be picked out of that many […] I was the
only one that was chosen out of the 30. I went to the US for the empowerment
training, and was empowered so much to come back home and help the women that
I’ve been having the vision of help. (Respondent J, Nigeria)
I’m from a very poor background. The minute I joined social media, I discovered there
are so many great things in me, innate things, that I wouldn’t have been able to
accomplish if not for social media. Through social media, I got connected to great
women who really wanted to make a difference. (Respondent H, Nigeria)
I met the co-founder of my organization on Facebook. I have lots of friends with
common interests that I discovered on Facebook and Twitter. I hear about events on
Twitter, and a big fellowship I got last year, I saw it first on Twitter. (Respondent F,
Ghana)
I have a few experiences where I received funding from outside Ghana, from Italy
and the United States. A man contacted me from Italy because he saw my project on
Facebook and decided to send a donation. (Respondent D, Ghana)
I have a campaign on Facebook and all those I’m working with on this campaign are
people I met on Facebook. I’m part of a group looking to start a diaspora bank in
Africa on LinkedIn. I now consult for some of the professionals I interact with in the
group. (Respondent E, Ghana)
These individual narratives of collaboration and ideas exchange, were earlier referred to
in the literature, which asserted that social networking is an interactive process allowing
for women to come together and build their international networks, using them to create
awareness, fundraise, and mobilize (World Bank, 2011; Youngs, 2012).


49
iv. Benefits and Limitations
During the course of this research, a variety of benefits and limitations were accounted
for, some of which reflected the findings of previous literature. The majority of the
benefits, however, were never discussed in research findings, making it challenging to
fully understand and promote the value of women’s ICTs use in daily life.
Respondent I, for instance, enjoyed the freedom that teleworking (Mitter, 2004) has
given her:
I get paid for all my online activities, for all the PR and social media that I do. I’m
trying to imagine, if there was no social media, what my world would be like. It has
created a different avenue, a different career line; it’s not easily acceptable in the
community here to tell people you write for a living. But it’s the career benefits that it
creates for me, and you don’t want to match that with the agony of getting out on
Lagos streets. I appreciate it even more because I don’t want to be stuck in traffic.
The fact that I can get my work done on my computer; it’s such a relief for me.
Other key benefits that were brought forward by the respondents included heightened
marketing, leadership, and communications skills (one correspondent made reference to
the fact that using the Twitter platform, where all posts are limited to 140 characters,
caused her to be concise with her message); a greater sense of confidence and an
ability to raise one’s voice and speak with authority; professional opportunities including
consultancies and means for building a brand and promoting work; reduced degrees of
separation and an opportunity to build a global network with others who share similar
interests; ease of access to information and data; a large platform from which to amplify
advocacy work and push agendas; and increased knowledge about how to
conceptualize ideas and convert them into projects.


50
What was most pleasing about these responses was how much more diversified and
comprehensive they were than what was found in previous literature. Both Rabayah
(2009) and Bantebya-Kyomuhendo et al. (2007) revealed in their studies that the women
who were subjects in their research, as a result of using ICTs, gained a heighted sense
of knowledge due to increased access to information. Increases in self-esteem and the
development of transferrable skills were also cited (Bantebya-Kyomuhendo et al., 2007).
Similarly, the UN Report, Gender Equality and Empowerment of Women through ICT,
specified benefits as increased access to health, nutrition, education and other human
development opportunities, such as political participation (DAW, 2005). These results
are thus not reflective of the vast benefits that women who use ICTs are experiencing.
Conversely, the limitations expressed by the women in this research tended to be a
more honest reflection of the findings in previous literature. The women reported
experiencing online verbal attacks from men who were keen on putting them in their
place, and one respondent discussed her involvement with the ‘Take Back the Tech’
campaign, which responds to ICT-related violence, and was mentioned in Somolu’s
(2007) research. Other limitations included e-mail spamming; being tracked, which was
referenced in Sciadas’ (2005) findings; lack of a reliable connection (Mulama, 2007);
expense of connecting; lack of privacy and risk of overexposure given the availability of
personal information online (Macafee and Pederson, 2007); lack of proficiency in
understanding how to use certain websites; and the inhibition of real human interaction.


51
The harm with previous literature is that, while it does a reasonable job of outlining the
limitations, it fails to sufficiently highlight the benefits, making it difficult for readers (and
policymakers) to see the value in heightening ICT access for women.
v. Gender in the Digital World
Given the fact that a gender ‘digital divide’ was a prevalent theme in previous texts
(Hilbert, 2011; Carr and Huyer, 2002; Kramarae and Wei, 2012), it was an important
element of the research to understand what kinds of experiences the respondents in this
study had encountered from a gendered perspective, and whether they had come up
against the same negativity that other findings have indicated. The respondents were
asked a series of questions about their experience, as a woman in their community,
using ICTs. They were probed about any issues with hostility and backlash concerning
their online activities, were asked to recount whether they had every knowingly had their
Internet use monitored, and were finally requested to comment on whether they believed
there were more challenges for women and girls in their community to acquire access to
ICTs than was the case for their male counterparts.
The findings were an interesting mix of dichotomies. One the one hand, the majority of
the respondents (seven out of ten) claimed that they encountered no difficulty, as a
woman, accessing and using ICTs in their community; the remaining three
correspondents made reference to the biases they faced. Respondent H stated, “most of
the time, they don’t even think we are human beings in our own community. Whatever I
say, they don’t count as anything, because I am a woman. Even on Facebook […] they
think we are substandard and it reflects in the way they comment on our posts.” In
Respondent I’s case, she mentioned that social media is her way to spread her opinions
about certain issues, which does not always sit well with her male peers. “You say what


52
you want to say, but sometimes people label you all sorts of things that you’re not.
There’s really no issue with a man coming to say what he wants to say. It’s a challenge,”
she attests. Respondent C adds to these claims by acknowledging that, she too, has
been the recipient of verbal attacks: “I do Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights
Advocacy, I live in a pretty conservative context, and people don’t agree with what I have
to say, so I’ve received a lot of backlash for it. Men, mostly feel they need to put me in
my place.”
Yet, while seven out of ten respondents cited no personal retaliation against them, the
response was flipped when they were asked whether women and girls, on whole in their
communities, experienced more ICT-related challenges than men and boys. Seven
respondents believed that women and girls experienced more challenges; two
respondents were unsure; and one respondent did not believe that women and girls in
her community faced greater challenges in accessing ICTs.
Amongst those respondents who did believe that challenges were present, most of them
cited the fact that girls, from a young age, had been reared to become homemakers, and
often remained inside doing chores, while boys ventured outside to play and explore:
“While you’re growing up, the boy gets the toy phone, and the girl gets the doll, so it
starts from a young age with socialization” (Respondent I, Ghana); “In Nigeria, the focus
for girls is to have a home so they don’t necessarily get a chance to maximize any
education opportunities. They’re groomed to be homemakers. This impacts their
understanding and subsequent use of technology” (Respondent G, Nigeria). These
observations are similar to Momo’s (2009) findings where it was noted that the majority


53
of women in Africa, who undertake a plethora of household responsibilities, have less
access to formal education than their male peers.
Counter to Munyua’s (2009) earlier findings that men had monitored their spouses’
Internet use, there were no reports from respondents (married or single) that they have
had their Internet use monitored by a significant other.
vi. ICTs for Leadership and Empowerment
The research findings consistently pointed to the fact that the respondents were reaping
numerous benefits as a result of their ICT and social media usage. The question
remains still as to whether these benefits have resulted in heightened levels of
leadership and empowerment in the lives of these women.
As Nussbaum’s (2000) research suggests, the concept of empowerment is about more
than equality of and access to resources; it is about women’s ability to understand who
they are and what it is they are capable of doing, and to take subsequent action. The UN
Millennium Project Task Force on Education and Gender Equality, on the other hand
believes that it is a combination of resources, opportunities, and capabilities that defines
‘empowerment’ (Grown et al., 2005).
Taking both definitions into account, it is evident that the respondents’ use of ICTs,
which by all accounts would be considered a resource, has enabled them to be active
agents in both their professional growth and their advocacy mission, the two of which
were often combined.


54
All the respondents have clear visions for their futures. Some of these included owning a
media house (Respondent D, Ghana); establishing a consulting agency as a leading
consultant in West Africa (Respondent E, Ghana); establishing a transformation institute
with an agenda in the self-interest of women (Respondent H, Nigeria); establishing an
empowerment centre where women can develop skills and build their self-esteem
(Respondent C, Kenya); becoming the first female UN Secretary General (Respondent
G, Nigeria); and developing an online portal around social media in Africa (Respondent
A, Kenya).
The respondents saw their ICT and social media usage as a contributor to their current
success and empowerment, and as a gateway to heightening their leadership capacity
and achieving their future goals:
ICTs and social media have greatly empowered me because, through it, I have
acquired so many skills. I was not a writer before. Through social media and ICTs, I
have become a writer. I was not trained as a journalist before. Through ICTs and
social media, I have become a journalist, and I’m even a reporter now. And through
ICTs and social media, I’ve had access to organizations outside my country that I’m
representing in Nigeria. (Respondent J, Nigeria)
ICTs and social media has made me what I am today, the woman leader I am today –
there is always something to learn everyday. My self-esteem improves everyday,
because as a person and founder of an organization, I am able to realize my potential
and share it with others (Respondent C, Kenya)
In my personal journey, it was a tool for leadership and empowerment because it
was, when you look at me in Nigeria, when it comes to WorldPulse, I’m a leader.
Through WorldPulse, Nigerians, Asians, Indians, they will tell you to come to me. I
will advise, I will mentor, I will connect, I will give you opportunities. The leadership
online has transformed to leadership in the communities, the leadership among our
women, among our NGOs. (Respondent H, Nigeria)
ICTs and social media provide me with free access to markets I wouldn’t normally
have access to. I’m able to share my ideas and projects with a bigger audience. It’s
easier for me to communicate and present my ideas to people all over the world. I
have more reliable and faster access to real time information. I’m better able to test

The International Women’s Network - Impacts of Information and Communication Technologies and Social Media Networks on African Women’s Leadership

The International Women’s Network - Impacts of Information and Communication Technologies and Social Media Networks on African Women’s Leadership

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