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The Economist
Climate and the weather
Is it global warming or just the weather?
Scientists are getting more confident about attributing
heatwaves and droughts to human influence
May 9th 2015 | From the print edition
Timekeeper
EARLY this year, touring a drought-stricken fruit farm in
California, Barack Obama cited the state’s three-year dry spell,
the worst on record, as an example of the harm that climate
change can cause. Politicians like this sort of pronouncement.
David Cameron, Britain’s prime minister, said in 2014 that he
very much suspected that climate change was behind floods in
parts of the country’s south-west. In contrast, climate scientists
have been ultra-cautious about attributing specific weather
events to global warming. Because the weather is by its nature
variable, it is impossible to know whether climate change
caused any particular drought or flood. So the scientists have
steered away from making firm connections.
Until now. A new branch of climate science is starting to
provide answers to the question: was this drought (or heatwave
or storm) at least partly attributable to climate change? In some
cases, the answer seems to be a cautious yes. As the research
progresses, it could change public perceptions and government
policy.
For years, the central debate of climate science has focused on
how much global mean surface temperatures would rise by
2100. This is so important that a target for mean temperature
rises is likely to be embodied in an international treaty to be
signed in Paris later this year. The increase in the mean is the
simplest way to measure the long-term impact of climate
change. But it has drawbacks. It makes global warming seem
like something that will happen in 100 years’ time. Most people
do not think about global temperatures but local ones. And
climate change affects ecosystems not just through increases in
the mean, but also through changes in the extremes—more
intense droughts, say. Extremes also have a profound impact on
people: a heatwave in 2003 caused about 70,000 premature
deaths in Europe. Focusing on links between climate change and
the local weather thus makes sense in terms of both science and
public understanding.
In principle, attributing the weather to climate change might
seem straightforward. The two are so closely related that the
climate can be defined as the average daily weather over a long
period (or, as Edward Lorenz, a mathematician and
meteorologist, once put it, “climate is what you expect; weather
is what you get”).
Of butterflies and bad weather
In practice, though, there are so many influences upon the
weather—famously expressed by Lorenz’s idea of a butterfly’s
wingbeat in one part of the world causing a hurricane in
another—that isolating any individual factor is hard. That
remains true. It is not possible to say categorically that climate
change has caused any individual storm, flood or heatwave.
But scientific attribution does not require certainty; it deals in
probabilities. Even now, doctors cannot be sure that a case of
lung cancer has been caused by smoking (the patient might have
got the disease anyway). Nevertheless, it is possible to say that
smoking increases the risk of cancer by a certain amount and
that smoking causes cancer in a general sense. In a similar way,
scientists are now able to say that climate change increases the
risk of a particular weather pattern by a measurable amount and,
in some cases, that a particular episode is almost impossible to
imagine without global warming. That is as near as you can get
to saying global warming caused a weather event.
The science of weather attribution started in 2003 with an
article in Nature, “Liability for climate change”by Myles Allen
of Oxford University. It showed that human contributions to
climate change can be calculated by looking at what the climate
would have been like if people had not increased greenhouse-
gas emissions. That meant comparing observations of the
weather with computer models of what might have happened
without climate change. Much climate science depends on such
models, which describe the complexities of the climate. By
running them using different assumptions (for example, no
increase in greenhouse-gas emissions, or more volcanic
activity), and comparing the results with reality, it is possible to
reveal the probable effects of the emissions. With lung cancer it
is possible to compare groups of smokers and non-smokers;
with climate change computers have to simulate the equivalent
of the non-smokers.
The trouble is that weather observations are limited and climate
models imperfect. Dr Allen showed that, by quantifying the
uncertainties, you can calculate the probability of a weather
pattern occurring. That made it possible to say that man-made
climate change made this or that weather event twice as likely,
five times more likely, or less likely.
Dr Allen argues that the study of weather attribution followed
naturally from the establishment, in the 2000s, of a scientific
consensus that humans are largely responsible for climate
change. Heidi Cullen of Climate Central, an American research
group, points out that there was also a technical contribution.
The climate is global and climate models are, too. Weather, on
the other hand, is local—and until recently models were not
precise enough to describe it. In the past few years, though, it
has become possible to impose a finer grid on the global
picture. Computers have become powerful enough, and enough
data have been collected, to describe what is happening in an
area as small as 25km by 25km. The result has been the
development of regional climate models.
Turbulence ahead
Most of the episodes that have so far come under the
microscope have been large, long-lasting ones, such as
Australia’s heatwave in 2013, or California’s continuing
drought. But one study, by Hans von Storch of the Institute of
Coastal Research in Germany, looked at a storm that passed
through northern Germany and southern Denmark in 2013 and
lasted less than a week. (It found no evidence of human
influence.) Traditional climate research is a little like
epidemiology, the study of disease at the level of the
population; Dr von Storch’s study was a bit like an autopsy.
The number of such studies is proliferating. Dr Allen’s outfit at
Oxford has put its regional climate models online so anyone can
download them. Hundreds are doing so, running their own
studies and making this project, called [email protected], one of
the largest examples of “citizen science” in the world. The
science of weather attribution now has a network of researchers
and a group of institutions which shapes the studies (in addition
to Oxford and Climate Central, it includes the University of
Melbourne, America’s National Oceanic and Atmospheric
Administration and the Royal Netherlands Meteorological
Institute). There is also an academic journal which publishes
most of them: the Bulletin of the American Meteorological
Society(BAMS).
Though the groups use somewhat different approaches, their
conclusions are strikingly similar. The strongest evidence for
human influence can be seen in heatwaves, such as Australia’s
“angry summer” of 2013, when average temperatures were
1.5°C above the norm for 1911-40. In a study in Geophysical
Research Letters, David Karoly of the University of Melbourne
argues that it is possible to say with considerable confidence
that human influence increased the risk of such high
temperatures fivefold, at least. The heatwave of 2013, he
argues, would have been “virtually impossible” without climate
change.
No act of God
The most recent BAMS contained nine studies of heatwaves in
2013, including in Europe, China, Japan and Korea. All showed
that man-made climate change had increased the likelihood of
exceptional heat. In Korea daily minimum summer temperatures
were 2.2°C above the 1971-2000 average; the study found that
climate change had boosted the chance of this happening
tenfold. Germany is likely to have a summer as hot as that of
2013 about once in seven years now; before industrialisation the
odds were one in 80. For Europe, the odds rose even more, by
35 times—the result of changes to ocean currents and the great
Arctic melt, and to emissions of greenhouse gases and aerosols
(which, like the melting of Arctic ice, are influenced by natural
variability, as well as humans).
You would expect more heatwaves with more global warming;
they are two sides of the same coin. But climate change also
seems to be contributing to droughts, though the evidence here
is weaker. The link is intuitively plausible: higher temperatures
speed up evaporation, reduce soil moisture and lead to drought.
One BAMS study of California also found that atmospheric
pressure patterns associated with droughts in the past are
becoming more likely than they would be without greenhouse-
gas emissions.
On the other hand, another study concluded that global warming
increases the risk of drought in California in some ways but
decreases it in others, leaving no net change. Forthcoming
research on drought in south-east Brazil suggests other sorts of
human influence, such as population growth and water
consumption, also matter. Of four studies of droughts in the
most recent BAMS, two showed that man-made influences were
increasing the risk; two found no link or an uncertain one.
The evidence is weaker still when it comes to storms. It is often
said that climate change is making hurricanes and other intense
storms more frequent. But the BAMS researchers looked at
three unusual storms in 2013—the one in northern Germany; a
blizzard in South Dakota and autumn snow in the Pyrenees—and
found no evidence of human influence in any of them.
In an attempt to give the overall picture, a new study in Nature
Climate Change by Erich Fischer and Reto Knutti, both of the
Federal Institute of Technology in Zurich, moved away from
individual events to consider heatwaves and rain storms in
general. They took all the heat and precipitation extremes
between 1901 and 2005, defining extremes as events likely to
occur once every 1,000 days. By running the climate models
with and without climate change, they found that 0.85°C of
warming (the rise since the industrial era began) has made such
heat extremes four or five times more likely, roughly the same
as in the Australian study. The authors attribute 75% of the heat
extremes, and 18% of the precipitation extremes, to observed
global warming. Worryingly, the risk of an extreme event seems
to rise exponentially as mean temperatures creep up. The
probability of a heat extreme is twice as great at 2°C of
warming than at 1.5°C.
That does not mean, alas, that the science of weather attribution
will be able to forecast particular droughts or heatwaves, only
to say that more of them are likely to happen. That is a useful
addition to climate science. People are routinely told about—
and routinely ignore—the bad things they are doing to the
climate. The attribution studies show that the climate is doing
bad things back.
A list of sources
Source material
Sources used in this week's International section
May 7th 2015 | International
Timekeeper
THIS week's International section relied on the following
source material:
"Anthropogenic contributions to Australia’s record summer
temperatures of 2013". By Sophie Lewis and David Karoly.
Geophysical Research Letters, April 2015.
"Explaining extreme events of 2013". Bulletin of the American
Meteorological Association. Edited by Stephanie Herring,
Martin Hoerling, Thomas Peterson and Peter Stott. September
2014,
"Attribution of the record high Central England temperature of
2014 to anthropogenic influences". By Andrew King, Geert Jan
van Oldenborgh, David Karoly, Sophie Lewis and Heidi Cullen.
Environmental Research Letters, May 2015
"Liability for climate change". By Myles Allen. Nature,
421:891-892.
"Anthropogenic contribution to global occurrence of heavy-
precipitation and high-temperature extremes". By Erich Fischer
and Reto Knutti. Nature Climate Change, April 2015.
Quiz #5: English 101C
1. State if the argument is legitimate. (Remember whether it’s
legitimate is not the same as whether you agree with it or not!)
If it is not, name the fallacy or fallacies and explain why it has
that particular fallacy or fallacies. 20pts.
A. You did not eat your vegetables, so you should not get desert
because in some parts of the world, children are starving.
B. The New Yorker I san old and venerable magazine; it should
not consider changing its appearance.
C. Don’t listen to anything Joe Bob Politician has to say, he is a
nasty guy.
D. Mister A says: We should reduce the penalties for smoking
Marijuana to reduce prison population. Mister B responds: You
are wrong! Getting rid of all penalties for drug possession
would create chaos in society.
E. A little boy says to his dad: you have to get me a football for
my birthday, because I won’t be able to play outside unless you
do.
F. If we privatize the prison system, we will be handing over
the justice system to corporations.
G. Justin Bieber drinks Coke and not Pepsi, so it must taste
better than Pepsi.
H. The last time I got on a bus someone was rude to me; the
world is just becoming a ruder place.
I. Whenever the rooster crows down the street my alarm goes
off, so the rooster must be making it go off.
J. Just like AIDS, the addiction to oil is spreading across the
world.
2. Read through the article on global weather patterns. First
summarize the main claim then outline the arguments included
that support it. Define two arguments using: claims, warrants
and evidence, counter –argument, rebuttal; then state If you
agree or disagree both the article’s major claim and the two
arguments you presented. (20 pts)
3. Find and describe examples of both inductive and deductive
reasoning in the article; describe why it is one or the other (or
both). Define and describe the use of ethos pathos and logos in
the article. (20 pts)
4. Extra Credit. (4 pts) Explain the photo in the context of the
article. How does it impact the claims being made?

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The EconomistClimate and the weatherIs it global warming.docx

  • 1. The Economist Climate and the weather Is it global warming or just the weather? Scientists are getting more confident about attributing heatwaves and droughts to human influence May 9th 2015 | From the print edition Timekeeper EARLY this year, touring a drought-stricken fruit farm in California, Barack Obama cited the state’s three-year dry spell, the worst on record, as an example of the harm that climate change can cause. Politicians like this sort of pronouncement. David Cameron, Britain’s prime minister, said in 2014 that he very much suspected that climate change was behind floods in parts of the country’s south-west. In contrast, climate scientists have been ultra-cautious about attributing specific weather events to global warming. Because the weather is by its nature variable, it is impossible to know whether climate change caused any particular drought or flood. So the scientists have steered away from making firm connections. Until now. A new branch of climate science is starting to provide answers to the question: was this drought (or heatwave or storm) at least partly attributable to climate change? In some cases, the answer seems to be a cautious yes. As the research progresses, it could change public perceptions and government policy. For years, the central debate of climate science has focused on how much global mean surface temperatures would rise by
  • 2. 2100. This is so important that a target for mean temperature rises is likely to be embodied in an international treaty to be signed in Paris later this year. The increase in the mean is the simplest way to measure the long-term impact of climate change. But it has drawbacks. It makes global warming seem like something that will happen in 100 years’ time. Most people do not think about global temperatures but local ones. And climate change affects ecosystems not just through increases in the mean, but also through changes in the extremes—more intense droughts, say. Extremes also have a profound impact on people: a heatwave in 2003 caused about 70,000 premature deaths in Europe. Focusing on links between climate change and the local weather thus makes sense in terms of both science and public understanding. In principle, attributing the weather to climate change might seem straightforward. The two are so closely related that the climate can be defined as the average daily weather over a long period (or, as Edward Lorenz, a mathematician and meteorologist, once put it, “climate is what you expect; weather is what you get”). Of butterflies and bad weather In practice, though, there are so many influences upon the weather—famously expressed by Lorenz’s idea of a butterfly’s wingbeat in one part of the world causing a hurricane in another—that isolating any individual factor is hard. That remains true. It is not possible to say categorically that climate change has caused any individual storm, flood or heatwave. But scientific attribution does not require certainty; it deals in probabilities. Even now, doctors cannot be sure that a case of lung cancer has been caused by smoking (the patient might have got the disease anyway). Nevertheless, it is possible to say that smoking increases the risk of cancer by a certain amount and
  • 3. that smoking causes cancer in a general sense. In a similar way, scientists are now able to say that climate change increases the risk of a particular weather pattern by a measurable amount and, in some cases, that a particular episode is almost impossible to imagine without global warming. That is as near as you can get to saying global warming caused a weather event. The science of weather attribution started in 2003 with an article in Nature, “Liability for climate change”by Myles Allen of Oxford University. It showed that human contributions to climate change can be calculated by looking at what the climate would have been like if people had not increased greenhouse- gas emissions. That meant comparing observations of the weather with computer models of what might have happened without climate change. Much climate science depends on such models, which describe the complexities of the climate. By running them using different assumptions (for example, no increase in greenhouse-gas emissions, or more volcanic activity), and comparing the results with reality, it is possible to reveal the probable effects of the emissions. With lung cancer it is possible to compare groups of smokers and non-smokers; with climate change computers have to simulate the equivalent of the non-smokers. The trouble is that weather observations are limited and climate models imperfect. Dr Allen showed that, by quantifying the uncertainties, you can calculate the probability of a weather pattern occurring. That made it possible to say that man-made climate change made this or that weather event twice as likely, five times more likely, or less likely. Dr Allen argues that the study of weather attribution followed naturally from the establishment, in the 2000s, of a scientific consensus that humans are largely responsible for climate change. Heidi Cullen of Climate Central, an American research group, points out that there was also a technical contribution.
  • 4. The climate is global and climate models are, too. Weather, on the other hand, is local—and until recently models were not precise enough to describe it. In the past few years, though, it has become possible to impose a finer grid on the global picture. Computers have become powerful enough, and enough data have been collected, to describe what is happening in an area as small as 25km by 25km. The result has been the development of regional climate models. Turbulence ahead Most of the episodes that have so far come under the microscope have been large, long-lasting ones, such as Australia’s heatwave in 2013, or California’s continuing drought. But one study, by Hans von Storch of the Institute of Coastal Research in Germany, looked at a storm that passed through northern Germany and southern Denmark in 2013 and lasted less than a week. (It found no evidence of human influence.) Traditional climate research is a little like epidemiology, the study of disease at the level of the population; Dr von Storch’s study was a bit like an autopsy. The number of such studies is proliferating. Dr Allen’s outfit at Oxford has put its regional climate models online so anyone can download them. Hundreds are doing so, running their own studies and making this project, called [email protected], one of the largest examples of “citizen science” in the world. The science of weather attribution now has a network of researchers and a group of institutions which shapes the studies (in addition to Oxford and Climate Central, it includes the University of Melbourne, America’s National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration and the Royal Netherlands Meteorological Institute). There is also an academic journal which publishes most of them: the Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society(BAMS).
  • 5. Though the groups use somewhat different approaches, their conclusions are strikingly similar. The strongest evidence for human influence can be seen in heatwaves, such as Australia’s “angry summer” of 2013, when average temperatures were 1.5°C above the norm for 1911-40. In a study in Geophysical Research Letters, David Karoly of the University of Melbourne argues that it is possible to say with considerable confidence that human influence increased the risk of such high temperatures fivefold, at least. The heatwave of 2013, he argues, would have been “virtually impossible” without climate change. No act of God The most recent BAMS contained nine studies of heatwaves in 2013, including in Europe, China, Japan and Korea. All showed that man-made climate change had increased the likelihood of exceptional heat. In Korea daily minimum summer temperatures were 2.2°C above the 1971-2000 average; the study found that climate change had boosted the chance of this happening tenfold. Germany is likely to have a summer as hot as that of 2013 about once in seven years now; before industrialisation the odds were one in 80. For Europe, the odds rose even more, by 35 times—the result of changes to ocean currents and the great Arctic melt, and to emissions of greenhouse gases and aerosols (which, like the melting of Arctic ice, are influenced by natural variability, as well as humans). You would expect more heatwaves with more global warming; they are two sides of the same coin. But climate change also seems to be contributing to droughts, though the evidence here is weaker. The link is intuitively plausible: higher temperatures speed up evaporation, reduce soil moisture and lead to drought. One BAMS study of California also found that atmospheric pressure patterns associated with droughts in the past are becoming more likely than they would be without greenhouse-
  • 6. gas emissions. On the other hand, another study concluded that global warming increases the risk of drought in California in some ways but decreases it in others, leaving no net change. Forthcoming research on drought in south-east Brazil suggests other sorts of human influence, such as population growth and water consumption, also matter. Of four studies of droughts in the most recent BAMS, two showed that man-made influences were increasing the risk; two found no link or an uncertain one. The evidence is weaker still when it comes to storms. It is often said that climate change is making hurricanes and other intense storms more frequent. But the BAMS researchers looked at three unusual storms in 2013—the one in northern Germany; a blizzard in South Dakota and autumn snow in the Pyrenees—and found no evidence of human influence in any of them. In an attempt to give the overall picture, a new study in Nature Climate Change by Erich Fischer and Reto Knutti, both of the Federal Institute of Technology in Zurich, moved away from individual events to consider heatwaves and rain storms in general. They took all the heat and precipitation extremes between 1901 and 2005, defining extremes as events likely to occur once every 1,000 days. By running the climate models with and without climate change, they found that 0.85°C of warming (the rise since the industrial era began) has made such heat extremes four or five times more likely, roughly the same as in the Australian study. The authors attribute 75% of the heat extremes, and 18% of the precipitation extremes, to observed global warming. Worryingly, the risk of an extreme event seems to rise exponentially as mean temperatures creep up. The probability of a heat extreme is twice as great at 2°C of warming than at 1.5°C. That does not mean, alas, that the science of weather attribution
  • 7. will be able to forecast particular droughts or heatwaves, only to say that more of them are likely to happen. That is a useful addition to climate science. People are routinely told about— and routinely ignore—the bad things they are doing to the climate. The attribution studies show that the climate is doing bad things back. A list of sources Source material Sources used in this week's International section May 7th 2015 | International Timekeeper THIS week's International section relied on the following source material: "Anthropogenic contributions to Australia’s record summer temperatures of 2013". By Sophie Lewis and David Karoly. Geophysical Research Letters, April 2015. "Explaining extreme events of 2013". Bulletin of the American Meteorological Association. Edited by Stephanie Herring, Martin Hoerling, Thomas Peterson and Peter Stott. September 2014, "Attribution of the record high Central England temperature of 2014 to anthropogenic influences". By Andrew King, Geert Jan van Oldenborgh, David Karoly, Sophie Lewis and Heidi Cullen. Environmental Research Letters, May 2015 "Liability for climate change". By Myles Allen. Nature, 421:891-892.
  • 8. "Anthropogenic contribution to global occurrence of heavy- precipitation and high-temperature extremes". By Erich Fischer and Reto Knutti. Nature Climate Change, April 2015. Quiz #5: English 101C 1. State if the argument is legitimate. (Remember whether it’s legitimate is not the same as whether you agree with it or not!) If it is not, name the fallacy or fallacies and explain why it has that particular fallacy or fallacies. 20pts. A. You did not eat your vegetables, so you should not get desert because in some parts of the world, children are starving. B. The New Yorker I san old and venerable magazine; it should not consider changing its appearance. C. Don’t listen to anything Joe Bob Politician has to say, he is a nasty guy. D. Mister A says: We should reduce the penalties for smoking Marijuana to reduce prison population. Mister B responds: You are wrong! Getting rid of all penalties for drug possession would create chaos in society. E. A little boy says to his dad: you have to get me a football for my birthday, because I won’t be able to play outside unless you do. F. If we privatize the prison system, we will be handing over the justice system to corporations. G. Justin Bieber drinks Coke and not Pepsi, so it must taste better than Pepsi. H. The last time I got on a bus someone was rude to me; the world is just becoming a ruder place. I. Whenever the rooster crows down the street my alarm goes off, so the rooster must be making it go off. J. Just like AIDS, the addiction to oil is spreading across the
  • 9. world. 2. Read through the article on global weather patterns. First summarize the main claim then outline the arguments included that support it. Define two arguments using: claims, warrants and evidence, counter –argument, rebuttal; then state If you agree or disagree both the article’s major claim and the two arguments you presented. (20 pts) 3. Find and describe examples of both inductive and deductive reasoning in the article; describe why it is one or the other (or both). Define and describe the use of ethos pathos and logos in the article. (20 pts) 4. Extra Credit. (4 pts) Explain the photo in the context of the article. How does it impact the claims being made?