Prof. Yousuf Dadoo presented his abstract titled "Muslims of South Africa from newspapers to social media" at the 2nd International Congress on Islamic Civilisation in Southern Africa.

1. Muslims of South Africa from newspapers to social media
Prof Yousuf Dadoo
Unisa
Abstract
The impact of Muslim radio stations and a Muslim newspaper has been well documented in
the writings of Muhammad Haron.1
My presentation has benefitted from his findings and
also applied outcomes obtained from general electronic media studies in global settings, by
communication scholars like John W Anderson, to our situation. It is argued that with
modern media, Muslims in South Africa have witnessed noteworthy, and sometimes, even
paradoxical forces at play like scriptural revivalism, re-grading of ‘ulamā authority, and
reconceptualization of the Muslim community in global terms. This paper contends that
while involvement in media has drawn some Muslims closer to a participatory ethos as
envisaged by the state some deficits remain. It then proposes some viable solutions.
Introduction
Modernity is often used to describe the Euro-American culture that arose out of the
Enlightenment and continues in some way into the present. It is also applied to the period
beginning somewhere between 1870 and 1910, through to the present, and even more
specifically to the period 1910-1960.
These periods are characterized by:
Rise of the nation state
Growth of tolerance as a political and social belief
Industrialization
Rise of mercantilism and capitalism
Emergence of socialist countries
Discovery and colonization of the Non-Western world
Rise of representative democracy
Increasing role of science and technology
Urbanization
Mass literacy
Proliferation of mass media
The Cartesian and Kantian distrust of tradition for autonomous reason.2
We will restrict our analysis primarily to mass literacy, proliferation of mass media and the
increasing role of science and technology from the above list. We may also conclude that
during the period under review the Muslims in this country have been impacted by
modernity. This is an important consideration to bear in mind against the backdrop of
pronouncements from some religious leaders condemning media devices which, according to
their viewpoint, reflect adherence to an irreligious, modern lifestyle.

2. Furthermore, it has often been the practice of Muslim societies globally to interpret
challenges through the prisms of virtue (ma‘rūf) and vice (munkar). Etymologically, ma‘rūf
relates to any act or situation with which people are familiar and to which they are positively
disposed while munkar denotes its converse. Psychologically, people often respond
positively to familiar stimuli that, over time, assume the status of sanctioned conduct. For
Muslims this generally entails observance of the Sharī‘ah code, positive interpersonal
relations or justice. The contrary situation pertains to unknown stimuli which, over time,
give rise to disapproved conduct. Al-Zajājī suggests that human intellect has the capacity to
instinctively identify these categories.3
During this presentation, we shall ascertain how the
Muslims of this country have used these prisms of virtue and vice to respond to some of the
symbols of modernity.
Finally, what distinguishes modern communication from its earlier counterpart is that the
early period had few senders of messages but many recipients. But the modern version has
many more senders of messages who can target global audiences. Such dissemination
involves greater horizontal circulation of information among equals rather than the earlier
vertical dissemination from superiors to their subordinates.4
We now evaluate some responses by Muslim South Africans to media produced and
controlled by their fellow religionists.
Print Media
Some preliminary remarks are offered to contextualise our analysis.
Johannes Gutenberg (d. 1468) of Mainz, Germany, built on the Chinese legacy of paper
manufacturing to develop his mobile printing press. This was the first mass medium which
allowed for the free spread of ideas on a completely unprecedented fashion. Based on this
invention, the first newspaper was already printed in Germany in 1609.
The industrial revolution made the transfer and exchange of written or typed information
between vast distances possible. The discovery of the electric telegraph in the early 19th
century played a vital role in this respect.5
By the early 20th
century, print media comprised books, newspapers, newsletters and
magazines. Improved technology facilitated higher supplies while the growing literacy rates
increased demand among the general public.6
By the time this phase was well entrenched, Muslims in South Africa had already become
beneficiaries of modernity; so they accepted print media as a fait accompli. Print grew in
importance as literacy levels among the reviewed community increased. This seamless
transition also carried within its bosom the potential both for undermining and buttressing
established authority of all sorts inside the Muslim community. This point will become
clearer when we review broadcast media below.

3. Durban hosted the publication of the first Muslim newspaper entitled Al-Islam between 1907
and 1910. It featured articles in English and Gujarati.7
I have been unable to trace additional
information about its article contents and editorial policies. It was followed by the Indian
Views that was published between 1914 and 1972. As its title suggests, it catered for Indian
readers in English and Gujarati; regardless of their religious affiliations. It initial focus was
on the Muslim community; which was later replaced by a focus on the Indian diaspora.8
During that time, it provided an alternative perspective on local social and political problems
compared to those found in mainstream media.
There were already four newspapers in circulation in Cape Town by the time Samuel Zwemer
wrote his article on Islam at Cape Town in 1925. The language medium was English coupled
with Xhosa in one instance and Gujarati in another two cases. They advocated racial equality
and strong nationalistic tendencies.9
But it was the Muslim Views of Cape Town, which began its career as Muslim News in 1960,
that made a broad impact as a Muslim newspaper in this country. Its early editions contained
an Urdu supplement. Although it mainly served the Western Cape, it was avidly read by
some Muslims in other regions too. It played a vital role in shaping the identity of the
Muslims at the Cape besides keeping its readers abreast of socio-political issues in Muslim
lands and monitoring anti-Islamic activities of mainly Christian preachers and missionaries in
our country. It reviewed Muslim-Christian relations, Muslim history and socio-moral issues
affecting Cape Muslims. It promoted the intellectual-cum-mystical tradition followed by
Fazlur Rahman Ansari of Pakistan (d. 1973). During the 1970s, it constituted a voice for the
marginalised people of South Africa.10
Muslim Views served as a useful forerunner to Al-Qalam, which began publication in 1971.
It is published by the Muslim Youth Movement (MYM) on a monthly basis, and covers local
and international news. It provides a cross-cultural perspective of events in the Muslim
community.11
In the early times, it also promoted Fazlur Rahman Ansari’s tradition; together
with the views of ideologues like Maududi (d. 1979) and Sayyid Qutb (d. 1966) who
advocated comprehensive Islamic socio-political revivalism. But by the mid-1980s this focus
was turned inward and replaced by a contextual campaign for justice for all disenfranchised
South Africans; regardless of creed, class or gender.
One of the spin-offs of this kind of readership was the emergence of a new religious
intelligentsia which directly and indirectly urged the ‘ulamā to reform their practice. Bodies
like the Cape Muslim Youth Movement (established by Imam Haron), the Muslim Youth
Movement of South Africa (formed in Durban in 1970), the Arabic Study Circle (formed in
Durban in 1950), the Cape Muslim Assembly (formed in Cape Town in 1967) and the Call of
Islam (formed in 1984) represented this trend. Some of these organisations went on to
mobilise political formations like the United Democratic Front (UDF) that campaigned
against the apartheid state in the 1980s. The resulting entrenchment of more analytical

4. approaches to Islamic thinking challenged text-oriented approaches espoused by the ‘ulamā;
culminating in a recoil from their earlier textual literalism that they had earlier shared with
the theologians. This naturally led to the downgrading of ‘ulamā authority and a
reconceptualization about Muslims belonging to a global ummah; not divided by ethnicity
and language. At times, the involvement of the laity through press features like
correspondence with the editor or even the writing of articles and regular features resulted in
the marginalisation of religious leaders. Often the spotlight of those articles fell on
existential problems rather than concentrating on the hereafter.
In passing, mention has to be made about A S K Joomal (d. 2015) and M O Seepye (d.
1970s?) who resorted firstly to print and later to the internet, to articulate alternative views
about topics like the death of Prophet ᷾ Īsā, comparative religion and women’s veiling.
These issues have been further amplified by electronic media to which I will draw attention
shortly. During an analysis of Muslim interaction with them I will not repeat points I have
presented here but merely stress new developments.
Meanwhile, several newspapers belonging to theological groupings have emerged since the
1990s. Although they primarily focus on matters of correct belief and acts of worship,
together with hagiographies of religious personalities and scriptural guidance, they have been
paying increasing attention to current socio-political challenges than they did previously. It
may be postulated that this is a response to a growing need for guidance in these areas as well
as an attempt to invent new strategies of retaining power and influence over the masses.
While there was no concerted campaign against printing by ‘ulamā we often hear about the
harmful effects of recording and print on the development of memory through undermining
practices like Qur’ānic memorisation (ḥifẓ), study of Hadith and calligraphy. Despite this
criticism, this technology was embraced for the propagation of Islam (da᷾ wah) and moral
guidance (irshād).12
Electronic Media
By electronic media we mean audio and video cassettes, CD-ROMs, DVDs and online
content. It also refers to equipment used in communication like the microphone, TV, radio,
telephone and the computer.
The first medium to review is the loudspeaker whose use for worship forms like adhān,
khuṭbah and ṣalāh evoked furious debates among the ‘ulamā during the early years of its use
about a century ago. It is essential to weigh these spats against the background of the
generally mediocre quality of sound reproduced by this instrument at that time.

5. Many ‘ulamā in the Muslim World contended that the loudspeaker did not actually amplify
the agent’s voice; rather, it distorted it. This situation created juristic problems such as:
Could members of the congregation follow the prayer sequence of a voice that did not belong
to the imām?
By contrast, some scholars approved its use. They cited an historical precedent where one of
the Holy Prophet’s companions, who was not part of the praying congregation, prompted
those worshippers to change their direction of prayer from Jerusalem to Makkah in
compliance with a directive the Messenger had just received.
Recent improvements have caused a total revision of negative rulings about the use of a
loudspeaker.13
So intense was this debate that the grand mufti of Pakistan, Muḥammad Shafī᷾ (d. 1976),
devoted more than half the space in his book to the rulings about problems associated with
using devices like using the microphone, phonograph and gramophone together with rules
relating to recordings of the Holy Qur’ān on audiocassettes .14
This case is mentioned
because many local ‘ulamā of the Deobandi school of thought venerate him profusely.
The loudspeaker created an impact on South Africans too. I was verbally informed more than
twenty years ago by a few independent persons that the mufti of the old Transvaal, Ebrahim
Sanjalvi, described the sound emitted by the microphone as the devil’s voice. This was very
close to the view of some Saudi scholars of that era who labelled it the devil’s trumpet.15
The telegraph became available for use in the third quarter of the 19th
century while the
telephone made its appearance about fifty years later. Not much comprehensive writings are
available about the possible infringement of a, legally speaking, strange woman’s (ghair
maḥram’s) privacy by a male telephone caller.
As an aside, the Arabic term for a telephone is hātif which carries several meanings like one
who calls out loudly and also an invisible caller; thereby giving rise to the word’s association
with the mysterious transmission of sound.16
Arising from this understanding, we find the
following types of questions raised with regard to the etiquette of telephone usage: How does
a “strange” woman conduct herself when answering a call from a male? Is it possible to
divorce one’s spouse telephonically, or via email or SMS texting?
Interactivity with communities was already evident in the audio cassettes since the 1960s.
Qur’anic recitations, sermons, lessons, devotional music and religious discourses of all
varieties have circulated on them. Recently, they have been replaced by CD-ROMs, DVDs
and MP3s. These instruments have made religious discussions more democratic and open to
new or contrary opinions. An excellent exponent is Ahmed Deedat (d. 2005) who
pioneeringly used a number of these devices to promote his views on comparative religion.
Radio and TV have exposed mass audiences to particular views and practices since their
inception in the mid-1990s. Initially satellite TV was beamed to our shores from Muslim
countries. ITV began broadcasting a little later.

6. We will concentrate on radio first. The following stations, licensed in around 1997, have
made a significant impact: Radio Islam (a subsidiary of Jamiatul Ulama South Africa in
Johannesburg), The Voice (allied to the Muslim Youth Movement in Johannesburg), Channel
Islam International (allied to other entrepreneurs and religious leaders in Johannesburg),
Radio Al-Ansaar (a subsidiary of the Al-Ansaar Educational Foundation in Durban), Radio
786 (established by the Islamic Unity Convention in Cape Town) and Voice of the Cape
(whose main licence holder is the Muslim Judicial Council in Cape Town). Apart from The
Voice, all others are still broadcasting.
Channel Islam International used the satellite medium for its broadcasts from the beginning
to reach a global audience.
While Haron maps Radio Islam and Voice of the Cape along the spectrum of conservative
radio stations, he could also have included Channel Islam International in this category. At
the beginning, Radio Islam’s frontline presenters together with its backroom engineers and
other staff were exclusively male. This routine changed with the Independent Broadcasting
Authority’s ruling against gender malpractice in 1997.17
Since then women have presented
programmes on household affairs, child rearing and health matters affecting women. Legal,
economic, educational and political analysis has remained the preserve of men. It has
opposed playing music since it is considered immoral. Channel Islam International also
disallows music but has at least employed female staff in a limited capacity from the outset.
Nevertheless, some influential ‘ulamā like Fazlur Rahman A’zami (head of Hadith studies at
Darul Uloom Azaadville), have openly criticised this decision. He declared: “I am opposed
to the programs conducted by women”.18
On the other hand, Voice of the Cape’s conservatism is milder and discernible in comparison
to the above radio stations. In compliance with the Muslim Judicial Council’s support for the
juristic concept termed ‘umūm al-balwā (or the widespread nature of adverse conditions
under which Muslims are required to lead their lives) whose only solution lies in easing some
legal restrictions, they have permitted the playing of music as well as the employment of
females in all capacities. The latter have presented programmes of special interest to women
as well as programmes on Islamic law and social problems such as prostitution,
homosexuality and cloning. For example, Munadia Keraan was an excellent presenter, news
editor and reader. Besides hosting people of various backgrounds, it is much more
community focused in comparison to Radio Islam.
Radio 786 and The Voice are liberal as evident in their appraisal of socio-political issues and
interrogation of religious leadership. Radio 786 has hosted a vast array of programmes
dealing with environmental, labour and health issues. It scooped interviews with the late
leader of Hamas, Shaikh Ahmad Yassin as well as internationally acknowledged political
analysts John Pilger and Robert Fisk. It has concentrated heavily on capacity building and
empowerment initiatives. The Voice was a progressive radio station. It catered for an
extremely wide listenership like refugees from the Horn of Africa, together with Sisotho

7. programmes and Urdu qawwali for relevant constituencies. Women presenters were given
free rein to articulate their views on matters that concerned them.19
In general, cinema and television continue to pose great challenges for the ‘ulamā fraternity.
But before delving into them, relevant introductory information about the situation pertaining
to the views of global scholarship is especially helpful.
Drawing and sketching animate objects together with photographing them has been widely
prohibited in light of some Prophetic reports to this effect. Hadith provide many reasons for
this stance, on account of which many ‘ulamā caution that a carte blanche approval of
photography has the potential for leading to sculpturing which may gradually turn into
idolatry (shirk). Among opponents of photography in the Indian subcontinent have been
Muḥammad Shafī᷾ , Ashraf ‘Alī Thānawī, Kifāyat Allāh, Ḥusain Aḥmad Madanī, Abu l-
Kalām Āzād and Sulaimān Nadwī. The last two reportedly retracted their earlier views
favouring photography.20
But many of these opponents condone the taking of photographs for
unavoidable purposes like identity and passport documents on the basis of the jurisprudence
of necessity (fiqh al-ḍarūrah).
These opponents belong to the group of literal interpreters of Hadith (Ahl al-Ḥadīth) while
those having more nuanced views are called people employing thinking (Ahl al-Ra’yi). The
latter group maintain that any ruling has to be consonant with its objectives. In order to cope
with the new socio-cultural situations confronting Muslims living mainly in the West, jurists
have to develop and refine rules and regulations for Muslims so that they may remain loyal to
their faith. The role of sound intention (nīyyah) is crucial.21
Although these media pose problems like portrayal of immorality in the broadest sense
besides stirring up narrow national sentiment to the detriment of others, many foreign ‘ulamā
have sanctioned the use of cinema and TV for spreading appropriate messages.22
But this
was not the case locally when the film depicting Ḥajj by G. M. Karim of Bethal was roundly
criticised by the ‘ulamā from their pulpits in the late 1960s.
This argument has been echoed by conservative ‘ulamā like the Majlisul Ulama of Port
Elizabeth and their trustworthy allies like the Jamiatul Ulama of Gauteng (who are currently
based in De Deur, south of Johannesburg) and teachers at the Darul Uloom of Azaadville.
The following statement A’zami, in which the statement of the The Majlis is embedded, is
instructive:
“Hitherto, people (i.e. Muslims) are viewing television with trepidation (i.e. with their
conscience agitating and militating against the vile – The Majlis). After the
appearance of the Ulama of the Jamiatul Ulama on TV, people will become
audacious. This (i.e. television) is such an instrument of immorality and evil over
which control cannot be exercised. There are many examples of this in the Shariah.
We are opposed to it (i.e. to television and the Ulama appearing thereon). In such a
scenario even a superficial post of responsibility is unacceptable”.23
Along similar lines have been the responses of Darul Uloom Zakariyya from Lenasia and
that of Abdool Kader Hoosen of Channel Islam International.24

8. As expected, a more nuanced approach has followed from the Jamiatul Ulama South Africa.25
In a press release, Abbas Ali Jeena, its president, declared:
“The Jamiatul Ulama South Africa is acutely aware of the impact of media on
society. It is equally conscious of the overwhelming harms of the different forms of
electronic media in general, and television in particular.
The pervasive impact of the media, has prompted some Ulama to appear on
television with a view to protect the Imaan of the unwary masses. Jamiatul Ulama
South Africa however does neither promote nor condemn the appearance of Ulama
on television in their individual capacity as a means of combating widespread
misinformation and propaganda against Islam.
The Jamiat’s position must not be interpreted as an endorsement of television itself,
but rather as the outcome of divergent views of our senior Ulama who had
deliberated on the matter. A synopsis of these deliberations of our senior Ulama is
available from the Jamiat’s Offices.”26
An official letter issued by the Jamiatul Ulama South Africa mentions:
“the Islamic Fiqh Academy and the Jamiatul Ulama Hind (India) had gathered the Ulama
of India to debate and discuss this issue. There were prominent Ulama who gave their
views on both sides of the spectrum. From their deliberations it is clear that some scholars
support the use of this medium solely to keep (who they perceive as) more harmful
presenters out lest the Muslim viewers fall prey to their distorted expositions. Based on
these views, this body cannot condemn ulama who appear on television for religious
purposes”.27
The latest findings from Deoband also reflect divergent views on this subject.28
We may aver that the standpoint of Jamiatul Ulama South Africa is based more on strategy
and pre-emption than on principle.
In this respect, some ‘ulamā have either broken ranks with their alma maters or the
seminaries at which they taught. For example, Sulaiman Rawat is a graduate of Darul Uloom
Azaadville, Sulaiman Moola taught at Darul Uloom Zakariyya while Zaheer Ragie did
likewise at Darul Uloom Azaadville.
When we turn our attention to the internet, we realise that this is the domain housing sites at
which Muslim users explore and describe how to be Muslims in the modern world. Inputs
often shed light on educational reforms ranging from attempts to revivify traditional learning
(as we find in The Majlis’s stance) to more co-optive responses for benefitting from Western
forms and techniques of education (as we learn from the policies of the body calling itself
Progressive Muslims which boasts inputs by some South African academics).
It has become the new democratic medium. The internet has revealed the diversity within the
ummah from grassroots expression to pronouncements by religious leaders of varying
persuasions.

9. By employing the hypermedia model of linked texts the worldwide web has become more
user-friendly. It then turned into multimedia with the introduction of graphics.
On it the wider public include established authorities, outreach da‘wah and relief
organisations (like IPCI and Gift of the Givers) and people with alternative theological and or
juristic interpretations (like Progressive Muslims) all of whom purport to offering a correct
version of Islam. Others have been drawn to counter distorted or suppressed Muslim voices
(like MRN) or attempt to refute religious extremism (like AMEC).
Out of realpolitik, many theological bodies have to some degree outwitted their opponents by
means of multimedia ranging from print, radio and television to the internet and social
media; not forgetting regular mosque lectures that they monopolise.
In sum, ideological, liturgical and practical manifestations of Islam have been offered for
scrutiny. The internet has served as a publishing resource and interactivity by eliciting
feedback through devices like direct responses besides indirect measures of recording areas in
a website consulted by users. Databases have been built that could serve various uses.
Nearly every major religious leader has an online presence and profile; for example Ebrahim
Desai, Mufti of Madrassa In’amiyyah in Camperdown, has set up Ask-Imam.com in South
Africa and operates it. This fact also applies to Ebrahim Moosa who is both a traditionally
trained ‘ālim and modernist intellectual. Many influential ‘ulamā also have Facebook and
Twitter accounts;29
thereby rendering their claims to unadulterated tradition paradoxical.
Some challenging questions have arisen at the level of digitilisation of the Qur’ān - which has
increased its accessibility – such as: Are these internet generated copies to be regarded as
religious commodities or just replicas of the primordial found in the Sacred Tablet (lauḥ
maḥfūẓ)? Do Muslims obtain the same intense emotional feeling and reward from reading,
listening or looking at the mass-produced copy that they would if they were listening to a
recitation in the mosque? The Majlis stresses that recitations broadcast on radio are inferior
to live recitation in the mosque.30
Despite all these details, expansion of education and reform, first of the ‘ulamā and then of
the ummah, has yet not occurred at the levels found in figures like Muḥammad ‘Abduh (d.
1903) and Rashīd Riḍā (d. 1935) who could combine traditional learning with exercising
judgement (ijtihād) on contemporary problems.
Some religious personalities, like Zain Bhika, use music to convey Islamic messages via
satellite TV and the internet. Sometimes they even form alliances with counterparts from
other parts of the world (as happens with Zain Bhika when he teams up with Yusuf Islam of
the U.K.).
We now focus on the extent to which participatory democracy has been achieved through
media mainly utilised by Muslims.

10. Muslim media and participatory democracy
The following information, provided by the Right2Know Campaign on this subject, has been
modified to fit our context.31
Community media in South Africa have been established with a transformative purpose as
stated in the National Community Radio Forum (NCRF) charter. They are intended to create
participatory democracy through involvement of all parties in decision-making processes for
driving development. They are intended to serve as platforms for discussions and debate.
Media are meant to articulate the aspirations of the socially and economically marginalised in
society.
But in practice, hostile social and economic problems make most media to adopt financial
survival as their primary objective. Projects are primarily dependent on advertising for their
income. That is why we hear disclaimers on radio stations such as “We cannot validate the
compliance of products advertised to Halaal norms”.
They have to be registered as non-profit Section 21 Companies or Trusts that are obliged to
conduct election of their boards at public AGMs because public accountability is important.
Community ownership extends beyond governance to editorial content, feedback from
listeners and viewers, public meetings to get input, etc.
Problems identified include the following:
(a) Local content is often parochial with a bias towards the concerns of sponsors or other
powerful groups while foreign news is often presented uncritically.
(b) Analytical and journalism skills are often weak. Few editorial staff have received
formal training in journalism and there is little investigative reporting.
(c) A serious problem relates to the conceptual definition of democracy. António Costa
et. al.32
have discovered the following features about it:
(i) It is not a consensual concept;
(ii) There is room for inconsistencies and trade-offs between various dimensions
of democracy; and
(iii) Scholarly definitions of this term do not always reflect people’s expectations.
An organisation calling itself “Democracy”33
complains that modern democracies still run the
same way they did about two centuries ago. As citizens we only get to interact with the
political system once every few years at election time. Politics and governments have not
changed at all. In response to this dilemma, it has developed free software for use by citizens
to obtain information and debate issues.

11. How does this debate impact on Muslim media? Without going into an extensive unpacking
of democracy we need to be cognisant of the following three facets: While Islamic societies
have over time approved the role played by the ‘ulamā, these religious leaders also need to
remain accountable for their demeanour and judgements to the Muslims they serve; otherwise
the laity are entitled to enjoin what is right and prevent what is wrong. Secondly, while all of
us call for unity it must not be confused with uniformity. Many are the issues for which
divergent approaches may be considered. Finally, while it is laudable to involve the
marginalised sectors of society, problems of access remain in cases where they are
impoverished or lack sufficient education and skills.
Instead of groping from one misinformed position to another, it might be a viable option for
religious leaders to widely consult and formulate some guidelines for the use of mass media
by Muslims. Actually, such a document has already been drawn up more than a generation
ago.34
It behoves us to reflect upon its contents, update and even revise it if the needs arises.
Conclusion
I quote Jon W. Anderson: “Islam’s publics and public sphere have expanded and been
significantly transformed in the modern period, taking on new ‘forms of life’ through media
that are defining features of modernity and its global transformations”.35
This presentation is a brief review mainly of media produced by Muslims in South Africa
which often runs parallel to the recorded experiences of Muslims in the Middle East and
South Asia. It merely opens doors to more thorough treatment from a communication
science angle after extensive field work where the following matters could be highlighted:
-­‐ Audiences’ assessments about the quality of offerings.
-­‐ The extent to which participatory processes have been fulfilled. (Or is it old
content and methodology regurgitated on new platforms?)
-­‐ The degree to which the ma‘rūf versus munkar debate has shifted and
developed in this country vis-à-vis modern media.
Two other noteworthy observations need to be made here: firstly, the eventual acceptance of
media by some ‘ulamā was based more on pragmatism than principle; and, secondly, the
entire Muslim community has been influenced by modernity; so completely ignoring it and
invoking timeless tradition is at best disingenuous.
I conclude with a challenging thought: The Fourth Industrial Revolution is already underway
during which we might not have the luxury of an entire generation to resolve problems; as we
have done with photography.

12.
Notes
1
I have used the conventional transcription method for all Arabic and Urdu terms except in
cases where the affected names and terms have been popularly spelt otherwise in English.
2
T. Mitchell, “Definition and Characteristics of Modernity”, n.d., at
http://www3.dbu.edu/mitchell/modernit.htm (Accessed 28 December 2015)
3
Ibn Manẓūr, “Lisān al-‘Arab, Beirut : Dār al-Ma‘ārif (entries under ‫ﻉع‬‫ﺭر‬‫ﻑف‬ and ‫ﻥن‬‫ﻙك‬‫ﺭر‬ ),
1980-1989.
4
Jon W. Anderson, “Electronic Media and New Muslim Publics”, in The New Cambridge
History of Islam, ed. Robert W. Hefner, pp. 648-660.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521844437.027CUP (Accessed 15 December 2015).
5
I. Piechota, “Means of human communication through time”, n.d., at
http://myweb.cwpost.liu.edu/paievoli/finals/505Sp_03/Prj1/irene_piechota.htm (Accessed 16
February 2016).
6
Mitchell, op. cit.
7
A. Tayob, Islamic Resurgence in South Africa: The Muslim Youth Movement. Cape Town:
University of Cape Town Press, 1995, p. 76.
8
Anon., http://ulwazi.org/index.php/Indian_Newspapers_in_KwaZulu-Natal_-
_150_years_of_Indian_Journalism, n.d. (Accessed 25 February 2016).
9
S. Zemer, “Islam at Cape Town”, Moslem World, Vol. 15, No. 4, pp. 327-335.
10
M. Haron, “The Muslim News (1973-1986): Its Contribution to the Establishment of an
Alternative Press at the Cape”, The Muslim World, Vol. 15, No. 4, pp. 317-332.
11
Muslim Directory, at http://www.muslim.co.za/publications/newspapers/alqalam/page-52
(Accessed 29 February 2016).
12
Gӧran Larsson, Muslims and the New Media, Farnham, Surrey & Burlington, VT: Ashgate,
2011, pp. 44-45.
13
Khālid Saifullāh Raḥmānī, Jadīd Fiqhī Masā’il. Karachi: Zamzam Publishers, 2010, Vol.
1, pp. 91-92.
14
M. Shafī‘, Ālāt-e-Jadīdah kei Shar‘ī Aḥkām, Karachi: Idārat al-Ma‘ārif, 1979.
15
M. Muṭahharī, 1990. Al-Islām wa Muṭallabāt al-‘Aṣr. Qom: Sadra Publications, p. 138.

13.
16
H. Wehr, 1976. A Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz,
p. 1018.
17
M. Haron, 2001. ‘The South African Muslims making (air)waves during the period of
transformation’. Paper presented at the Religion and Social Transformation Conference
hosted by the University of Cape Town in conjunction with the University of Hamburg.
http://www.ajol.info/index.php/jsr/article/view/6130 (Accessed 5 January 2016).
18
F. R. A’zami, 11 July 2012. “Naseehat by Maulana Fazlur Rahman A’zami (Shaikhul
Hadith of Darul Uloom, Azaadville) on a range of issues perpetrated by the NNB Jamiat)”, in
The Majlis (online).
19
Haron, “The South African Muslims”, op. cit.
20
Jamiatul Ulama Gauteng
http://www.thejamiat.co.za/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=74%3Aruling-
on-photography&catid=63%3Apermissible-or-not&Itemid=37 (Accessed 26 Janaury 2016);
Shafī ᷾, op. cit., p. 147.
21
Larsson, op. cit.,
22
Ibid.
23
A’zami, op. cit.
Abdul Hamid Is’haq, “Haraam promotion of Deen by TV and Video”, n.d., at
www.majlis.co.za/.../PROMOTING%20DEEN%20THROUGH%20TV... (Accessed 20
January 2016).
24
Darul Uloom Zakariyya, “TV is Immoral and Haraam” in The Majlis, n.d., at
www.themajlis.co.za/.../TELEVISION%20IS%20IMMORAL%20AND%20... (Accessed 30
January 2016).
25
This is the name by which the old Jamiatul Ulama of Transvaal is currently known. It has
now claimed jurisdiction over the entire country. Its rival, the Jamiatul Ulama of Gauteng,
cynically refers to it as the No-Name Brand (NNB) Jamiat.
26
Azhar Vadi, “SA Ulama differ on TV appearances”, in Cii News, 21 June 2012, at
http://www.ciibroadcasting.com/2012/06/21/sa-ulama-differ-on-tv-appearances (Accessed 24
January 2016).
27
A. Kachwee,“Jamiatul Ulama South Africa’s views on TV clarified”, 13 July 2012, at
www.radioislam.co.za/news/.../JUSA.View.of.Ulama.on.TV.Clarified.pdf.
28
Yoginder Sikand, “Deoband’s War on Television: Fury over a Fatwa”, in ISIM Review,
No. 17, Spring edition, p. 48.
29
For instance, refer to the article “MJC launches its Social Media Campaign”.
www.iol.co.za/mjc-launches-its-social-media-campaign1.1219104 (Accessed 26 February
2016).

14.
30
Anon., “The Radio Stations of Shaitaan: Polluting the month of Ramadhan”, in The
Majlis, n.d., at www.themajlis.net/books-index-req-view_book_details-bkid-27.html
(Accessed 23 February 2016).
31
Right2Know Campaign, “Prospects for enhancing media diversity: The State and Fate of
the Community Media in South Africa”, July 2011, at www.
r2k.org.za/wp-content/…/12/R2K-communitymedia-DisDoc.pdf (Accessed 28 February
2016)
32
António Costa Pinto et. al., “Is the good polity attainable? – measuring the quality of
democracy”, 10 December 2011, at
www.antoniocostapinto.eu/default.aspx?lang=en&url=articles... (Accessed 25 February
2016).
33
Anon., “Democracy” at http://democracyos.org n.d. (Accessed 25 February 2016).
34
Suhaib Jamil al Barzinji, “Working Principles for an Islamic Model in Mass Media
Communication”, Herndon VA: The International Institute of Islamic Thought, 1998.
35
Jon Anderson, op. cit.