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December 31, 2013
Anxious Youth, Then and Now
By JON GRINSPAN
FOR years now, we’ve heard the gripes by and about millennials, the offspring of the Great Recession, caught between
childhood and adulthood. Their plight seems so very 21st century: the unstable careers, the confusion of technologies, the
delayed romance, parenthood and maturity.
Many of the same concerns and challenges faced the children of the industrial revolution, as the booms and busts of America’s
wild 19th century tore apart the accepted order.
Each New Year’s, young men and women filled their diaries with worries that seem very familiar today: They found living with
their parents “humiliating indeed” and felt “qualified for nothing.” Others moaned: “I am twenty-five and not in love yet.”
Gathering over beer or cigars, they complained about how far they were from marriage, how often they switched jobs.
The idea that millennials are uniquely “stuck” is nonsense. Young Victorians grasped for maturity as well, embarrassed by the
distance between their lives and society’s expectations.
These Americans were born into an earthquake. During the 1800s America’s population exploded from 5 million to 75
million. By 1900 nearly as many people lived in New York City as had lived in the entire country during the Revolution. The
nation went from a rural backwater to an industrial behemoth — producing more than Britain, Germany and France combined
— but every decade the economy crashed. America saw the kind of wild change we see today in China, and in a new society
with little to stabilize it.
For rootless 20-somethings, each national shock felt intimate, rattling their love lives and careers. Many young adults could
not accept that their personal struggles were just ripples of a large-scale social dislocation. So each New Year’s, they blamed
themselves. In a Jan. 1, 1859, entry in her journal, 19-year-old Mollie Sanford, stuck on a Nebraska homestead in the middle of
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a recession, castigated herself for not being “any better ...
1114 Anxious Youth, Then and Now - NYTimes.comwww.nytime
1. 1/1/14 Anxious Youth, Then and Now - NYTimes.com
www.nytimes.com/2014/01/01/opinion/anxious-youth-then-and-
now.html?hp&rref=opinion&pagewanted=print 1/3
December 31, 2013
Anxious Youth, Then and Now
By JON GRINSPAN
FOR years now, we’ve heard the gripes by and about
millennials, the offspring of the Great Recession, caught
between
childhood and adulthood. Their plight seems so very 21st
century: the unstable careers, the confusion of technologies, the
delayed romance, parenthood and maturity.
Many of the same concerns and challenges faced the children of
the industrial revolution, as the booms and busts of America’s
wild 19th century tore apart the accepted order.
Each New Year’s, young men and women filled their diaries
with worries that seem very familiar today: They found living
with
their parents “humiliating indeed” and felt “qualified for
nothing.” Others moaned: “I am twenty-five and not in love
yet.”
Gathering over beer or cigars, they complained about how far
they were from marriage, how often they switched jobs.
The idea that millennials are uniquely “stuck” is nonsense.
Young Victorians grasped for maturity as well, embarrassed by
2. the
distance between their lives and society’s expectations.
These Americans were born into an earthquake. During the
1800s America’s population exploded from 5 million to 75
million. By 1900 nearly as many people lived in New York City
as had lived in the entire country during the Revolution. The
nation went from a rural backwater to an industrial behemoth —
producing more than Britain, Germany and France combined
— but every decade the economy crashed. America saw the kind
of wild change we see today in China, and in a new society
with little to stabilize it.
For rootless 20-somethings, each national shock felt intimate,
rattling their love lives and careers. Many young adults could
not accept that their personal struggles were just ripples of a
large-scale social dislocation. So each New Year’s, they blamed
themselves. In a Jan. 1, 1859, entry in her journal, 19-year-old
Mollie Sanford, stuck on a Nebraska homestead in the middle of
MORE IN OPINION
Editorial: More Guns Will Not
Save Iraq
Read More »
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zn&page=www.nytimes.com/printer-
friendly&pos=Position1&sn2=336c557e/4f3dd5d2&sn1=32a2f9
db/e520decb&camp=FoxSearchlight_AT2014-1911218B-
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%2Fwww%2Egrandbudapesthotel%2Ecom%2F
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%2Fpages%2Fopinion%2Findex.jsonp
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a recession, castigated herself for not being “any better than I
was one year ago.”
Romance worried them above all. Today some fret about the
changing institution of marriage, but we are used to such
adjustments; 19th-century Americans were blindsided when the
average age of marriage rose precipitously, to 26 — a level
America didn’t return to until 1990. In a world where life
expectancy hovered below age 50, delaying marriage until 26
was
revolutionary.
Cities brimmed with bachelors and unmarried ladies in their
mid-20s, once a rare sight. In their New Year’s reflections, men
and women noted that their parents had had children by their
age. One typical Union Army soldier wrote home wondering,
“Do you think I will be married before I am thirty?”
This social change brought personal turmoil, especially for
young women. Marriage meant love and family, but in a society
that discouraged ladies from working, young women were
dependent on their husbands. Remaining single meant economic
and legal instability, and the perception of childishness. When
the mother of one diarist, Emily Gillespie, scolded the
Midwestern farm girl by saying, “you are twenty years old and
4. not married yet,” it hardly mattered that Emily was in line with
her generation.
While some looked for love, others looked for jobs. Before the
modern era, young people found work within family networks,
laboring at home or on a farm, pausing for “elevenses” (a late-
morning whiskey break) or an afternoon nap. The industrial
economy changed that.
The good news was that there were more jobs; the bad news was
that they were isolating and temporary. Work now meant
small factories or lumber camps or railroad crews of strangers.
They were monitored like machines, with pressure to increase
productivity replacing the slower pace of preindustrial labor.
For young people this meant chronic instability. A young man
might brag about his new job one week and find himself
begging
for money from his father the next. Frustrated youths worried
that their jobs did not reflect their age or ability: One brilliant
young speaker complained about working in a cramped
Philadelphia boot factory, nailing soles when he should have
been
climbing a soapbox.
While 19th-century young adults faced many of the anxieties
that trouble 23-year-olds today, they found novel solutions. The
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first was to move. Young men and women were notoriously
5. transient, heading out on “wander years” when life at home
seemed stalled. In one Wisconsin county, 90 percent of those
present in 1870 were gone by 1880. Most set out with no plan,
few connections and a small carpetbag of personal possessions.
Another solution was to find like-minded young adults, to share,
as one later put it in his memoir, their “baffling
discouragements and buoyant hopes.” Nineteenth-century young
people were compulsive joiners. Political movements,
literary societies, religious organizations, dancing clubs and
even gangs proliferated. The men and women who joined cared
about the stated cause, but also craved the community these
groups created. They realized that while instability was
inevitable, isolation was voluntary.
Today’s young adults are constantly rebuked for not following
the life cycle popular in 1960. But a quick look at earlier eras
shows just how unusual mid-20th-century young people were. A
society in which people married out of high school and held
the same job for 50 years is the historical outlier. Some of that
era’s achievements were enviable, but they were not the norm.
The anxieties that 19th-century young people poured into their
New Year’s diary entries are more common. Americans
considered young adulthood the most dangerous part of life, and
struggled to find a path to maturity. Those who did best
tended to accept change, not to berate themselves for breaking
with tradition. Young adults might do the same today. Stop
worrying about how they appear from the skewed perspective of
the mid-20th century and find a new home, a new stability
and a new community in the new year.
Jon Grinspan, a postdoctoral fellow at the Smithsonian Instituti
on, is writing a book on young people and 19th-century America
n
politics.
13. Three key general motives predict or at least influence intention
and behavior.
1. Attitude toward the behavior. The degree to which a person
has a favorable or unfavorable evaluation or appraisal of the
behavior in question.
2. Subjective norm. A social factor representing the perceived
social pressure for or against the behavior.
3. Perceived behavioral control. The perceived ease or difficulty
of performing the behavior, assumed to reflect past experience
and anticipated obstacles.
According to the Ajzen model, someone’s intention to engage in
a given behavior is a strong predictor of that behavior.
So if we want to change behavior we should look at intentions
and how we might modify them by working on the three general
motives shown in Figure 2.2.
Managers may be able to influence behavioral change by doing
or saying things that affect the three determinants of employees’
intentions to exhibit a specific behavior: attitude
toward the behavior, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral
control
In the workplace, one of the simplest levers managers can use to
change behavior is information. Management provides
information to employees daily. Standard organizational
information that can affect motivation includes
• Reports on the organization’s culture.
• Announcements of new training programs.
• News on key managers.
• Updates to human resource programs and policies.
• Announcements of new rewards of working for the company.
All such messages reinforce certain beliefs, and managers may