Product Costing Assignment Steps· Show research on the matter .docx

Product Costing
Assignment Steps
· Show research on the matter that is properly cited and
referenced according to APA with references
· Your posts that you want to count toward your substantive
participation grade should be at least 100-150 words of each
one of the following subjects:
1. Distinguish between under- and over-applied overhead?
2. What are the main differences between job, process, and
activity-based costing?
3. How is manufacturing overhead calculated in each of the
costing methods?
4. How are variances identified?
5. How might each of the costing methods be used in managerial
decision-making?
6. Why is it important that a manager understands how product
cost is determined?
7. What are the alternative costing methods?
8. Describe the scenario in which each costing method can best
be used.
Introduction
Eddie is a White preschooler with a genuine curiosity about
everything. He was the first to ask how plants grow and how
cars run. One day he asked Michael, an African American
classmate, whether his skin was brown because he had drunk
too much chocolate milk. Eddie was honestly attempting to
make sense of what he observed: he noticed the pattern between
the African American child bringing chocolate milk for lunch
and having darker skin than the rest of the children in the class.
In situations like this, teachers have to think about how to guide
such conversations between children. We do not want to stifle

children's natural cognitive development process, and we do not
want to make them feel ashamed about being curious and asking
questions. The goal is to be able to provide children with
accurate, yet developmentally appropriate, information about
why they might be observing certain physical differences
between children.
The purpose of this chapter is to build the cultural competence
of early education teachers so they will be able to effectively
teach young children with ethnic, language, and cultural
differences, as well as examine the biases in their own teaching
and perceptions. This chapter also explores how prejudice and
bias may develop inside and outside the classroom, such as
through the media, and ways to combat these prejudices and
biases by building a more culturally inclusive classroom that
affirms the principles of multicultural education.
2.1 Building Cultural Competence Among Early Childhood
Educators
How can Eddie's question be answered so that he does not feel
ashamed to ask more questions and Michael does not feel
insulted and hurt? Some avenues that Eddie's teacher can take
are to discuss the "science" of skin color: what skin is made of
and why people have different skin colors—including people
and children from the same ethnic and racial groups. The
teacher can also ask the reverse question of whether Eddie's
skin color is white because he drinks plain white milk or if his
skin will turn brown when he drinks chocolate milk.
As the U.S. population becomes more diverse, young children
will be asking more questions to understand how they are
different and similar from the children and families around
them. To determine the best approaches to address these types
of questions, which children naturally have, teachers have to be
culturally competent.

What does this mean? Being culturally competent is an ongoing
and long-term process (Figure 2.1) that demands enthusiasm and
curiosity about other cultures and a willingness to adapt
educational practices to mirror the values and special
characteristics of children and their families. Culturally
competent teachers are able to effectively educate children and
work with families from ethnic, racial, lingual, and cultural
backgrounds that are different from their own. Within an
educational setting, cultural competence means finding ways to
infuse knowledge and appreciation of other cultures into daily
practice. Being culturally competent is not a skill we are
naturally born with, but everyone can learn this skill and get
better at using it (Cross, Bazron, Dennis, & Isaacs, 1989;
Whittman & Velde, 2002).
Figure 2.1: Developmental Stages of Cultural Competence
Cultural Competence can be thought of as a continuum, with
several degrees or stages along the way. Where do you fall on
the scale?
As shown in Figure 2.1, the first developmental stage is cultural
destructiveness, which represents attitudes and behaviors that
are typically destructive to cultures and individuals. One
extreme example of this is cultural genocide, in which one
group is trying to erase the presence of another culture. The
period of Jim Crow segregation laws in the United States, when
African Americans were dehumanized through various laws,
also falls into this category. Cultural destructiveness often
occurs in classrooms when children are prohibited from
speaking their home language.
The last and most positive developmental stage of cultural
competence is cultural proficiency, which involves the ability to
respect and enjoy all cultures. Cultural proficiency is evidenced
by flexible and culturally sensitive practices that take into

account the cultures of children and families. Teachers display
cultural proficiency when they are continually seeking ways to
understand and incorporate various cultural practices and norms
into all aspects of their classrooms and instructional practices.
These teachers are aware of the culture of the classroom—how
children may respond to that culture and how it may be different
from their home culture—and they seek ways to bridge the gap.
For example, if a teacher sees that the culture of the classroom
is quite rigid, they may pursue strategies to increase flexibility
in where and how children sit, as well as how children use time,
because they have observed that some children benefit from
additional movement, more peer-to-peer interaction, and less
focus on structured segments of time.
Figure 2.2 is a self-test that helps teachers assess their areas of
strength and weakness in cultural competence.
Figure 2.2: Cultural Competence Self-Test
The following self-assessment can assist teachers in identifying
areas in which they can improve the quality of the classroom
culture and environment to meet the needs of a culturally
diverse population.
But how does a teacher become culturally competent? This will
likely entail developing "certain personal and interpersonal
awareness and sensitivities, developing certain bodies of
cultural knowledge, and mastering a set of skills that, taken
together, underlie effective cross-cultural teaching" (Diller &
Moule, 2005). To build cultural competence, Diller and Moule
(2005) propose six essential skills: (1) valuing diversity, (2)
engaging in self-assessment and self-awareness, (3) assessing
the culture of your organization, (4) understanding the history
of cultural interactions, (5) institutionalizing cultural
knowledge, and (6) adapting to diversity (Figure 2.3).
Figure 2.3: Core of Cultural Competence

Skills such as valuing diversity and being self-aware are
necessary for developing cultural competence.
Valuing Diversity
This first skill means valuing and respecting different cultural,
ethnic, and religious backgrounds and customs. Those who
value diversity understand that people have different cultural
traditions, which can result in differences in communication,
traditions, and family structures. For example, a matrilineal
culture is one in which family history is traced through the
mother's ancestry. This is different from the patrilineal culture
often seen in the United States, where family history is traced
through the father's ancestry. In matrilineal cultures, a child's
maternal uncle plays a central role in caretaking, while the
father resides in another household. This uncle may have more
of a relationship with the child than the father does, which is
different from many mainstream U.S. families. In this type of
family structure, only members of the mother's family may
attend school events and meetings, and important conversations
regarding the child involve the child's maternal uncle. Rather
than assuming that a father is not around, a teacher should seek
ways to determine whether there is a father or a father figure
that should be engaged in the child's learning.
Other cultural variations are also seen in parenting. For
example, in some cultures there are fewer parent-child verbal
interactions because children are viewed as passive, which may
be viewed as neglect through a Western, European American
lens. Research has also noted that African American parents
display more authoritarian parenting compared to White parents,
who are viewed as more authoritative (Iruka & Barbarin, 2009).
Authoritarian parenting has been characterized as controlling,
punitive, harsh, and intrusive, with little warmth or sensitivity
directed toward the child. In contrast, authoritative parenting
has been described as sensitive, warm, and encouraging of
autonomy, while also placing limits and expectations on

children's behavior.
However, when African American parenting is viewed through a
culturally sensitive lens, it is found that African American
parents show a distinct type of parenting that can be called
"tough love," which incorporates authoritarian and authoritative
parenting (Brody & Flor, 1998; Iruka, LaForett, & Odom,
2012). This type of parenting is used to ensure that children are
safe and prepared for their life as an African American in a
society that is biased against them. Thus, valuing the cultural
variations in individuals' lives helps teachers to better connect
with families and the children they teach. Understanding how
parents' life experiences shape their parenting styles can
minimize judgment and ensure respectful collaboration.
It is also important to know that though there are similarities
within racial or ethnic groups, there are also intracultural
differences. This means, for example, that though African
Americans may share many of the same historical and social
experiences, they may differ along lines of region (e.g., north
vs. south, rural vs. urban), gender, and social class. For
example, consider a lower-income African American family
living on the south side of Chicago, Illinois, and a higher-
income African American family living in the suburbs of San
Francisco, California. These two families may have different
viewpoints about childrearing (e.g., levels of permissiveness,
amount of structure). Teachers who value diversity work to
understand the similarities and differences among children's and
families' lives, regardless of their own ethnic, racial, or
religious background, for the purpose of creating an
environment that values the cultures children are immersed in at
home.
One way to begin to value diversity is to learn about the
cultures and lives of all the children in your classroom. This can
entail asking every child what they did on Saturday or asking
each family to share events they celebrate and how they do so.

Being curious and proactive in exploring the cultures and
customs of children and families in your program can strengthen
the home-school connection and the relationships among
teachers, children, and families.
Engaging in Self-Assessment and Self-Awareness
This second skill means understanding your own culture,
including how your experiences, beliefs, values, and interests
shape your culture. For example, a preschool teacher may have
grown up in a two-parent, middle-class family that went to
church every week and valued spending time with the extended
family members who lived in the same neighborhood. This
cultural background shapes the teacher and how she may
interact with a child who is growing up in a low-income
household with a single parent who describes herself as atheist.
Awareness of your own culture and how it differs from others'
can facilitate communication between teachers and children
from different cultures.
Self-assessment also can lead to self-awareness about biases
and stereotypes that you may hold about the groups to which
you belong—and those you do not. Unexamined biases can show
up in both obvious and subtle ways, such as the pictures and
books that a teacher selects for the classroom.
One way to begin a self-assessment is to ask yourself what are
the positive aspects (or perceived positive aspects) of your
cultural or ethnic groups and then asking what are the negative
aspects (or perceived negative aspects) of your cultural or
ethnic groups. Follow this same process with other cultural and
ethnic groups. What do you see as the positive and negative
attributes of other cultural and ethnic groups? For example, you
may view your group as hardworking and see that as a positive
characteristic. However, if you view another group as less
hardworking and always seeking a "handout," you may view
children from that group as not being capable of working hard,

and you may have low expectations of them. Being aware of
how you see yourself and others will help you discern how
certain expectations and behaviors influence interactions with
and perceptions of others—especially children.
Assessing the Culture of Your Organization
In addition to assessing your own culture, it is also important to
assess the culture of your organization, which may be
incompatible with the cultures of some children and families
you serve. For example, some early childhood programs have
firm schedules, and children are expected to be present at
specific times. In some cultures, exact time is not used or
valued highly, so children's "tardiness" may not be seen as
negative (Curenton, 2011).
Assessing the culture of your organization also includes
assessing the culture of your classroom. You can begin by
examining the materials of the program or classroom to
determine if they are anti-bias and inclusive. Do the pictures
and characters reflect the program's and the larger community's
demographics? Do the events and activities draw from the many
cultures represented in the program and the United States as a
whole? Do any languages in the materials match the home
languages of the children in the program?
Another area to explore is the climate of the classroom and
program. This can be examined by exploring how much
"talking" is allowed, by whom, and under what circumstances.
Children may perceive that only adults and certain children are
allowed to talk, which may send a message to them that their
thoughts and voices are not important. It is important to
acknowledge these communication patterns, whether they reveal
individual children's voices being inhibited, or division due to
children's ethnicity, gender, or some other attribute. Continuous
examination of classroom and program culture, which may
unduly impact children's experiences, is one way of becoming

culturally competent.
Understanding the History of Cultural Interactions
Historically, Native Americans and African Americans have
experienced racism, discrimination, and oppression from
members of the dominant White American culture. These
experiences are embedded within the larger Pan-American
culture, and have collectively fostered generations of mistrust
between these groups and White Americans. This mistrust can
manifest itself in many ways, even today. For example, a Native
American teacher may perceive that her perspectives are often
ignored by her White program director in favor of the points of
view from her White colleagues. A White teacher may feel
isolated from her African American colleagues because she is
not invited out with them for lunch and often is not part of their
social conversations. Understanding the history of cultural
interactions can help in ensuring that individuals do not feel
that they are being insulted or excluded.
Similarly, understanding the history of cultural discrimination
and oppression in the United States will provide background for
teachers to help them understand that some parents hold
prejudice and biases against certain groups and, thus, may be
teaching their children negative stereotypes. In such situations,
teachers must strike a balance between respecting families'
beliefs and feelings, while ensuring that all the children in their
classroom are engaging respectfully with each other, regardless
of their ethnic and cultural backgrounds.
Institutionalizing Cultural Knowledge
A core part of cultural competence is integrating knowledge
about culture into all aspects of the early childhood education
program and its classrooms—from books and materials to
activities and interactions. Representations of cultural groups
should go beyond stereotypes to show groups in both
historically traditional activities as well as modern day

activities; for example, photographs can show Native Americans
as judges and doctors, as well as participants in traditional
ceremonies. Similarly, images of Black males should expand
beyond their roles as athletes and entertainers to include the
vast array of occupations they hold, from president to teacher.
Teachers can take advantage of professional and education
opportunities that expand their cultural competence. Through
increased knowledge and cultural competence, one can begin to
provide suggestions and guidance to colleagues, as well as
program administrators, about the importance of ensuring that
the program is valuing diversity, engaging in self-assessment
and self-awareness, assessing its own culture, understanding
how history may influence interactions among staff, and seeking
ways to integrate cultures into all aspects of the program.
Teachers may also be able to influence institutional cultural
knowledge by engaging in conversations regarding racial,
ethnic, and language diversity with coworkers and seeking ways
to learn about the different cultures of the families of the
program's staff. One avenue is monthly retreats or meetings at
which the school community, including teachers and staff, share
interesting aspects of themselves and their cultural traditions
and history. Another avenue is teachers sharing with each other
the best strategies they have found to ensure that their
classrooms and instructions are culturally meaningful for all the
children in the classroom. Retreats and meetings can also
include families in order to learn about their cultural traditions.
Adapting to Diversity
The sixth skill for becoming culturally competent focuses on
adapting activities to fit the cultures of children in the
classroom. This entails finding ways for children to experience
a variety of cultures unfamiliar to them, as well as integrating
their cultural and familial traditions into all aspects of the
classroom. For example, learning centers can incorporate

clothing, food, and artifacts from a variety of places. Books in
the classroom can include different racial, cultural, and
religious groups, as well as different types of families, such as
gay, lesbian, and interracial families. Beyond ensuring that the
materials are culturally relevant and meaningful for all children,
teachers can also adapt to the diversity of their student
population by asking for ideas from children.
The goal of cultural competence is to ensure that children's
lives and cultures are integrated into all aspects of the
classroom to enhance their learning and engagement. In
addition, beyond race, ethnicity, and culture, children are also
diverse in their interests and learning styles. Thus, ascertaining
children's individual perspectives, learning styles, and cultures
of origin can help teachers ensure they are meeting the
cognitive and emotional needs of all the children in their
classroom.
2.2 NAEYC's Framework for Cultural Competence in Early
Childhood Classrooms
In 1995, NAEYC published a position statement emphasizing
that linguistic and cultural diversity is an asset that should be
nurtured in education environments. In this statement, NAEYC
charged early childhood programs with creating education
environments that respect diversity, recognize children's
emotional ties to their families, and promote second language
acquisition coupled with efforts to preserve the home language.
In order for culturally and linguistically diverse students to
develop, early childhood professionals must be culturally
competent.
In order to help programs improve their use of culturally
competent practices, NAEYC started the Pathways to Cultural
Competence Project, an ongoing process of developing multiple
and various solutions to improve practices in early childhood
programs. Because changes must happen at the individual and at

program levels, this project focuses on helping teachers and
program directors reflect on which of their practices are
culturally competent and how to go about improving them. The
activities reflect the six characteristics of cultural competence
shown in Figure 2.3. Program directors and teachers are
provided with checklists covering eight concepts related to
culturally competent practices. Table 2.1 presents the eight
concepts with examples of the checklist's practices for each one.
NAEYC (2010) suggested four guiding principles for program
directors and teachers as they worked on the checklists. These
four guiding principles are
Teacher Reflection—(a) reflect on how your individual values,
beliefs, and practices regarding children's learning are
influenced by aspects of your own personal culture and
linguistic experience and (b) reflect on how the program where
you work is influenced by culture and language.
Intentional Practice—(a) identify shared childrearing goals with
families; align your classroom decision-making and practices
with these goals and (b) plan ahead to address potential
language or cultural barriers.
Strength-Based Perspective—(a) acknowledge that you can
learn from families (b) recognize that diversity enriches and
provides depth to the overall learning experience (c) understand
that different does not mean dysfunctional (d) respect and
support the preservation of children and families' home
languages, cultural backgrounds, and childrearing beliefs, goals,
and practices and (e) incorporate aspects of children's cultural
and linguistic backgrounds in daily learning activities by
demonstrating strengths that exist across cultures.
Open, Ongoing, Two-Way Communication between teachers and
families—(a) ensure that families have opportunities to give
you input rather than solely being recipients of information and
(b) plan ahead to address language barriers. (NAEYC, 2010)
In addition to its Pathways to Cultural Competence Project,
NAEYC also examined how its standards for developmentally

appropriate practices incorporated culturally relevant practices.
Among NAEYC's 10 broad standards of best practices for such
topics as curriculum and physical environment, there are 417
accreditation criteria, approximately 31 of which are related to
diversity (e.g., "Teachers and families work together to help
children participate successfully in the early childhood setting
when professional values and practices differ from family
values and practices," and "Children are provided varied
opportunities and materials to build their understanding of
diversity in culture, family structure, ability, language, age, and
gender in non-stereotypical ways.") (NAEYC, 2012a, p. 3). See
the Spotlight on Research feature, "Can You Find the Diversity-
Related Items?" for a chance to compare these criteria to your
ECE experiences.
A team that visited 127 early childhood programs in 2009 found
that cultural competence criteria were infused in many aspects
of NAEYC standards for developmentally appropriate practices
serving young children (NAEYC, 2012a). Furthermore, the team
found that some cultural competence-related criteria and
indicators are more challenging to incorporate than others (e.g.,
"Children are provided varied opportunities to gain appreciation
of art, music, drama, and dance in ways that reflect cultural
diversity"), and some are more likely to present barriers to
achieving NAEYC accreditation (e.g., "As a part of orientation
and ongoing staff development, new and existing program staff
develop skills and knowledge to work effectively with diverse
families"). This suggests that many teachers may not get access
to professional development that improves their cultural
competence and working with diverse families.
2.3 Culturally Inclusive Classrooms
The outcome of becoming a culturally competent and proficient
teacher is the creation of a classroom where all children feel
valued, respected, and heard. An inclusive classroom considers
the multiple identities of children, which include their physical
abilities and characteristics, gender, age, family structure,

race/ethnicity, and language. Children and families should see
their lives and experiences represented throughout the
classroom environment through things like decorations,
materials, books, and activities. Children should also have
opportunities to share their thoughts and feelings through
interactions with teachers and other adults and peers in the
classroom.
Culturally Inclusive Adult-Child Interactions
Research finds that adult-child interactions, a key way to ensure
that classrooms and programs are inclusive, are critical for
children's development and learning (Burchinal et al., 2008).
The key areas of adult-child interaction found by Pianta,
LaParo, and Hamre (2008) include emotional support, classroom
organization, and instructional support, which is observed
through the Classroom Assessment Scoring System (CLASS)
used in all Head Start programs.
Emotional support is seen in a positive classroom climate where
children respect and enjoy interactions with adults and their
peers, teachers are aware and responsive to children's academic
and social needs, and teachers are interested in children's points
of view and interests.
Classroom organization is important because orderly classrooms
provide the best opportunity for children to learn. Features of
well-organized classrooms include effective behavior
management to ensure that students are productive and the use
of a variety of learning formats to engage children.
Instructional support is key to children's learning in that it is
the process teachers use to build children's deeper learning,
including their cognition and language. Instructional support
features include concept development, which is teachers' use of
activities to promote higher order thinking, feedback and
encouragement to extend children's learning and thinking, and
language modeling, which is teachers' facilitation and
encouragement of children's language development.
There has not been much research specifically about language

and adult-child interactions. However, TESOL (2010) developed
a position statement on language for dual language learners
(DLLs) 3–8 years old. Their rationale was that DLLs have a
challenge in learning in a monolingual English class. Language
is the means for instruction, interaction, and overall functioning
in an early childhood environment. Strategies that teachers can
use in interacting with DLLs include
using their home language as much as possible, especially when
beginning a new lesson, which can ensure that the children feel
emotionally supported in the classroom.
providing DLLs with different modalities to learn, such as
observing, touching, listening, talking, and interacting. Children
are not able to learn much when they are only listening and
sitting still; they have to learn through play and interaction. The
classroom organization needs to provide different ways for
DLLs to be engaged in the classroom.
giving children time to understand, rather than assuming that all
children who are English language learners will learn English at
the same time; they each have different skills and different
exposure to the English language. Scaffolding and
individualizing children's learning experiences are types of
instructional support.
Culturally Inclusive Environments and Activities
The physical environment can ensure that classrooms are
culturally inclusive. An inclusive classroom environment—
inside and outside—has developmentally appropriate and
diverse materials and toys to meet the needs of all children in
the classroom, including children with special needs. Further,
the environment should be rich and stimulating; children should
see a variety of pictures, including ones related to their lives
and cultures, as well as feel and touch an array of natural
materials, such as different textures of hair—straight, curly, or
kinky.
Activities constructed for children should be developmentally

appropriate and focus on the whole child in the four broad areas
of cognitive, socio-emotional, creative, and physical
development. These activities should also promote cultural
inclusivity; they should bring the objectives of the curriculum
and lesson plans alive for children by relating them to their
lives. For example, if the theme is clothes, how can you
incorporate cultural diversity while also building children's
cognitive, socio-emotional, creative, and physical skills?
Children can draw an outfit someone in their family would
wear; or they could think of words for pants, dress, and shirt in
other languages.
2.4 Dealing With Cultural Misunderstandings, Racism, and Bias
One aspect of cultural competence is recognizing and
appropriately dealing with cultural misunderstanding. In our
opening vignette, we talked about Eddie, who was curious about
whether chocolate milk was the reason for Michael's skin color.
What if Eddie spoke more negatively about other attributes of
his African American classmates, such as their hair, clothing, or
the way they speak?
How Racism Operates
Racism operates through stereotypes and prejudice. Stereotypes
are generalizations about the typical characteristics of a group
related to their race, gender, nationality, sexuality, religion,
region, or some other characteristic. Stereotypes lead to
prejudice, a preconceived judgment or opinion, usually
unfavorable, that is based on a person's membership in a social
group. Examples include the assumptions that girls should only
enjoy playing with "girl" toys (e.g., dolls, kitchen settings) and
that Black boys will be violent and disruptive. Stereotypes and
prejudice can then lead to discrimination—making a distinction
in favor of or against a person based on the group, class, or
category to which that person belongs rather than on individual
merit.
Children can learn racist stereotypes from societal icons and
images, from their family, and even from the media. For

example, Tatum (1997) describes a research project in which
one of her students asked White preschoolers (3- and 4-year-
olds) to draw a picture of a Native American. Most of the
children did not know what a Native American was, but when
the researcher rephrased the request and asked them to draw an
Indian, all the children produced an image of a person wearing
feathers, and many drew the person acting aggressively and
holding a knife or tomahawk. When children were asked how
they knew this was what an Indian looked like, the children
explained that they got this information from cartoons.
The traditional way that we have been taught to view racism is
as intentional acts of malice performed by individuals with
negative attitudes, beliefs, and stereotypes about ethnic
minorities that cause their prejudice and bigotry; this is active
racism. Passive racism, on the other hand, consists of subtle
acts, such as laughing when a racist joke is told (telling a racist
joke would be active racism); accepting an omission of people
of color from the curriculum; letting exclusionary hiring
practices go unchallenged; or accepting a special favor that you
know is due to your race (Tatum, 1997). Passive racism can also
be seen when children do not intervene or bring to the teacher's
attention situations in which children are being excluded
because of specific characteristics, such as skin color, hair,
accent, or ability. In today's society, most of us are guilty of
passive racist acts, more so than active racist acts.
Recognizing Racism and Prejudice, Discrimination, and Bias in
the Classroom/Program
Racism is a cultural problem that affects all of us. Typically, we
think of racism as interpersonal transgressions between
individual people or groups of people, such as one person using
a racial slur against another or a young child not wanting to
share toys with peers who don't look like her. However, those
interpersonal transgressions are only one level of racism, and in
fact, this level of racism happens much less often than it did in

the past.
The level of racism that is more prevalent today is called
institutional racism. Institutional racism is defined as a system
of advantage and disadvantage based on race or ethnicity. We
are all affected by institutional racism because it is part of our
national history, societal customs, and cultural traditions. It is
expressed in cultural messaging and institutional policies and
practices that advantage members of a certain race(s), typically
Whites or people of European descent. In order to understand
institutional racism, we must think about racism as systematic
oppression that has been institutionalized in society through
cultural icons, ideological narratives that present "whitewashed
realities," and systematic privilege (Adams, Biernat,
Branscombe, Crandall, & Wrightsman, 2008).
White Privilege
In societies where there is institutional racism or systematic
oppression, there are beneficiaries of these discriminatory
practices. The systemic advantage that people in the White
racial group enjoy is called white privilege. White privilege is
described as unearned rights, advantages, and favors that are
bestowed on people for their membership within the White
racial/ethnic group. Peggy McIntosh (2001), a feminist scholar
from Wellesley University, in a famous article called
"Unpacking the Knapsack," explores how she as a White woman
experiences white privilege. She describes white privilege as
an invisible package of unearned assets which I can count on
cashing in each day, but about which I was "meant" to remain
oblivious. White privilege is like an invisible weightless
backpack of special provisions, maps, passports, codebooks,
visas, clothes, tools and blank checks. (p. 188)
In her discussion of white privilege, McIntosh notes that often
people focus on the disadvantages of various groups based on

race, ethnicity, sexuality, religion, income, or language, rather
than on the privileges and advantages experienced by people in
power—namely, White people and men. McIntosh developed a
list identifying some of the daily effects of white privilege in
her life. See the Cultural Reflection feature, "What Privileges
Do You Enjoy?" which offers an opportunity to consider how
privileges of membership in powerful groups affect your
classroom and program.
Spotting and Addressing Bias in the Classroom
There are many areas and aspects of the early childhood
environment where prejudice, discrimination, or bias can be
spotted—and rectified. They can occur in interactions between
children, between children and staff, between staff and families,
and between staff in the program. Detailed below are some of
the places where biases may occur in your classroom or program
and examples of possible actions to address the bias.
Language and Interactions—Some language can be viewed as
prejudicial, such as lumping people into groups (e.g., "All
Black people are . . . ," "Hispanics are always . . . ," "Boys are
always . . . ," "White people always . . . ," "Poor people are
always. . ."). In interactions with children, we may encourage
stereotypical behavior, such as boys being allowed to play only
with "boy" toys. In another example, a sense of exclusion and
bias may result when some children are discouraged from
speaking in their home language but other children are allowed
to converse in their "made up" language. Similarly, some
families may be put at a disadvantage if written information is
sent home only in a language that they do not understand. Some
of the ways to address these situations include
immediately bringing attention to situations where groups are
being lumped together;
encouraging and actively engaging boys in playing with "girl"
toys, and vice versa, such as using the cooking utensils to make
breakfast for mom or asking a girl to play an action hero;
allowing children to speak in the language they are most

familiar and comfortable with, even if it is a language you don't
understand, and asking children to share some words in their
home language; and
finding out the families' preferred language and method of
communication, and using a variety of modalities to
communicate with parents, including phone, texting, or video
chatting.
Environment and Organization—Teachers need to also consider
the messages that are being sent by the configuration of many
aspects of the classrooms, such as girls being in the front of the
class or line and the boys in back of the class or line, or the
child in a wheelchair being placed on the side of the classroom
for the whole day. Other aspects of the classroom environment
that may create bias include stereotypical images in classroom
materials (e.g., White doctor, Black athlete, Latina maid). Some
of the ways to address these challenges include
ensuring that children have the opportunities to engage with
children from diverse backgrounds by changing their seating
and order of lining up throughout the school year;
paying attention to how children are configured in all aspects of
classroom functioning to avoid sending messages that certain
children are more special because they are always in the front;
being creative in how the classroom can be configured (many
early childhood programs have a circle set up or stations to
ensure that there is no front, side, or back); and
seeking ways to diversify images that children see so that they
are not stereotypical.
Staff and Leadership—The first thing that children and parents
see when they come to the program are the staff. Lack of
diversity in staff (in terms of gender, race, ethnicity, and age)
fails to convey that a program values diversity—as does a
program in which the janitor is the only minority staff. Some of
the ways to address lack of diversity in your classroom or
program, even if you don't have responsibility for hiring,
include
inviting individuals from the community and family members to

be part of the classroom or program in a meaningful way, such
as leading classroom activities or mentoring children;
when hiring opportunities come up, ask families and community
members for potential applicants for the position; and
if you are in a position to hire, ensure minorities are not hired
only for certain positions (e.g., janitor or teaching assistant).
Activities and Materials—Materials and activities are the
primary vehicles through which teachers impart information to
children. For children to be engaged in the materials and
activities, they have to be connected with their experiences,
including their culture. Some activities can disadvantage
children, such as children who have physical difficulty (e.g.,
challenge with fine motor skills) or are non-English speakers
(requiring responses in English only), and class materials may
be limited in the images they portray. Ways to address these
challenges include
ensuring that all classroom activities can be adapted so that all
children can participate;
allowing children to respond nonverbally, such as pointing, and
responding to them nonverbally; and
seeking ways to diversify the materials in the classroom by
looking at online and library resources, asking colleagues for
recommendations, asking families and community members for
recommendations, and going to local bookstores that cater to
the needs of the community.
Assessments—Often, children are assigned to certain programs,
classrooms, or groupings due to the assessments they take.
Teachers often assess children to determine what children know
and what children are learning throughout the school year.
However, assessments may be biased against children in various
ways, such as focusing on children's verbal language rather than
other aspects of communication, not accepting children's
responses when they are not Standard American English, using
only scores from standardized measures (e.g., Bayley or
Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test, which are standardized tools
to assess young children's cognitive and receptive language), or

focusing on only one aspect of children's learning and
development. To avoid potentially disadvantaging some
children, some action steps to take include
assessing multiple aspects of children's development, including
their expressive (i.e., ability to communicate) and receptive
(i.e., ability to understand) skills,
valuing rather than penalizing children when they use language
that may not be viewed as proper English but is part of their
culture (e.g., African American English Vernacular),
assessing children in their home language, and
not solely using standardized measures, which may not have
included a diverse sample when generating items for the test.
Impact of Prejudice and Discrimination on Children's
Development
It is a common belief that children's innocence allows them to
be oblivious to the prejudice and racism that exists in society.
"Children are color-blind," it is often claimed. Unfortunately,
this is not true. An experiment by Dr. Kenneth Clark and his
wife, Dr. Mamie Clark (1939), shows the stereotype and
prejudice held by children based on skin color. In the classic
Clark Doll Experiment, Black children were asked to choose
between a Black and a White doll that were the same, except for
the skin color, along several attributes. Children were asked to
do the following:
"Show me the doll that you like best or that you'd like to play
with,"
"Show me the doll that is the 'nice' doll,"
"Show me the doll that looks 'bad,'"
"Give me the doll that looks like a White child,"
"Give me the doll that looks like a colored child,"
"Give me the doll that looks like a Negro child,"
"Give me the doll that looks like you."
Most children thought the White doll was nicer than the Black
doll.

In 2005, Kiri Davis repeated the Clark Doll Experiment in
Harlem as part of a short film called "A Girl Like Me." She
asked 21 children who were from Black and Latino
backgrounds, and 71% told her that the White doll was the
"nice" one. In this video, she also talks about how Black girls
see themselves and how others see them. In 2010, CNN asked
developmental psychologist Margaret Beale Spencer to repeat
this experiment with two groups of Black and White children: 4-
and 5-year-olds and 9- and 10-year-olds. To see how these
children understand race and skin color, watch "Inside the
AC360 Doll Study".
Together, these three studies demonstrate that institutional
racism still exists and that it has been affecting children's views
of Blacks and other minorities for at least the past seven
decades.
The Negative Effects of Stereotyping
As early as 4 or 5 years old, children have stereotypes about
their group and other groups that they think others may share.
Researchers have also found that African American and Latino
children are more likely to know more stereotypes about their
group than White and Asian children—often, the stereotypes are
about intellectual ability and work ethic (McKown & Strambler,
2009). Negative stereotypes may limit children's academic
achievement and social interactions by giving them subtle
messages that they are not smart enough or valuable enough to
be in higher quality schools (e.g., those with better facilities
and materials) than their peers. Social psychologists Steele and
Aronson (1995) coined the term stereotype threat for the anxiety
people feel in a situation where there is the potential to confirm
a negative stereotype about their racial or cultural group; this
anxiety can interfere with academic achievement.
Girls sometimes shy away from anything involving math or
science (to avoid the threat of not being smart enough in those
subject areas) or they underperform when confronted with
situations involving math or science.

In the case of social interactions, researchers Brown and Bigler
(2005) theorized that the more children know about stereotypes
and prejudice, the more likely they will view situations in a
racialized way. For example, if a child holds the belief that
White people do not like Black people, then he may see a
situation where a Black child is being reprimanded by a White
person as an act of discrimination. Perception by children that
they are not good because of their race, gender, religion, or
some other characteristic can also have an impact on their
interactions with peers and adults, their engagement in the
classroom, and subsequently their school success.
Sometimes even a positive stereotype about a group can have
negative consequences for children, such as the stereotype that
all Asians are smart. If an Asian American child has a learning
disability, she may be viewed as lazy or "less than" because she
is not meeting an expectation about Asian children. If the child
believes this stereotype, she may have a negative perspective
about her skill and ability, such as not persisting when learning
to read or problem solve.
The Development of Prejudice in Children and Strategies for
Dealing with It
Even though children tend to have a positive worldview, they
are very intuitive and systematic about how they process
information about the world. In early childhood, children's
ability to sort objects that are similar and different increases;
we even foster this ability through activities and conversations
about what things are similar and different. So it is only natural
that children observe similarities and differences among people.
Bigler and Liben (2007) argue that it is a natural part of
children's cognitive development to classify people based on
observable similarities and differences like skin color, hair
texture, eye shape, or sex. The physical characteristics of racial
and ethnic minority children are often noticed more than those

of White children; when minority children are fewer in number
in the classroom, their differences stick out more.
Once children make these categorizations, it is again a natural
part of their cognitive development to generate reasons for why
these differences and similarities exist. This can be seen in the
opening vignette of Eddie who held a genuine curiosity about
whether drinking chocolate milk was the reason for his African
American classmate's skin color. In situations like this, teachers
have to think about what to do and how to guide such
conversations between children.
First, teachers must recognize and understand the natural
developmental progression of racial, ethnic, and national
prejudice that occurs in children. Based on the findings of over
100 international (mostly European and U.S.) research studies
from the last several decades, Raabe and Beelmann (2011)
report that overall prejudice toward ethnic and racial minorities
increases during early childhood (ages 2–7) and then begins to
drop off during middle childhood and adolescence; Figure 2.4
illustrates these developmental changes.
There are some interesting caveats to their work, however.
First, the decline in prejudice seen in middle childhood is only
evident when children are asked to openly and consciously
report their biases; a decline in prejudice is not evident when
children are acting in an unconscious manner, such as when
they fail to choose playmates that are from different racial or
ethnic groups. Second, Raabe and Beelmann (2011) note that
ethnic and racial minority children show an increase in
prejudice during middle childhood; some researchers believe
this may be due to the earlier experiences of discrimination and
victimization these children experienced (Verkuyten & Thijs,
2002). Understanding the developmental changes in prejudice
can help early childhood teachers determine potential areas to
address with younger children to minimize prejudice and bias

that children are likely to experience or be exposed to over
time.
Figure 2.4: Developmental Change in Prejudice
According to this graph, prejudice peaks at ages 5–7 and then
drops off until ages 14–16.
So, given that prejudice peaks in early childhood, early
childhood teachers need to use classroom strategies to decrease
prejudice in young children. Table 2.2 describes a few strategies
that are based on a body of research (Bigler & Liben, 2007;
Raabe & Beelmann, 2011). These strategies build teachers'
competence while also exposing children to different cultures.
The first is for teachers to examine and seek ways to address
their own biases and prejudice by, for example, immersing
themselves in other cultures and then sharing what they learn
with the children in their classroom to broaden their experiences
and images of various cultural groups. See the Real World
Dilemma feature, "Parent-Teacher Conference About a Racial
Slur," for ideas about how to defuse and positively address
situations that occur between children in the classroom.
Table 2.2: Strategies to Reduce Prejudice in Young Children
Table 2.2: Strategies to Reduce Prejudice in Young Children
Strategy
Suggestions for Classroom Activities
Critically and honestly examine your own biases
and prejudices and work to get rid of them.
·
Talk with colleagues from different ethnic and cultural backgro
unds about
their experiences and feelings.
·
Immerse yourself in other cultures in order to learn more that yo
u can

share with children and broaden your own horizons.
Elevate the status of minority groups.
·
Read books that depict characters from lower status ethnic mino
ritygroups.
·
Speak positively of cultural events and traditions that are aligne
d with
minority groups.
·
Speak positively of obvious ethnic differences between children
.
Plan for regular contact between children from
different ethnic and minority groups.
·
Work with program administrators to ensure the classrooms hav
e ethnic,
racial, and language diversity.
·
Bring volunteers or special guests into the classroom, such as p
olice
officers and faith-
based leaders, who are ethnic or racial minorities and
who occupy positions of power and prominence in the communit
y.
·
When children are paired with their peers, try to ensure ethnic, r
acial
and linguistic diversity within each group or pair.
State your expectations about anti-bias.
·
Verbally communicate the classroom norms regarding being equ
itable and

treating everyone fairly.
·
Positively communicate that differences between people are goo
d and
that we are all supposed to look different.
·
Create a sense of community within the classroom; show that th
e children
are all the same inside by talking about feelings and thoughts th
at they allshare.
Source: Based on Bigler, R.S. (1999) & Raabe, T., & Beelmann,
A. (2011)
2.5 Media Portrayals of Diversity
Although parents and other family members are an important
source of young children's beliefs about difference, media is
increasingly another source. Young children now have access to
many kinds of media, including cable/satellite television,
Internet, smartphones, tablets, computers/laptops, video games,
and videos and movies. Consequently, the NAEYC has issued
guidelines for children's use of interactive media. In addition,
teachers must also be aware of media's power to reinforce
stereotypes and look for ways to use it instead to affirm
diversity.
The Role of Media in the Lives of Children
A study by the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation (Rideout,
Vandewater, & Wartella, 2003) found that not only did young
children (age 0–6) have access to television and other media
options (such as computers), they also used them often. As
shown in Figure 2.5, as many children under 6 years of age play
outside as use screen media. This study also found that children
spent more time watching television (65 minutes) than being
read to/reading (39 minutes).

Figure 2.5: Typical Use of Media for Children, Ages 0–6
This graph shows that young children use a large array of
media; however, many also spend time playing outside.
A recent study conducted by AVG, a global security software
maker, discovered that more young children know how to use a
computer and smartphone apps than how to tie their shoes.
According to information from 2,200 families from the United
States, Canada, United Kingdom, France, Italy, Germany, Spain,
Japan, Australia, and New Zealand, 58–77% of 2- to 5-year-old
children know how to play a basic computer game (AVG, 2010).
Additionally, over a quarter of children know how to open a
web browser.
These findings suggest that children's technology skills are
advancing rapidly. However, many early childhood educators
have advised that media, especially television, should be
restricted, so that young children can build their physical and
social skills with plenty of opportunities for hands-on learning,
playing outside, and connecting with other children. Many
educators also worry that technology is limiting children's
artistic and creative side, as well as their language and
cognitive skills. Some even worry that technology may change
children's brain development and how they learn.
But the biggest concern may be what children are watching.
Some content helps children learn words, letters, think, and
cooperate with other children, but children also learn bad words
and behaviors from screen media. The problem is that
technology is part of the 21st century; it cannot be avoided.
On the plus side, technology, such as websites and computer
programs, that shows how children in other parts of the world
live can help children and staff become more culturally
competent. Through texting and video chatting, technology can

also provide a means for families and teachers to communicate
and share ideas, and it can provide translation for teachers and
parents. Technology can also help teachers to share children's
accomplishments in a timely fashion with parents through video
diaries and pictures. Just as important, assisted technology,
when used appropriately, is a powerful way to empower
children with disabilities and to enable them to be engaged with
both the teacher and the other children. Table 2.3 lists a few
pros and cons of technology for young children. Do you have
others to add?
Table 2.3: Pros and Cons of Technology for Young Children
Pros
Cons
Offering different ways to learn
Learning negative things (e.g., aggressive behaviors)
Learning new things earlier (e.g., educational
apps, educational shows)
Advertisements affecting behavior and eating (e.g., link to high
obesity)
Learning new language or subtle ways of communicating
Spending less time on stimulating activities, such as reading an
d interacting
Connecting with families across the world
Diminishing critical thinking skills
NAEYC's Statement About Technology and Interactive Media
To address early childhood educators' concerns about
interactive media, NAEYC (2012b) developed a joint position
statement with the Fred Rogers Center for Early Learning and
Children's Media at Saint Vincent College in 2012, entitled
"Technology and Interactive Media as Tools in Early Childhood
Programs Servicing Children from Birth through Age 8."
In this statement, interactive media is defined as "digital and
analog materials, including software programs, applications

(apps), broadcast and streaming media, some children's
television programming, e-books, the Internet, and other forms
of content designed to facilitate active and creative use by
young children and to encourage social engagement with other
children and adults." As Curenton, Piotrowicz, and Rendon
(2013) point out, "Like all human tools—such as language,
vehicles, medicine—[interactive media] can be used
constructively and in moderation for the betterment of society,
but used incorrectly or irresponsibly they can be a scourge."
Thus, the challenge is how to safely, responsibly, and
effectively use these tools to enhance children's development.
NAEYC and Fred Rogers Center developed six key
recommendations for early childhood programs:
Select, use, integrate, and evaluate technology and interactive
media tools in intentional and developmentally appropriate
ways, giving careful attention to the appropriateness and the
quality of the content, the child's experience, and the
opportunities for co-engagement.
Provide a balance of activities in programs for young children,
recognizing that technology and interactive media can be
valuable tools when used intentionally with children to extend
and support active, hands-on, creative, and authentic
engagement with those around them and with their world.
Prohibit the passive use of television, videos, DVDs, and other
non-interactive technologies and media in early childhood
programs for children younger than 2, and discourage passive
and non-interactive uses with children ages 2 through 5.
Limit any use of technology and interactive media in programs
for children younger than 2 to those that appropriately support
responsive interactions between caregivers and children and that
strengthen adult-child relationships.
Carefully consider the screen time recommendations from
public health organizations, such as the American Academy of
Pediatrics for children from birth through age 5 when
determining appropriate limits on technology and media use in

early childhood settings. Screen time estimates should include
time spent in front of a screen at the early childhood program
and, with input from parents and families, at home and
elsewhere.
Provide leadership in ensuring equitable access to technology
and interactive media experiences for the children in their care
and for parents and families.
In addition to following the NAEYC guidelines, educators in
multicultural centers and classrooms need to remember that not
all children have access to interactive media. Most children in
the United States have access to television, but many children
do not have access to computer and Internet at home or in their
community. Therefore, teachers should find out from families
whether they have a computer or some way to access the
Internet from their home, especially if teachers suggest websites
or computer programs to supplement children's learning.
How Media Promotes and Prevents Discrimination
Before using any digital app or game in a multicultural
classroom, teachers should evaluate whether it is
developmentally appropriate, culturally relevant, and free of
bias, just as they evaluate pictures, books, and activities.
The Impact of Negative Stereotypes in Media
The media, especially television, play a role in the stereotypes
that children form and the prejudicial attitudes they have toward
individuals. Ethnic minority children and children from low-
income homes watch more television than children from higher
income and White families (Roberts, Foehr, Rideout, & Brodie,
1999); however, few prime time television shows portray
African Americans, Latinos, Asian Americans, or Native
Americans, and when shows, including news programs, do
include them, they are typically portrayed in a negative or
stereotypical manner (Brunette, Mallory, & Wood, n.d.; Dixon,
2008; Gilens, 1996). The exception is educational and child-
focused shows, such as Sesame Street (McKown & Strambler,

2009), that include children with disabilities and non-English
speaking children, as well as multiracial families.
Some stereotypes are positive, such as the "computer whiz"
Asian, the "athletically gifted" African American male, the
"spicy" Latina, and the "CEO" White male. However, as
discussed earlier in this chapter, stereotypes, regardless of
whether they are positive or negative, minimize the diversity
among individuals and within groups. Negative stereotypes are
particularly demeaning because they devalue the purpose and
worth of an individual.
Studies have shown that media—television, for example—can
influence children's racial stereotypes and perceptions
(Zuckerman & Zuckerman, 1985). In one study with elementary
children, it was shown that White children who watched more
violent television believed that Black children were less
competent and obedient than White children, which may be due
to the fact that Blacks are often portrayed as violent and
aggressive, as well as unintelligent (Zuckerman, Singer, &
Singer, 1980).
Just as children learn new words from watching television, they
are also capable of learning other things through media, such as
attitudes about certain groups (Persson & Musher-Eizenman,
2003). To combat the negative impact of media on young
children's attitudes and beliefs about specific groups, positive
role portrayals of minority group members are needed. In the
meantime, teachers can find ways to use media constructively
and selectively.
Using Media Positively to Enhance Learning and Promote
Cultural Diversity
Even considering the dangers of media, they have vast potential
to enhance learning and promote cultural diversity. Sesame
Street and similar educational programs typically portray

children from diverse backgrounds and families and with
different abilities and languages. These programs show that
children from different backgrounds can get along. Because one
form of learning is through observation and mimicking, these
educational shows may provide schemata for children to mimic
when interacting with children who are different from them.
Children not only mimic bad words and behaviors, but they also
mimic good behaviors, such as sharing, showing affection, and
reading. See the Design an Activity feature, "Evaluate a TV
Program," for questions that can help you analyze the explicit
and implicit messages and models of a television program or
video.
Media can also help children explore other cultures, regions,
and countries. For example, teachers can take their preschoolers
on a virtual trip to another country or another part of the United
States. They can also talk with children about the way things
are done in this place: the food, the clothing, how children go to
school, what school is like. The media can also be used to
create a learning story. Studies show that television programs
and videos that directly address specific racial problems or
conflicts and model effective solutions can "positively influence
children's racial knowledge, attitudes, and preferences" (Graves,
1999, p. 721). For example, a video clip can be created with
children in the classroom addressing issues of bias, such as re-
enacting a situation in which children use hurtful racist words
and resolving it.
However, media alone is not enough. Addressing children's
stereotypes and prejudice about subgroups requires multiple and
varied experiences that are interactive and explicit rather than a
one-time event. For example, exposing children to 30–45
minutes of activities, movies, art projects, reading, and
discussion every day for 30 days focused on a specific subgroup
(e.g., famous Hispanic inventors, African American Civil Rights
leaders, Native American authors) may be more beneficial in

minimizing children's stereotypes and prejudice about a certain
group than just a one-day or one-time event (Persson & Musher-
Eizenman, 2003).
Reference
Curenton, S.M., & Iruka, I.U. (2013). Cultural competence in
early childhood education[Electronic version]. Retrieved from
https://content.ashford.edu/
Introduction
Imagine yourself walking into a 21st-century early childhood
classroom in the United States. A group of chatty youngsters
happily greets you at the door. Some are tall and lean, others
are short and stocky. You squat down so that you are eye to eye
with them. The first girl who hugs you is wearing thick glasses
and hearing aids. The children are ethnically diverse—Latino,
Black, Somali, Hmong. Most of them shout, "Good morning!"
but a few chime in with "¡Buenos dias!" You greet each of them
in their native language as they run into your arms for hugs.
You notice a boy lingering on the outskirts of the group. He is
attentive, but quiet, and he's not making direct eye contact with
you or the other children. He appears to have something to say,
but he can't seem to find the words.
Clearly, the children in the classroom represent different
cultural backgrounds and have different levels of English-
language skills. This imaginary classroom depicts the wide
range of cultural diversity found in today's early childhood
education programs. How can you, as a teacher, best incorporate
your children's cultural experiences and their diverse language
skills into the classroom learning environment?
This chapter will lay the foundation for early childhood teachers
as they prepare to educate today's diverse student population.
First, we will describe the recent rise in cultural diversity

across the United States, especially among the preschool and
school age population. Next, we define the key concepts of
culture and cultural diversity, and discuss why they are
important. Third, we describe the value of language in various
cultures, its important role in teacher-child interactions, and
how it affects teachers' relationships with culturally diverse
children. Lastly, we discuss some ways in which early
childhood educators can help prepare this upcoming generation
of culturally diverse children to succeed in school.
1.1 Cultural Diversity Among Children Ages 0–8
Before we discuss the rising cultural diversity within the United
States, we must understand the key concepts of culture and
cultural identity. Culture consists of the social practices,
beliefs, values, and behaviors that intentionally—and
unintentionally—shape human communication, interactions, and
preferences. Culture is evident in how humans do things, and it
explains why we want (or feel the need) to do these things.
Cultural heritage and traditions shape children's communication
practices, interests in instructional activities, and classroom
behavior.
We each have a cultural identity that can be defined by various
demographic, geographic, religious, or social indicators, and
people can belong to several different cultural groups. For
example, a child may be culturally defined as an Israeli boy
from an upper-income Jewish family living in New York City,
or an early childhood teacher might culturally identify with
Southern African Americans from the Pentecostal Christian
denomination. People's cultural identities not only shape how
they think, feel, and behave, but sometimes these identities also
shape how others view them. For example, some people may
have negative opinions about people with a cultural identity of a
non-English-speaking immigrant working in a lower
socioeconomic status job, such as a migrant farm worker. These

negative opinions form the basis for prejudice and
discrimination; we will talk more about prejudice and
discrimination in Chapter 2.
Because culture is an integral part of human nature, cultural
identity is an important aspect of children's and families' lives,
and since the United States is becoming increasingly diverse, it
behooves educators to learn to appreciate cultural diversity. An
informed understanding of the differences (and similarities)
between cultures, though, requires an understanding of what a
culture is and the acknowledgement that all human beings are a
product of their culture (Cole, 1992/1998). When teachers
recognize how important their own culture is to themselves,
they will be better able to appreciate the diverse cultural
backgrounds of their students, and they will ultimately be better
teachers to their students.
Factors Contributing to Cultural Diversity
According to data from the Children's Defense Fund (2012), in
2011 there were approximately 74 million children living in the
United States, and nearly half of them (47%) had Hispanic,
Black, Asian/Pacific Islander, American Indian/Alaskan Native,
or multiracial backgrounds. The increasing racial and ethnic
diversity is illustrated by the fact that in 2011, for the first time
ever, more infants of racial and ethnic minority backgrounds
were born in the United States than White, non-Hispanic
infants. The factors behind the recent growth in U.S. cultural
diversity include the increases in immigration rates from non-
European countries, in the number of children from non-White
race and ethnic groups, in students who are dual language
learners, and in the number of children living in poverty.
Immigration
The number of children in immigrant families has more than
doubled since 1980 (Crosby & Dunbar, 2012). Hispanics
presently have the highest immigrant rate and, thus, they are the

fastest-growing minority group in the country; as shown in
Figure 1.1, the number of Hispanic children living in the United
States tripled from 1980 to 2010 (Children's Defense Fund,
2012). Estimates say that at least 1 out of every 4 children is an
immigrant; however, almost all of these children were born in
the United States and have at least one parent who was born
outside the United States (Crosby & Dunbar, 2012), which
makes them second-generation immigrants, meaning they were
born within the United States and are citizens. On the other
hand, first-generation immigrants are people who were born in
another country who migrate to the States, either as adults or as
children.
Figure 1.1: Number of Hispanic Children in the United States in
1980 and 2010
As shown in this graph, the number of Hispanic children in the
United States has more than tripled since 1980.
This rise in immigration means that there is a greater chance
that more children in early childhood programs either have at
least one parent not born in the United States or they themselves
were not born in the United States. In Chapter 4, we talk in
detail about immigrant families and how to build on these
families' strengths and challenges when their children are
enrolled in early education programs. The Global Issues feature,
"Challenges Faced by Haitian Immigrant Children," previews
some of the issues raised in Chapter 4.
Because recent trends in immigration are diversifying our
population quickly, we need to look next at the ways this
diversity is defined, such as in terms of race and ethnicity.
Race and Ethnicity
Parents are often asked to identify their child's race and ethnic
category on various forms, such as the one shown in Figure 1.2.
While checking a box on a form does not provide a complete
picture of a child's or family member's cultural identity, people

are typically affiliated with the racial and ethnic groups that
they choose on such forms. In other words, people choose to
indicate these aspects of their cultural identity because such
categories have psychological and social meaning for them.
Otherwise, they would opt to not identify with such categories.
Figure 1.2: Questions on Hispanic Origin and Race From the
2010 Census
What does the information requested on this census
questionnaire tell us about the U.S. government's definitions of
race and ethnicity?
As anyone who has filled out such a form might know, there is
always a limited number of options for race and ethnicity. The
United States Census Bureau, for example, which is responsible
for collecting and reporting demographic data about the nation's
population, has defined the most prevalent race and ethnic
categories. Figure 1.2 shows the options presented for Hispanic
origin and race during the 2010 census. First, people are asked
to indicate their ethnicity; ethnicity is defined as having a
shared nationality, language, religion, or sociopolitical history
(e.g. a group's exposure to conquest, slavery, or segregation). In
other words, ethnicity is a broad cultural identifier that could
describe multiple groups. Yet, the only choices for ethnic
categories on the U.S. census are Hispanic versus Non-
Hispanic; people of Hispanic origin can be from any racial
background, and Hispanic origin refers to a heritage,
nationality, or ancestral lineage.
The census also asks respondents to indicate their race; race is
defined as a shared ancestral heritage that distinguishes groups
of people based on physical characteristics that were once
believed to be genetic or biological. On the census form, the
specified racial categories include White, Black or African
American, American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian, Native
Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander, or Some Other Race. When

these ethnic and race categories are combined, they result in the
following:
White, Non-Hispanic;
Black, Non-Hispanic;
Hispanic (All Races);
American Indian/Alaska Native;
Asian;
Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander; and
Some Other Race (Humes, Jones, & Ramirez, 2011).
Despite the fact that the census describes its categories of
people as "racial" groups, it is important to understand that
these categories of people also represent "ethnic" groups.
The definitions of race in the United States have frequently and
dramatically changed since the first census in 1790, and all
these changes are based on public policies or population trends
at different time periods, such as the legalization of slavery, the
granting of citizenship rights, or the influx of new immigrants
(Humes, Jones, & Ramirez, 2011). Such changes in the way
society defines race were never—and still are not—based on
biology. The Global Issues feature, "Scientists Were Wrong
About Race," explains how for centuries, scientists drew
inaccurate conclusions about the nature of race. Categorizing
people according to racial groups has no basis in biological
science, because all people are the same at the genetic level.
Race is more accurately defined as a social construct that was
created, and has been manipulated, over time in order to shape
public will and deny certain groups of people rights.
Now that you have been introduced to the social and political
history of race, you can more clearly see how race and even
ethnicity are social constructs; the definitions of these words
are based on the political battles and immigration trends at a
given time. You can also understand why people may choose to
define themselves using multiple terms across the various
aspects of their cultural identities.

In this book, whenever possible, we will describe groups
according to their ethnicity because, compared to race, ethnicity
speaks more to one's cultural identity. Because ethnicity
includes shared nationality, language, religion, and
sociopolitical history, people can be described more specifically
and across multiple aspects of their identity. Therefore, we
might use specific terms such as Panamanian or Jamaican to
describe children and families, rather than simply Latino or
Black, respectively.
There are times, however, when there is a need to describe
larger pan-ethnic groups that combine subgroups sharing a
similar ancestral heritage, language, religion, or sociopolitical
history, regardless of their nationality. In these cases, we will
use terms such as White (e.g., people of European, North
African, or Middle Eastern descent, regardless of country of
origin), Black (e.g., people of African descent, regardless of
country of origin), Asian (e.g., people of East Asian, South
Asian, and Polynesian descent), and Native American (e.g.,
people whose ancestors originated in precolonial United States).
Dual Language Learners
Given the diversity of immigrants of different nationalities, it
should not be surprising that 20% of the United States
population speaks a language at home other than English
(Johnson, Os, Drewery, Ennis, & Kim, 2010). The children
within this population are referred to as dual language learners
(DLLs)—children who are acquiring two or more languages at
the same time. The term DLL can encompass other terms
frequently used to describe students, such as Limited English
Proficient (LEP), bilingual, and English language learner
(ELL).
When working with DLLs, teachers have to remember that not
all DLL families share the same experiences, national customs,

or even dialect. There are variations in the home languages that
families speak, the ages when children were first exposed to
English, their fluencies in English and their other languages,
and the degrees of the families' linguistic isolation (Espinosa,
2010).
In addition, there is wide variety across racial and ethnic groups
in the percentage of the population that speaks a language other
than English at home. Figure 1.3 shows that the majority of
Asians and Hispanics speak another language at home besides
English, as do many American Indians and Pacific Islanders.
Whites and Blacks are the least likely to speak another language
besides English at home.
Figure 1.3: Percentage of the Population Speaking Another
Language at Home
What does this graph show you about the cultural makeup of the
United States?
These differences across the racial and ethnic groups can
illustrate why Spanish is the second most widely spoken
language in the United States, and Chinese is the third. The
Native American languages now spoken by large groups of
people are Cherokee, Navajo, and Teton Sioux/Dakota (Estes,
1999, as cited in Westby & Vining, 2002); some Native
Hawaiians also speak Hawaiian, the official language of the
state of Hawaii along with English.
The U.S. census information about languages spoken at home
only captures a fraction of the nation's language diversity
because it does not include those families and children who
speak a creole language. Creole languages (also referred to as
pidgin languages or dialects) are formed by blending aspects of
two or more languages; this blending most often arises when
two or more groups of people are forced into contact with each
other through colonization and conquest. For example, Haitian

Creole is primarily based on 18th-century French and various
African languages, as well as some English, Arabic, Portuguese,
and Spanish. Creoles tend to be different in phonology,
semantics, and syntax (e.g., verb tense and word order) from
their parent languages. Creoles that U.S. teachers are most
likely to encounter are Hawaiian Pidgin (Rivera et al. 2002),
Haitian Creole (see Terrell & Jackson, 2002), and Jamaican
Patois (Best, Tyler, Gooding, Orlando, & Quann, 2009;
Washington, 2012); in addition, African American children
might speak African American English Vernacular (AAEV)
(Bailey, Baugh, Mufwene, & Rickford, 2013; Craig, Zhang,
Hensel, & Quinn, 2009).
Worldwide, people often mistakenly judge creoles, dialects, or
pidgins as the languages of the uneducated and the poor, and
children who come to school speaking such languages are often
told to "speak properly" rather than being given systematic,
intentional language instruction that might help them transition
more easily from creole to the standard language. However,
culturally diverse children, especially Black children (Bland-
Stewart, Elie, & Townsend, 2013), can benefit from modified
instruction to accommodate their creole dialect differences that
is similar to modified instruction for children who speak
another language (Boutte & Johnson, 2013). For example,
teachers might read stories in which the characters use dialect,
and then have a conversation about how people speak
differently depending on the situation they are in and the person
to whom they are talking.
Poverty Status
While somewhat controversial, economic status is another factor
by which our society is becoming more diverse. Figure 1.4
shows that the percentage of children now living in poverty has
nearly doubled over the last decade (Kids Count, 2012b), with
children aged 0–5 more likely to live in poverty than older
children aged 6–17 (Children's Defense Fund, 2012). Early

childhood teachers are likely to have some children in their
classrooms who are living in poverty. They need to be aware of
the specific financial needs of these children and their parents,
such as the need for affordable housing in a safe neighborhood,
and they need to understand how to work with the parents in a
nonjudgmental and supportive way.
Figure 1.4: Change in Age-related Poverty Percentages From
1973 to 2010
According to this graph, how has the population affected by
poverty changed since 1973?
Unfortunately, the financial outlook for young children is
getting worse over time: Over the past four decades, preschool
children have become poorer while the financial situation of
seniors 65+ has clearly improved (Figure 1.4). Seniors have
access to public policy programs and incentives, such as social
security and housing subsidies, that young children (and their
parents) do not. Families headed by young adults are poorer
than families headed by seniors, and young adult families are
more likely to be raising young children than senior families.
The U.S. Poverty Threshold. What exactly is meant by poverty
status, and how does living at or below the poverty threshold
affect the early education care children receive? To answer the
first part of the question, the U.S. poverty guidelines are
defined by the federal government and adjusted yearly. Table
1.1 shows the poverty guidelines for 2012 based on family size.
As you can see, the poverty threshold for a mother and her child
is $15,130 per year (amounting to a wage of about $7.00 per
hour), which means that in order to qualify for public policy
programs geared toward families, a mother would have to be
making no more than $15,130 per year. These eligibility
requirements are exact, meaning families making only a few
more dollars can be excluded from early education services
(Children's Defense Fund, 2012).

Table 1.1: Poverty Threshold Guidelines for 2012
Family Size
48 Contiguous States and District of Columbia
1
$11,170
2
$15,130
3
$19,090
4
$23,050
The poverty threshold is higher for Hawaii and Alaska.
Research shows that children living in urban and some rural
areas are more likely to live in communities with concentrated
poverty—poverty rates greater than 30%—than are children in
the suburbs (Kids Count, 2012a). The communities that have
high concentrations of children living in poverty also have a
high concentration of immigrant children and of U.S.-born
minority children, and this overlap indicates a strong connection
between poverty, race and ethnicity, and immigrant status (Kids
Count, 2012a). Figure 1.5 shows the percentage of children
living in concentrated poverty by race/ethnicity.
Figure 1.5: Percentage of Children Living in High-poverty
Communities
How might living in poverty affect children's learning? What
additional factors might come into play for children also living
in a high poverty community?
Children Living in Poverty Need Early Education. Living in
poverty can disrupt children's growth and learning. Aber,
Morris, and Raver (2012) explain that poverty is linked to
health, academic, and social-emotional problems for children.
Children who live in poverty often live in inferior housing
conditions—for example, homes that have inadequate heating

and cooling or that are near environmental pollutants like toxic
waste dumps, congested highways, or airports—which can cause
health problems like asthma and untreated allergies. In turn,
these health problems cause them to miss more school. Families
living in communities with concentrated poverty are also more
likely to have difficulty paying for food, housing, and health
care.
Children who live in concentrated poverty are more likely to
attend lower-quality schools, have fewer resources, and less
experienced teachers (Kieffer, 2008; Burdick-Will, Ludwig,
Raudenbush, Sampson, Sanbonmatsu, & Sharkey, 2010). These
school-level differences contribute to the achievement gap.
Lastly, concentrated poverty is associated with high levels of
chronic stress that lead to behavioral and emotional problems
(Turner & Kaye, 2006).
Teachers must consider all these factors in combination when
teaching children and working with their families. One early
childhood program that has worked for decades to offset the
problems that children and families in poverty face is Head
Start.
Head Start: An Early Education Program Designed to Serve
Children in Poverty. In his State of the Union speech in January
of 1964, President Lyndon B. Johnson launched the War on
Poverty. One of its components was a comprehensive child
development program that would help communities meet the
emotional, social, health, nutritional, and psychological needs
of disadvantaged preschool children. Head Start began in 1965
as an eight-week summer program. Since then, it has provided
services to more than 30 million children, from birth to age 5,
and their families (U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services, n.d.).
Head Start was most recently reauthorized in 2007 with several
provisions to strengthen its quality, including alignment of

Head Start school readiness goals with state early learning
standards; higher qualifications for the Head Start teaching
workforce; State Advisory Councils on Early Care and
Education in every state; increased program monitoring,
including a review of child outcomes and annual financial
audits; and a shift from indefinite project periods to five-year
grant cycles, within which programs are required to demonstrate
that they are of high quality to avoid a competitive grant
opportunity being made available within the community.
Head Start has a history of embracing ethnic, cultural, and
linguistic diversity in the communities in which it operates. A
key tenet of the program is to be culturally responsive to the
communities and families served through local governance, such
as family policy councils. To formalize its commitment to
diversity, Head Start developed the Multicultural Principles for
Head Start Programs in 1992 and incorporated it into their
Program Performance Standards in 1996. The four elements of
Head Start's overall philosophy in multilingual and
multicultural programming are
building trusting relationships,
being sensitive to cultural preferences of families,
building bridges between cultures for both children and adults,
and
acknowledging that staff and parents are in a true partnership.
Head Start has helped shepherd new programs by bringing
attention to the importance of early education for children,
especially children living in poverty. Head Start and similar
programs have helped set the standard for quality while
accommodating the cultural and linguistic diversity of children
and families.
1.2 Global Access to Early Childhood Education
Globalization is the merging of worldviews and consumer
products due to modern advances in transportation and
telecommunications (like cell phones, the internet, and wireless

technologies). One consequence of globalization is the sharing
of values around the globe. One such value that seems to be
spreading rapidly is the belief in the importance of early
childhood education (ECE). There is consensus worldwide that
early childhood education represents a promising strategy to
mitigate the long-range effects of poverty and parents' limited
education.
The mission of the international Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) is to promote policies
that will improve the economic and social well-being of people
around the world by sharing information and policy suggestions
with its 34 member countries. In its Education at a Glance 2012
report (OECD, 2012), the OECD highlights the importance of
investing in early childhood education.
International results of early childhood education appear quite
hopeful, indeed. Data from the Programme for International
Student Assessment (PISA) confirms that 15-year-olds who
attended early childhood education outperform their peers who
did not attend, even after considering differences in students'
socioeconomic backgrounds. The relationship between
preschool attendance and 15-year-olds' performance is even
greater for children enrolled in preschool for longer periods of
time, for pupil-to-teacher ratios smaller than 20:1, and for
countries that invest in per-pupil funding (OECD, 2010).
Because the report provides comparative information with other
countries, we in the United States can get a sense of how we are
competing globally when it comes to early childhood education.
Unfortunately, in comparison to the other 34 member countries,
the United States ranks near the bottom—at 28—in providing
access for 4-year-olds to attend preschool. Only 69% of
children in the United States attend preschool, whereas the
OECD combined country average is 79%. In fact, in some
countries, such as Belgium, France, Iceland, Italy, Norway,
Spain, and Sweden, the enrollment rate exceeds 90%.

Clearly, efforts must be made within the United States to
improve young children's access to early childhood education
programs if we want to stay competitive with other countries in
long-term education goals. Increasing access to early childhood
education for children in the United States has implications for
the ECE workforce and the value placed on early childhood,
with potential implications for wages and benefits for ECE
teachers.
1.3 How Culture Influences Language and Learning
Humans pass down their culture from generation to generation
using artifacts (objects or tools) such as books, musical
instruments, houses, and weapons. However, artifacts can also
be intangible tools, such as spoken and written language, laws,
religion, and rites of passage. The family is an important
vehicle of cultural transmission. Culture is evident in outwardly
observable things like the foods we eat, the holidays we
celebrate, the way we dress, and the art we create. It is also
apparent in the way we tell stories and express our feelings, in
our beliefs about how to care for children and how families
should operate, and even in our spiritual beliefs about God,
nature, and life after death.
The Cultural-Context Framework
Cole (1992/1998) has proposed a cultural-context framework for
interpreting child development that can be applied specifically
to language and cognitive development. Cole's framework takes
into consideration children's individual differences (e.g., their
biological features, personality, and natural-born curiosity
level) and their environmental experiences (e.g., participation in
educational programs and the quality of such programs), which
are the two factors research scholars commonly consider when
investigating children's educational outcomes. Cole also
considers children's cultural experiences (e.g., their family and
community traditions).

Cole's framework is unique in that he believes educational
outcomes are the result of children's individual differences and
the quality of their educational experience being funneled
through their cultural experiences, a process researchers refer to
as mediation. Figure 1.6 compares the manner in which
education outcomes are typically viewed and how they are
viewed within the cultural-context framework. In the cultural-
context framework, not only are children's individual
differences and their education environments interacting, as
they do in the typical model, but these two factors are also
processed through children's cultural experiences. What this
means is that children's cultural experiences are central to any
interpretation of children's education outcomes. For example,
when a child is asked to retell a story that a teacher has read in
class, he will likely retell it using the vocabulary, grammar, and
narrative style of storytelling that is typical of his culture
(Curenton, 2006).
Figure 1.6: Typical View of Education Outcomes Versus the
Cultural-Context Framework View of Education Outcomes
The cultural-context framework takes the children's culture into
account as a major contributing factor of how they learn.
The cultural-context position is very similar to Rogoff's (1993)
sociocultural theory on cognitive development, which states that
individuals learn to solve problems within the context of
cultural activities facilitated by more experienced and
knowledgeable peers and adults. The sociocultural perspective
acknowledges that children bring certain personal strengths and
challenges to teaching interactions, such as voluntary attention,
memory, and cognitive capacities, and these strengths and
challenges provide the foundation for the education interaction
because they can be influential in sustaining the interaction.
For example, teachers are more likely to spend more time
talking to and teaching a child who is engaged in the lesson,

who has the language skills to answer questions, and who asks
additional questions. In fact, language, both conversations and
literature, is the primary way teachers share cultural traditions
and ideas with their students. The most important and efficient
way in which humans have transmitted cultural traditions from
generation to generation is through language. Therefore, we will
spend time explaining how language is used as a cultural tool.
Language as a Cultural Tool
Language and culture are interconnected. Language is a cultural
tool that children must master in order to function in society,
and language is different from other cultural tools because it
has the ability to create and transcend reality (Bruner, 1993).
Oral language is the socially shared, culturally constructed, and
rule-governed system of spoken communication that consists of
receptive language skills (i.e., the ability to understand what
has been said, or listening skills) and expressive language skills
(i.e., the ability to use speech to convey meaning, or speaking
skills). Written language is typically expressed through text that
can be read or written; the abilities to decode, transcribe, and
comprehend written text are literacy skills.
Oral language is the bridge to written language. According to
one researcher, the most powerful preschool classroom predictor
of children's later literacy skills is teacher instruction strategies
that support extended conversation (Dickinson, 2006). Large-
scale research using a socioeconomically and ethnically diverse
sample suggests children's oral language skills at 3 years of age
form the basis for their emergent literacy skills at 4½ years of
age and for their actual reading ability at first grade (National
Institute of Child Health and Human Development [NICHD],
2005). Research like this indicates that strong oral language in
the preschool years is a significant contributor to children's
emergent literacy, later reading, and academic outcomes.
Conversely, weak oral language skills elevate children's risks

for later reading difficulties (Catts et al., 2002). Therefore, oral
language skills, along with the well-researched code-based
emergent literacy skills (e.g., letter recognition and
phonological awareness), can be seen as a critical
developmental domain associated with preschoolers' emergent
literacy (NICHD, 2005; Storch & Whitehurst, 2002). See Figure
1.7 for specific oral language skills that overlap with literacy
skills.
Figure 1.7: Relationship Between Oral Language and Literacy
Skills
Understanding the relationship between language and literacy is
critical for an early childhood education teacher who has
students who speak multiple languages.
Language and Literacy Development for DLLs
From birth, children learn language through interactions with
their family and community members. Through these
interactions, they learn not only linguistic code (e.g., Spanish or
English or Chinese) but also the pragmatic rules of
communication (i.e., how to adjust their language based on the
speaker's knowledge and how to ask questions). When working
with culturally diverse students who are DLLs, additional
aspects of language and literacy need to be considered (Table
1.2). For DLLs, it is critical that parents and other adults,
including teachers, continue to provide rich interactions in
children's home language because it builds a strong foundation
that will advance children's ability to learn the second language.
Table 1.2: Classroom Strategies: Language and Literacy for
DLL Children
Building DLL Children's Language Skills
Strategy
Rationale

Examples
Provide explicit, systematic instruction in vocabulary
Children require multiple exposures to words in order to
develop a rich understanding of their meanings and different
ways to use them.
Present vocabulary words in a thematic way, using themes such
as soap or clothing
Read-alouds that include explanations of targeted vocabulary
Dramatic play organized around carefully chosen themes
Ensure that DLLs have ample opportunities to talk with both
adults and peers and provide ongoing feedback and
encouragement
DLLs need lots of opportunities to engage in social interactions
with other children, but they also need support from adults as
they develop the language skills they need to negotiate those
interactions.
Pair DLL children with children who have strong English
language skills, and don't group together children who speak the
same home language
Provide opportunities for self-directed activities so that DLLs
can choose activities that match both their interests and their
language abilities
Encourage children to talk by providing prompts when they
need help expressing themselves (e.g., "Ask Tia, 'May I please
play with the bike now?'")
Use open-ended questions and find ways to extend conversation
with DLLs (e.g., "Why do you like playing with this toy?")
Expose DLLs to rich language input
Exposure to rich language, such as through book reading or
through teacher talk, enhances children's oral language
development.

Provide ongoing dialogue on activities taking place in the
classroom (e.g., discuss every step when transitioning from one
activity to another)
Select books that have rich language and connect to children's
home language and lives
Structure the classroom space and routine to provide scaffolding
for DLLs' language learning
Routine and structure of the classroom will help DLLs know
what they are to do and how they are allowed to behave. It will
also expose them to a consistent language about specific things
so they can connect words to activities.
Arrange the classroom to support each type of instructional
activity (e.g., middle of the room is for whole group activities,
corners of the room are for self-directed activities)
Encourage continued development in the home language
Children who have strong language skills in their home
language are likely to develop strong language skills in their
new language.
Encourage parents to talk and read to their children in their
home language as a way of strengthening children's home
language skills
Incorporate children's home language in the classroom through
books, songs, and videos as much as possible
's
Building DLL Children's Literacy Skills
Literacy Skills
Strategy

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