The Life of Charlemagne, Einhard (c. 775-840)...15. Extent of .docx

The Life of Charlemagne, Einhard (c. 775-840)
...
15. Extent of Charlemagne's Conquests
Such are the wars, most skillfully planned and successfully
fought, which this most powerful king waged during the forty-
seven years of his reign. He so largely increased the Frank
kingdom, which was already great and strong when he received
it at his father's hands, that more than double its former
territory was added to it. ... In fine, he vanquished and made
tributary all the wild and barbarous tribes dwelling in Germany
between the Rhine and the Vistula, the Ocean and the Danube,
all of which speak very much the same language, but differ
widely from one another in customs and dress. The chief among
them are the Welatabians, the Sorabians, the Abodriti, and the
Bohemians, and he had to make war upon these; but the rest, by
far the larger number, submitted to him of their own accord.
16. Foreign Relations
He added to the glory of his reign by gaining the good will of
several kings and nations... The Emperors of Constantinople,
Nicephorus [I 802-811], Michael [I, 811-813], and Leo [V, 813-
820], made advances to Charles, and sought friendship and
alliance with him by several embassies; and even when the
Greeks suspected him of designing to wrest the empire from
them, because of his assumption of the title Emperor, they made
a close alliance with him, that he might have no cause of
offense. In fact, the power of the Franks was always viewed by
the Greeks and Romans with a jealous eye, whence the Greek
proverb "Have the Frank for your friend, but not for your
neighbor."
17. Public Works
This King, who showed himself so great in extending his empire
and subduing foreign nations, and was constantly occupied with
plans to that end, undertook also very many works calculated to
adorn and benefit his kingdom, and brought several of them to

completion. Among these, the most deserving of mention are the
basilica of the Holy Mother of God at Aix-la-Chapelle, built in
the most admirable manner, and a bridge over the Rhine at
Mayence, half a mile long, the breadth of the river at this point.
This bridge was destroyed by fire [May, 813] the year before
Charles died, but, owing to his death so soon after, could not be
repaired, although he had intended to rebuild it in stone. He
began two palaces of beautiful workmanship - one near his
manor called Ingelheim, not far from Mayence; the other at
Nimeguen, on the Waal, the stream that washes the south side of
the island of the Batavians. But, above all, sacred edifices were
the object of his care throughout his whole kingdom; and
whenever he found them falling to ruin from age, he
commanded the priests and fathers who had charge of them to
repair them , and made sure by commissioners that his
instructions were obeyed. He also fitted out a fleet for the war
with the Northmen; the vessels required for this purpose were
built on the rivers that flow from Gaul and Germany into the
Northern Ocean. Moreover, since the Northmen continually
overran and laid waste the Gallic and German coasts, he caused
watch and ward to be kept in all the harbors, and at the mouths
of rivers large enough to admit the entrance of vessels, to
prevent the enemy from disembarking; and in the South, in
Narbonensis and Septimania, and along the whole coast of Italy
as far as Rome, he took the same precautions against the Moors,
who had recently begun their piratical practices. Hence, Italy
suffered no great harm in his time at the hands of the Moors,
nor Gaul and Germany from the Northmen, save that the Moors
got possession of the Etruscan town of Civita Vecchia by
treachery, and sacked it, and the Northmen harried some of the
islands in Frisia off the German coast.
18. Private Life
Thus did Charles defend and increase as well, as beautify his,
kingdom, as is well known; and here let me express my
admiration of his great qualities and his extraordinary constancy
alike in good and evil fortune. I will now forthwith proceed to

give the details of his private and family life.
After his father's death, while sharing the kingdom with his
brother, he bore his unfriendliness and jealousy most patiently,
and, to the wonder of all, could not be provoked to be angry
with him. Later he married a daughter of of Desiderius, King of
the Lombards, at the instance of his mother; but he repudiated
her at the end of a year for some reason unknown, and married
Hildegard, a woman of high birth, of Suabian origin. He had
three sons by her - Charles, Pepin and Louis -and as many
daughters - Hruodrud, Bertha, and and Gisela. He had three
other daughters besides these- Theoderada, Hiltrud, and
Ruodhaid - two by his third wife, Fastrada, a woman of East
Frankish (that is to say, of German) origin, and the third by a
concubine, whose name for the moment escapes me. At the
death of Fastrada [794], he married Liutgard, an Alemannic
woman, who bore him no children. After her death [Jun4 4, 800]
he had three concubines - Gersuinda, a Saxon by whom he had
Adaltrud; Regina, who was the mother of Drogo and Hugh; and
Ethelind, by whom he lead Theodoric. Charles' mother,
Berthrada, passed her old age with him in great honor; he
entertained the greatest veneration for her; and there was never
any disagreement between them except when he divorced the
daughter of King Desiderius, whom he had married to please
her. She died soon after Hildegard, after living to three
grandsons and as many granddaughters in her son's house, and
he buried her with great pomp in the Basilica of St. Denis,
where his father lay. He had an only sister, Gisela, who had
consecrated herself to a religious life from girlhood, and he
cherished as much affection for her as for his mother. She also
died a few years before him in the nunnery where she passed her
life.
19 Private Life (continued) [Charles and the Education of His
Children]
The plan that he adopted for his children's education was, first
of all, to have both boys and girls instructed in the liberal arts,
to which he also turned his own attention. As soon as their years

admitted, in accordance with the custom of the Franks, the boys
had to learn horsemanship, and to practise war and the chase,
and the girls to familiarize themselves with cloth-making, and
to handle distaff and spindle, that they might not grow indolent
through idleness, and he fostered in them every virtuous
sentiment. He only lost three of all his children before his
death, two sons and one daughter, Charles, who was the eldest,
Pepin, whom he had made King of Italy, and Hruodrud, his
oldest daughter. whom he had betrothed to Constantine [VI,
780-802], Emperor of the Greeks. Pepin left one son, named
Bernard, and five daughters, Adelaide, Atula, Guntrada,
Berthaid and Theoderada. The King gave a striking proof of his
fatherly affection at the time of Pepin's death [810]: he
appointed the grandson to succeed Pepin, and had the
granddaughters brought up with his own daughters. When his
sons and his daughter died, he was not so calm as might have
been expected from his remarkably strong mind, for his
affections were no less strong, and moved him to tears. Again,
when he was told of the death of Hadrian [796], the Roman
Pontiff, whom he had loved most of all his friends, he wept as
much as if he had lost a brother, or a very dear son. He was by
nature most ready to contract friendships, and not only made
friends easily, but clung to them persistently, and cherished
most fondly those with whom he had formed such ties. He was
so careful of the training of his sons and daughters that he never
took his meals without them when he was at home, and never
made a journey without them; his sons would ride at his side,
and his daughters follow him, while a number of his body-
guard, detailed for their protection, brought up the rear. Strange
to say, although they were very handsome women, and he loved
them very dearly, he was never willing to marry any of them to
a man of their own nation or to a foreigner, but kept them all at
home until his death, saying that he could not dispense with
their society. Hence, though other-wise happy, he experienced
the malignity of fortune as far as they were concerned; yet he
concealed his knowledge of the rumors current in regard to

them, and of the suspicions entertained of their honor.
20. Conspiracies Against Charlemagne
By one of his concubines he had a son, handsome in face, but
hunchbacked, named Pepin, whom I omitted to mention in the
list of his children. When Charles was at war with the Huns, and
was wintering in Bavaria [792], this Pepin shammed sickness,
and plotted against his father in company with some of the
leading Franks, who seduced him with vain promises of the
royal authority. When his deceit was discovered, and the
conspirators were punished, his head was shaved, and he was
suffered, in accordance with his wishes, to devote himself to a
religious life in the monastery of Prüm. A formidable
conspiracy against Charles had previously been set on foot in
Germany, but all the traitors were banished, some of them
without mutilation, others after their eyes had been put out.
Three of them only lost their lives; they drew their swords and
resisted arrest, and, after killing several men, were cut down,
because they could not be otherwise overpowered. It is
supposed that the cruelty of Queen Fastrada was the primary
cause of these plots, and they were both due to Charles'
apparent acquiescence in his wife's cruel conduct, and deviation
from the usual kindness and gentleness of his disposition. All
the rest of his life he was regarded by everyone with the utmost
love and affection, so much so that not the least accusation of
unjust rigor was ever made against him.
21. Charlemagne's Treatment of Foreigners
He liked foreigners, and was at great pains to take them under
his protection. There were often so many of them, both in the
palace and the kingdom, that they might reasonably have been
considered a nuisance; but he, with his broad humanity, was
very little disturbed by such annoyances, because he felt
himself compensated for these great inconveniences by the
praises of his generosity and the reward of high renown.
22. Personal Appearance
Charles was large and strong, and of lofty stature, though not
disproportionately tall (his height is well known to have been

seven times the length of his foot); the upper part of his head
was round, his eyes very large and animated, nose a little long,
hair fair, and face laughing and merry. Thus his appearance was
always stately and dignified, whether he was standing or sitting;
although his neck was thick and somewhat short, and his belly
rather prominent; but the symmetry of the rest of his body
concealed these defects. His gait was firm, his whole carriage
manly, and his voice clear, but not so strong as his size led one
to expect. His health was excellent, except during the four years
preceding his death, when he was subject to frequent fevers; at
the last he even limped a little with one foot. Even in those
years he consulted rather his own inclinations than the advice of
physicians, who were almost hateful to him, because they
wanted him to give up roasts, to which he was accustomed, and
to eat boiled meat instead. In accordance with the national
custom, he took frequent exercise on horseback and in the
chase, accomplishments in which scarcely any people in the
world can equal the Franks. He enjoyed the exhalations from
natural warm springs, and often practised swimming, in which
he was such an adept that none could surpass him; and hence it
was that he built his palace at Aixla-Chapelle, and lived there
constantly during his latter years until his death. He used not
only to invite his sons to his bath, but his nobles and friends,
and now and then a troop of his retinue or body guard, so that a
hundred or more persons sometimes bathed with him.
23. Dress
He used to wear the national, that is to say, the Frank, dress-
next his skin a linen shirt and linen breeches, and above these a
tunic fringed with silk; while hose fastened by bands covered
his lower limbs, and shoes his feet, and he protected his
shoulders and chest in winter by a close-fitting coat of otter or
marten skins. Over all he flung a blue cloak, and he always had
a sword girt about him, usually one with a gold or silver hilt
and belt; he sometimes carried a jewelled sword, but only on
great feast-days or at the reception of ambassadors from foreign
nations. He despised foreign costumes, however handsome, and

never allowed himself to be robed in them, except twice in
Rome, when he donned the Roman tunic, chlamys, and shoes;
the first time at the request of Pope Hadrian, the second to
gratify Leo, Hadrian's successor. On great feast-days he made
use of embroidered clothes, and shoes bedecked with precious
stones; his cloak was fastened by a golden buckle, and he
appeared crowned with a diadem of gold and gems: but on other
days his dress varied little from the common dress of the
people.
24. Habits
Charles was temperate in eating, and particularly so in drinking,
for he abominated drunkenness in anybody, much more in
himself and those of his household; but he could not easily
abstain from food, and often complained that fasts injured his
health. He very rarely gave entertainments, only on great feast-
days, and then to large numbers of people. His meals ordinarily
consisted of four courses, not counting the roast, which his
huntsmen used to bring in on the spit; he was more fond of this
than of any other dish. While at table, he listened to reading or
music. The subjects of the readings were the stories and deeds
of olden time: he was fond, too, of St. Augustine's books, and
especially of the one entitled "The City of God."
He was so moderate in the use of wine and all sorts of drink that
he rarely allowed himself more than three cups in the course of
a meal. In summer after the midday meal, he would eat some
fruit, drain a single cup, put off his clothes and shoes, just as he
did for the night, and rest for two or three hours. He was in the
habit of awaking and rising from bed four or five times during
the night. While he was dressing and putting on his shoes, he
not only gave audience to his friends, but if the Count of the
Palace told him of any suit in which his judgment was
necessary, he had the parties brought before him forthwith, took
cognizance of the case, and gave his decision, just as if he were
sitting on the Judgment-seat. This was not the only business that
he transacted at this time, but he performed any duty of the day
whatever, whether he had to attend to the matter himself, or to

give commands concerning it to his officers.
25. Studies
Charles had the gift of ready and fluent speech, and could
express whatever he had to say with the utmost clearness. He
was not satisfied with command of his native language merely,
but gave attention to the study of foreign ones, and in particular
was such a master of Latin that he could speak it as well as his
native tongue; but he could understand Greek better than he
could speak it. He was so eloquent, indeed, that he might have
passed for a teacher of eloquence. He most zealously cultivated
the liberal arts, held those who taught them in great esteem, and
conferred great honors upon them. He took lessons in grammar
of the deacon Peter of Pisa, at that time an aged man. Another
deacon, Albin of Britain, surnamed Alcuin, a man of Saxon
extraction, who was the greatest scholar of the day, was his
teacher in other branches of learning. The King spent much time
and labour with him studying rhetoric, dialectics, and especially
astronomy; he learned to reckon, and used to investigate the
motions of the heavenly bodies most curiously, with an
intelligent scrutiny. He also tried to write, and used to keep
tablets and blanks in bed under his pillow, that at leisure hours
he might accustom his hand to form the letters; however, as he
did not begin his efforts in due season, but late in life, they met
with ill success.
26. Piety
He cherished with the greatest fervor and devotion the
principles of the Christian religion, which had been instilled
into him from infancy. Hence it was that he built the beautiful
basilica at Aix-la-Chapelle, which he adorned with gold and
silver and lamps, and with rails and doors of solid brass. He had
the columns and marbles for this structure brought from Rome
and Ravenna, for he could not find such as were suitable
elsewhere. He was a constant worshipper at this church as long
as his health permitted, going morning and evening, even after
nightfall, besides attending mass; and he took care that all the
services there conducted should be administered with the utmost

possible propriety, very often warning the sextons not to let any
improper or unclean thing be brought into the building or
remain in it. He provided it with a great number of sacred
vessels of gold and silver and with such a quantity of clerical
robes that not even the doorkeepers who fill the humblest office
in the church were obliged to wear their everyday clothes when
in the exercise of their duties. He was at great pains to improve
the church reading and psalmody, for he was well skilled in
both although he neither read in public nor sang, except in a low
tone and with others.
27. Generosity [Charles and the Roman Church]
He was very forward in succoring the poor, and in that
gratuitous generosity which the Greeks call alms, so much so
that he not only made a point of giving in his own country and
his own kingdom, but when he discovered that there were
Christians living in poverty in Syria, Egypt, and Africa, at
Jerusalem, Alexandria, and Carthage, he had compassion on
their wants, and used to send money over the seas to them. The
reason that he zealously strove to make friends with the kings
beyond seas was that he might get help and relief to the
Christians living under their rule.
He cherished the Church of St. Peter the Apostle at Rome above
all other holy and sacred places, and heaped its treasury with a
vast wealth of gold, silver, and precious stones. He sent great
and countless gifts to the popes; and throughout his whole reign
the wish that he had nearest at heart was to re-establish the
ancient authority of the city of Rome under his care and by his
influence, and to defend and protect the Church of St. Peter, and
to beautify and enrich it out of his own store above all other
churches. Although he held it in such veneration, he only
repaired to Rome to pay his vows and make his supplications
four times during the whole forty-seven years that he reigned.
28. Charlemagne Crowned Emperor
When he made his last journey thither, he also had other ends in
view. The Romans had inflicted many injuries upon the Pontiff
Leo, tearing out his eyes and cutting out his tongue, so that he

had been comp lied to call upon the King for help [Nov 24,
800]. Charles accordingly went to Rome, to set in order the
affairs of the Church, which were in great confusion, and passed
the whole winter there. It was then that he received the titles of
Emperor and Augustus [Dec 25, 800], to which he at first had
such an aversion that he declared that he would not have set
foot in the Church the day that they were conferred, although it
was a great feast-day, if he could have foreseen the design of
the Pope. He bore very patiently with the jealousy which the
Roman emperors showed upon his assuming these titles, for
they took this step very ill; and by dint of frequent embassies
and letters, in which he addressed them as brothers, he made
their haughtiness yield to his magnanimity, a quality in which
he was unquestionably much their superior.
29. Reforms
It was after he had received the imperial name that, finding the
laws of his people very defective (the Franks have two sets of
laws, very different in many particulars), he determined to add
what was wanting, to reconcile the discrepancies, and to correct
what was vicious and wrongly cited in them. However, he went
no further in this matter than to supplement the laws by a few
capitularies, and those imperfect ones; but he caused the
unwritten laws of all the tribes that came under his rule to be
compiled and reduced to writing . He also had the old rude
songs that celeate the deeds and wars of the ancient kings
written out for transmission to posterity. He began a grammar of
his native language.
Source: Einhard: The Life of Charlemagne
translated by Samuel Epes Turner
(New York: Harper & Brothers, 1880)
As it appeared in
https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/basis/einhard.asp
7

The Civil Wars, Julius Caesar (c. 46 BCE)
Book 1
Chapter 1
When Caesar's letter (stating his exploits in Gaul, public
services, his belief that he should be allowed to run in elections
for consul because the people had ordered it, and the he would
disband his army if Pompey did likewise) was delivered to the
consuls (in 49 BCE, Lentulus and Marcellus), they were with
great difficulty, and a hard struggle of the tribunes, prevailed on
to suffer it to be read in the senate; but the tribunes could not
prevail, that any question should be put to the senate on the
subject of the letter. The consuls put the question on the
regulation of the state. Lucius Lentulus the consul promises that
he will not fail the senate and republic, "if they declared their
sentiments boldly and resolutely, but if they turned their regard
to Caesar, and courted his favor, as they did on former
occasions, he would adopt a plan for himself, and not submit to
the authority of the senate: that he too had a means of regaining
Caesar's favor and friendship." Scipio spoke to the same
purport, "that it was Pompey's intention not to abandon the
republic, if the senate would support him; but if they should
hesitate and act without energy, they would in vain implore his
aid, if they should require it hereafter."
Chapter 2
This speech of Scipio's, as the senate was convened in the city,
and Pompey was near at hand, seemed to have fallen from the
lips of Pompey himself. Some delivered their sentiments with
more moderation, as Marcellus first, who in the beginning of his
speech, said, "that the question ought not to be put to the senate
on this matter, till levies were made throughout all Italy, and
armies raised under whose protection the senate might freely
and safely pass such resolutions as they thought proper;" as
Marcus Calidius afterward, who was of opinion, "that Pompey
should set out for his province, that there might be no cause for
arms; that Caesar was naturally apprehensive as two legions
were forced from him, that Pompey was retaining those troops,

and keeping them near the city to do him injury:" as Marcus
Rufus, who followed Calidius almost word for word. They were
all harshly rebuked by Lentulus, who peremptorily refused to
propose Calidius's motion. Marcellus, overawed by his reproofs,
retracted his opinion. Thus most of the senate, intimidated by
the expressions of the consul, by the fears of a present army,
and the threats of Pompey's friends, unwillingly and reluctantly
adopted Scipio's opinion, that Caesar should disband his army
by a certain day, and should he not do so, he should he
considered as acting against the state. Marcus Antonius, and
Quintus Cassius, tribunes of the people, interposed. The
question was immediately put on their interposition. Violent
opinions were expressed; whoever spoke with the greatest
acrimony and cruelty was most highly commended by Caesar's
enemies.
Chapter 3
The senate having broken up in the evening, all who belonged to
that order were summoned by Pompey. He applauded the
forward, and secured their votes for the next day; the more
moderate he reproved and excited against Caesar. Many
veterans, from all parts, who had served in Pompey's armies,
were invited to his standard by the hopes of rewards and
promotions. Several officers belonging to the two legions,
which had been delivered up by Caesar, were sent for. The city
and the comitium were crowded with tribunes, centurions, and
veterans. All the consul's friends, all Pompey's connections, all
those who bore any ancient enmity to Caesar, were forced into
the senate house. By their concourse and declarations the timid
were awed, the irresolute confirmed, and the greater part
deprived of the power of speaking their sentiments with
freedom. Lucius Piso, the censor, offered to go to Caesar: as did
likewise Lucius Roscius, the praetor, to inform him of these
affairs, and require only six days' time to finish the business. ...
Chapter 4
All these proposals were rejected, and opposition made to them
all, in the speeches of the consul, Scipio, and Cato. An old

grudge against Caesar and chagrin at a defeat actuated Cato.
Lentulus was wrought upon by the magnitude of his debts, and
the hopes of having the government of an army and provinces,
and by the presents which he expected from such princes as
should receive the title of friends of the Roman people, and
boasted among his friends, that he would be a second Sylla, to
whom the supreme authority should return. Similar hopes of a
province and armies, which he expected to share with Pompey
on account of his connection with him, urged on Scipio; and
moreover [he was influenced by] the fear of being called to
trial, and the adulation and an ostentatious display of himself
and his friends in power, who at that time had great influence in
the republic, and courts of judicature. Pompey himself, incited
by Caesar's enemies, because he was unwilling that any person
should bear an equal degree of dignity, had wholly alienated
himself from Caesar's friendship, and procured a reconciliation
with their common enemies; the greatest part of whom he had
himself brought upon Caesar during his affinity with him. At
the same time, chagrined at the disgrace which he had incurred
by converting the two legions from their expedition through
Asia and Syria, to [augment] his own power and authority, he
was anxious to bring matters to a war.
Chapter 5
For these reasons every thing was done in a hasty and disorderly
manner, and neither was time given to Caesar's relations to
inform him [of the state of affairs] nor liberty to the tribunes of
the people to deprecate their own danger, nor even to retain the
last privilege, which Sylla had left them, the interposing their
authority; but on the seventh day they were obliged to think of
their own safety, which the most turbulent tribunes of the
people were not accustomed to attend to, nor to fear being
called to an account for their actions, till the eighth month.
Recourse is had to that extreme and final decree of the senate
(which was never resorted to even by daring proposers except
when the city was in danger of being set on fire, or when the
public safety was despaired of). "That the consuls, praetors,

tribunes of the people, and proconsuls in the city, should take
care that the state received no injury." These decrees are dated
the eighth day before the ides of January; therefore, in the first
five days, on which the senate could meet, from the day on
which Lentulus entered into his consulate, the two days of
election excepted, the severest and most virulent decrees were
passed against Caesar's government, and against those most
illustrious characters, the tribunes of the people. The latter
immediately made their escape from the city, and withdrew to
Caesar, who was then at Ravenna, awaiting an answer to his
moderate demands; [to see] if matters could be brought to a
peaceful termination by any equitable act on the part of his
enemies.
Chapter 6
During the succeeding days the senate is convened outside the
city. Pompey repeated the same things which he had declared
through Scipio. He applauded the courage and firmness of the
senate, acquainted them with his force, and told them that he
had ten legions ready; that he was moreover informed and
assured that Caesar's soldiers were disaffected, and that he
could not persuade them to defend or even follow him. ... To the
other provinces praetors were sent, nor was time granted as in
former years, to refer to the people on their appointment, nor to
make them take the usual oath, and march out of the city in a
public manner, robed in the military habit, after offering their
vows: a circumstance which had never before happened. Both
the consuls leave the city, and private men had lictors in the
city and capital, contrary to all precedents of former times.
Levies were made throughout Italy, arms demanded, and money
exacted from the municipal towns, and violently taken from the
temples. All distinctions between things human and divine, are
confounded.
Chapter 7
These things being made known to Caesar, he harangued his
soldiers; he reminded them "of the wrongs done to him at all
times by his enemies, and complained that Pompey had been

alienated from him and led astray by them through envy and a
malicious opposition to his glory, though he had always favored
and promoted Pompey's honor and dignity. He complained that
an innovation had been introduced into the republic, that the
intercession of the tribunes, which had been restored a few
years before by Sylla, was branded as a crime, and suppressed
by force of arms; that Sylla, who had stripped the tribunes of
every other power, had, nevertheless, left the privilege of
intercession unrestrained; that Pompey, who pretended to
restore what they had lost, had taken away the privileges which
they formerly had; that whenever the senate decreed, 'that the
magistrates should take care that the republic sustained no
injury' (by which words and decree the Roman people were
obliged to repair to arms), it was only when pernicious laws
were proposed; when the tribunes attempted violent measures;
when the people seceded, and possessed themselves of the
temples and eminences of the city; (and these instances of
former times, he showed them were expiated by the fate of
Saturninus and the Gracchi): that nothing of this kind was
attempted now, nor even thought of: that no law was
promulgated, no intrigue with the people going forward, no
secession made; he exhorted them to defend from the malice of
his enemies the reputation and honor of that general under
whose command they had for nine years most successfully
supported the state; fought many successful battles, and
subdued all Gaul and Germany." The soldiers of the thirteenth
legion, which was present (for in the beginning of the
disturbances he had called it out, his other legions not having
yet arrived), all cry out that they are ready to defend their
general, and the tribunes of the commons, from all injuries.
Chapter 8
Having made himself acquainted with the disposition of his
soldiers, Caesar set off with that legion to Ariminum, and there
met the tribunes, who had fled to him for protection; he called
his other legions from winter quarters; and ordered them to
follow him. Thither came Lucius Caesar, a young man, whose

father was a lieutenant-general under Caesar. He, after
concluding the rest of his speech, and stating for what purpose
he had come, told Caesar that he had commands of a private
nature for him from Pompey; that Pompey wished to clear
himself to Caesar, lest he should impute those actions which he
did for the republic, to a design of affronting him; that he had
ever preferred the interest of the state to his own private
connections; that Caesar, too, for his own honor, ought to
sacrifice his desires and resentment to the public good, and not
vent his anger so violently against his enemies, lest in his hopes
of injuring them, he should injure the republic. He spoke a few
words to the same purport from himself, in addition to Pompey's
apology. Roscius, the praetor, conferred with Caesar almost in
the same words, and on the same subject, and declared that
Pompey had empowered him to do so.
Chapter 9
Though these things seemed to have no tendency toward
redressing his injuries, yet having got proper persons by whom
he could communicate his wishes to Pompey; he required of
them both, that, as they had conveyed Pompey's demands to
him, they should not refuse to convey his demands to Pompey;
if by so little trouble they could terminate a great dispute, and
liberate all Italy from her fears. "That the honor of the republic
had ever been his first object, and dearer to him than life; that
he was chagrined, that the favor of the Roman people was
wrested from him by the injurious reports of his enemies; that
he was deprived of a half-year's command, and dragged back to
the city, though the people had ordered that regard should be
paid to his suit for the consulate at the next election, though he
was not present; that, however, he had patiently submitted to
this loss of honor, for the sake of the republic; that when he
wrote letters to the senate, requiring that all persons should
resign the command of their armies, he did not obtain even that
request; that levies were made throughout Italy; that the two
legions which had been taken from him, under the pretense of
the Parthian war, were kept at home, and that the state was in

arms. To what did all these things tend, unless to his ruin? But,
nevertheless, he was ready to condescend to any terms, and to
endure every thing for the sake of the republic. Let Pompey go
to his own province; let them both disband their armies; let all
persons in Italy lay down their arms; let all fears be removed
from the city; let free elections, and the whole republic be
resigned to the direction of the senate and Roman people. That
these things might be the more easily performed, and conditions
secured and confirmed by oath, either let Pompey come to
Caesar, or allow Caesar to go to him; it might be that all their
disputes would be settled by an interview."
Chapter 10
Roscius and Lucius Caesar, having received this message, went
to Capua, where they met the consuls and Pompey, and declared
to them Caesar's terms. Having deliberated on the matter, they
replied, and sent written proposals to him by the same persons,
the purport of which was, that Caesar should return into Gaul,
leave Ariminum, and disband his army: if he complied with this,
that Pompey would go to Spain. In the mean time, until security
was given that Caesar would perform his promises, that the
consuls and Pompey would not give over their levies. ...
Chapter 15
Caesar, having moved forward from Auximum, traversed the
whole country of Picenum. All the governors in these countries
most cheerfully received him, and aided his army with every
necessary. …
Chapter 20
Domitius's design being noised abroad, the soldiers in
Corfinium early in the evening began to mutiny, and held a
conference with each other by their tribunes and centurions, and
the most respectable among themselves: "that they were
besieged by Caesar; that his works and fortifications were
almost finished; that their general, Domitius, on whose hopes
and expectations they had confided, had thrown them off, and
was meditating his own escape; that they ought to provide for
their own safety." At first the Marsians differed in opinion, and

possessed themselves of that part of the town which they
thought the strongest. And so violent a dispute arose between
them, that they attempted to fight and decide it by arms.
However, in a little time, by messengers sent from one side to
the other, they were informed of Domitius's meditated flight, of
which they were previously ignorant. Therefore they all with
one consent brought Domitius into public view, gathered round
him, and guarded him; and sent deputies out of their number to
Caesar, to say that they were ready to throw open their gates, to
do whatever he should order, and deliver up Domitius alive into
his hands."
Chapter 21
Upon intelligence of these matters, though Caesar thought it of
great consequence to become master of the town as soon as
possible, and to transfer the cohorts to his own camp, lest any
change should be wrought on their inclinations by bribes,
encouragement, or ficticious messages, because in war great
events are often brought about by trifling circumstances; yet,
dreading lest the town should be plundered by the soldiers
entering into it, and taking advantage of the darkness of the
night, he commended the persons who came to him, and sent
them back to the town, and ordered the gates and walls to be
secured. He disposed his soldiers on the works which he had
begun, not at certain intervals, as was his practice before, but in
one continued range of sentinels and stations, so that they
touched each other, and formed a circle round the whole
fortification; he ordered the tribunes and general officers to ride
round; and exhorted them not only to be on their guard against
sallies from the town, but also to watch that no single person
should get out privately. Nor was any man so negligent or
drowsy as to sleep that night. To so great height was their
expectation raised, that they were carried away, heart and soul,
each to different objects, what would become of the Corfinians,
what of Domitius, what of Lentulus, what of the rest; what
event would be the consequence of another.
Chapter 22

About the fourth watch, Lentulus Spinther said to our sentinels
and guards from the walls, that he desired to have an interview
with Caesar, if permission were given him. Having obtained it,
he was escorted out of town; nor did the soldiers of Domitius
leave him till they brought him into Caesar's presence. He
pleaded with Caesar for his life, and entreated him to spare him,
and reminded him of their former friendship; and acknowledged
that Caesar's favors to him were very great... Caesar interrupted
him in his speech, and told him, "that he had not left his
province to do mischief [to any man], but to protect himself
from the injuries of his enemies; to restore to their dignity the
tribunes of the people who had been driven out of the city on
his account, and to assert his own liberty, and that of the Roman
people, who were oppressed by a few factious men. Encouraged
by this address, Lentulus begged leave to return to the town,
that the security which he had obtained for himself might be an
encouragement to the rest to hope for theirs; saying that some
were so terrified that they were induced to make desperate
attempts on their own lives. Leave being granted him, he
departed.
Chapter 23
When day appeared, Caesar ordered all the senators and their
children, the tribunes of the soldiers, and the Roman knights to
be brought before him... When they were brought before him he
protected them from the insolence and taunts of the soldiers;
told them in few words that they had not made him a grateful
return, on their part, for his very extraordinary kindness to
them, and dismissed them all in safety. …
Chapter 24
Pompey, being informed of what had passed at Corfinium,
marches from Luceria to Canusium, and thence to Brundusium.
He orders all the forces raised every where by the new levies to
repair to him. He gives arms to the slaves that attended the
flocks, and appoints horses for them. …
Chapter 25
Having delivered this message he marched to Brundusium with

six legions, four of them veterans…
Chapter 26
…Pompey fitted out large merchant ships, which he found in the
harbor of Brundusium: on them he erected turrets three stories
high, and, having furnished them with several engines and all
sorts of weapons, drove them among Caesar's works, to break
through the floats and interrupt the works; thus there happened
skirmishes every day at a distance with slings, arrows, and other
weapons. Caesar conducted matters as if he thought that the
hopes of peace were not yet to be given up. And though he was
very much surprised that Magius, whom he had sent to Pompey
with a message, was not sent back to him; and though his
attempting a reconciliation often retarded the vigorous
prosecution of his plans, yet he thought that he ought by all
means to persevere in the same line of conduct. He therefore
sent Caninius Rebilus to have an interview with Scribonius
Libo, his intimate friend and relation. He charges him to exhort
Libo to effect a peace, but, above all things, requires that he
should be admitted to an interview with Pompey. He declared
that he had great hopes, if that were allowed him, that the
consequence would be that both parties would lay down their
arms on equal terms; that a great share of the glory and
reputation of that event would redound to Libo, if, through his
advice and agency, hostilities should be ended. Libo, having
parted from the conference with Caninius, went to Pompey, and,
shortly after, returns with answer that, as the consuls were
absent, no treaty of composition could be engaged in without
them. Caesar therefore thought it time at length to give over the
attempt which he had often made in vain, and act with energy in
the war.
Chapter 27
…Pompey, either frightened at Caesar's works or determined
from the beginning to quit Italy, began to prepare for his
departure on the arrival of the ships; and the more effectually to
retard Caesar's attack, lest his soldiers should force their way
into the town at the moment of his departure, he stopped up the

gates, built walls across the streets and avenues, sunk trenches
across the ways, and in them fixed palisadoes and sharp stakes,
which he made level with the ground by means of hurdles and
clay. But he barricaded with large beams fastened in the ground
and sharpened at the ends two passages and roads without the
walls, which led to the port. After making these arrangements,
he ordered his soldiers to go on board without noise, and
disposed here and there, on the wall and turrets, some light-
armed veterans, archers and slingers. These he designed to call
off by a certain signal, when all the soldiers were embarked,
and left row-galleys for them in a secure place.
Chapter 28
The people of Brundusium, irritated by the insolence of
Pompey's soldiers, and the insults received from Pompey
himself, were in favor of Caesar's party. Therefore, as soon as
they were aware of Pompey's departure, while his men were
running up and down, and busied about their voyage, they made
signs from the tops of the houses: Caesar, being apprised of the
design by them, ordered scaling-ladders to be got ready, and his
men to take arms, that he might not lose any opportunity of
coming to an action. Pompey weighed anchor at nightfall. The
soldiers who had been posted on the wall to guard it, were
called off by the signal which had been agreed on, and knowing
the roads, ran down to the ships. Caesar's soldiers fixed their
ladders and scaled the walls: but being cautioned by the people
to beware of the hidden stakes and covered trenches, they
halted, and being conducted by the inhabitants by a long circuit,
they reached the port, and captured with their long boats and
small craft two of Pompey's ships, full of soldiers, which had
struck against Caesar's moles. ...
Chapter 30
Therefore, for the present he relinquished all intention of
pursuing Pompey, and resolved to march to Spain, and
commanded the magistrates of the free towns to procure him
ships, and to have them convoyed to Brundusium. …
Chapter 32

When these affairs were dispatched, Caesar, that there might be
an intermission from labor for the rest of the season, drew off
his soldiers to the nearest municipal towns, and set off in person
for Rome. Having assembled the senate, he reminded them of
the injustice of his enemies; and told them, "That he aimed at
no extraordinary honor, but had waited for the time appointed
by law, for standing candidate for the consulate, being
contented with what was allowed to every citizen. That a bill
had been carried by the ten tribunes of the people
(notwithstanding the resistance of his enemies, and a very
violent opposition from Cato, who in his usual manner,
consumed the day by a tedious harangue) that he should be
allowed to stand candidate, though absent, even in the
consulship of Pompey; and if the latter disapproved of the bill,
why did he allow it to pass? if he approved of it, why should he
debar him [Caesar] from the people's favor? He made mention
of his own patience, in that he had freely proposed that all
armies should be disbanded, by which he himself would suffer
the loss both of dignity and honor. He urged the virulence of his
enemies, who refused to comply with what they required from
others, and had rather that all things should be thrown into
confusion, than that they should lose their power and their
armies. He expatiated on their injustice, in taking away his
legions: their cruelty and insolence in abridging the privileges
of the tribunes; the proposals he had made, and his entreaties of
an interview which had been refused him. For which reasons, he
begged and desired that they would undertake the management
of the republic, and unite with him in the administration of it.
But if through fear they declined it, he would not be a burden to
them, but take the management of it on himself. That deputies
ought to be sent to Pompey, to propose a reconciliation; as he
did not regard what Pompey had lately asserted in the senate,
that authority was acknowledged to be vested in those persons
to whom embassadors were sent, and fear implied in those that
sent them. That these were the sentiments of low, weak minds:
that for his part, as he had made it his study to surpass others in

glory, so he was desirous of excelling them in justice and
equity."
Chapter 33
The senate approved of sending deputies, but none could be
found fit to execute the commission: for every person, from his
own private fears, declined the office. For Pompey, on leaving
the city, had declared in the open senate, that he would hold in
the same degree of estimation, those who stayed in Rome and
those in Caesar's camp. Thus three days were wasted in disputes
and excuses. Besides, Lucius Metellus, one of the tribunes, was
suborned by Caesar's enemies, to prevent this, and to embarrass
every thing else which Caesar should propose. Caesar having
discovered his intention, after spending several days to no
purpose, left the city, in order that he might not lose any more
time, and went to Transalpine Gaul, without effecting what he
had intended. ...
The Civil Wars
By Julius Caesar
Translated by W. A. McDevitte and W. S. Boh
Source: http://classics.mit.edu/Caesar/civil.1.1.html
1
“Insert” “header” with your name, date and a title for your
essay
Roman Republic (Ch. 5 pg. 111-122, On the Republic)
Roman Republic (Ch. 5 pg. 122-137, War Commentaries)
Comparing:
Indent and type an introductory statement that provides
context for your essay. Identify the sources you are comparing,
when they were created, and by whom. Then type your thesis
statement. Your thesis is the conclusion you’ve come to after
reading and analyzing both of the primary sources. Your thesis
must be a specific answer to a question, debatable, and able to
be supported with textual evidence from the primary sources.

Indent and type a topic sentence with a controlling idea
that relates to your thesis. This will be your first body
paragraph. Then type set up a quote you will use to prove your
controlling idea by providing appropriate context like who the
quote is from, and paraphrasing and summarizing the point the
author makes. “Then incorporate the quote into your paragraph
with parentheses like so… and if it is a long quote be sure to
use ellipses like so… cutting out non-essential portions of the
quote.”[footnoteRef:1] To cite your source you must click on
“References” then “Insert Footnote”. See the bottom of the
page for further directions. After using the quote explain how
the quote supports your controlling idea and thesis. End your
paragraph with a concluding statement that summarizes the
point you’ve made. This concludes your first body paragraph.
You should have at least 2 body paragraphs in your essay. [1:
Footnotes should be in the Chicago Manual of Style format, like
so:
Author’s first name Authors last name, Title of the primary
source in italics (date published), page used, where you got the
info which will be “Blackboard”, date accessed. Here is an
example:
Desiderius Erasmus, The Praise of Folly (1509), 12,
Blackboard, accessed June 15, 2017.
]
Indent and write your second body paragraph in the same
manner as your first body paragraph. Be sure to start with a
topic sentence and use textual evidence to support your claims.
All textual evidence must be cited in footnotes in the Chicago
Manual of Style.
Indent and write your concluding paragraph. Your
concluding paragraph must restate your thesis and summarize
the arguments you made in the body of your essay. Next
explain how your thesis is important by showing how it has
impacted the West. In other words, how is the West different

because of the primary sources, individuals, ideas, etc. you’ve
just discussed? That is the end of your essay.
Press enter twice and type in a Bibliography like so:
Bibliography
Erasmus, Desiderius. The Praise of Folly, 1509. SHU
Blackboard, June 15, 2017.
Machiavelli, Nicolo. The Prince, 1515. Blackboard, June 16,
2017.
Before you print make sure to check that:
1 Your essay is in the third person
2writing is free from grammatical, spelling, and punctuation
errors
3 citations are in Chicago Manual of Stylein footnotes
4 essay is 2-3 pages in length in size 12 font and normal
margins
· Rubric for primary source essays
Components
4 points
3 points
2 points
1 point
Introductory Paragraph
-has an introductory statement that provides context for the

thesis
-has a thesis that…
a) provides an answer to a question
b) is specific
c) can be debated
d) can be supported with textual evidence from the sources
-is missing one of the aforementioned aspects
-is missing two of the aforementioned aspects
-is missing three of the aforementioned aspects
Body Paragraphs
-have a topic sentence (w/a controlling idea related to thesis)
-have successive sentences that…
a) introduce the author’s/source’s idea by contextualization
b) directly quote or paraphrase the idea
c) explain the quote or paraphrased idea
-have a concluding statement
-is/are missing one of the aforementioned aspects
-is/are missing two of the aforementioned aspects
-is/are missing three of the aforementioned aspects
Conclusion
-restates thesis and summarizes arguments
-has a concluding statement (identifies significance of thesis &
arguments; i.e. How is the point you’re making important in
regards to Western civilization?)
-is missing two of the aforementioned aspects
Format/
Grammar,
Spelling,
Punctuation
-there is audience awareness
(3rd person, to me)
-writing is free from grammatical, spelling, and punctuation
errors

-citations are in Chicago Manual of Style, in footnotes
-essay is 2-3 pages in length w/appropriate font size and
margins
-is/are missing two of the aforementioned aspects
“Insert” “page numbers” at the bottom 2

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