Revisiting men and masculinities in agrarian reform and farm homes in the Philippines

Revisiting men and masculinities in agrarian reform and farm homes in the Philippines
Alan O. Ibale
HS 308f: Masculinities &Gender Relations in Sustainable Developm
ent
Professor Milton Obote-Joshua
1
Women possess the inherent right to “equal treatment to land and agrarian
reform” (CEDAW, art. 14 (2) (g)). As one of the nations which ratified CEDAW last
September 4, 1981, the Philippine government was legally bound to fulfill the enjoyment
of international rights of women. In conjunction with this, The Philippine Constitution
provided an overarching legal framework to ensure the equality of women and men: “The
State recognizes the role of women in nation building and shall ensure the fundamental
equality before the law of women and men” (1987 Constitution Article II, Section 14).
Consequently, Republic Act 6657, the national law that created the Comprehensive
Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) in 1988, bestowed rural women the right to equal
ownership of land, equal share in harvest, and equal representation in decision-making
entities under CARP (RA 6657, Chapter X, Section 40, No. 5).
The Philippine is an agrarian society on its pre-industrialization stage. Tagiuwalo
(2005) reported that seventy five percent of eighty million Filipinos rely on farming and
fishing (p.1). Half of eighty million Filipinos are women (NSCB website: 2007). To
better the lives of these peasants, CARP was envisaged to bring equitable distribution of
land resource plus a package of support services. As a state policy, CARP aims to
redistribute farm lands to landless farmers and farm workers and justly compensate
landlords. CARP intends to enable farmers to own and cultivate an economic-size farm
that will the basis of the Philippine agriculture (RA 6657, Chapter I, Section 2).CARP
has three main programs: Land Tenure Improvement, Program Beneficiaries
Development and Agrarian Justice. Land Tenure Improvement covers farm land titling,
farm leasehold contracting and farm land surveying. Program Beneficiaries Development

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2
covers infrastructure, technology and institutional support services to farmers
organizations under the Program. Agrarian Justice covers free legal assistance and
counseling to farmers and farmer organizations (DAR website: 2007). The synergistic
effect of these programs aims to uplift the farmers and farm workers and establish a
viable Philippine agricultural economy and social justice.
In a national level, CARP is currently implemented in 1,610 “agrarian reform
communities” that constitute more than 1.6 million hectares of agricultural lands that are
distributed to more than 800 thousand farmers plus another 152 thousand farmers that
are under the non-land transfer component called leasehold program. Out of 895,611 title
holders, 221,701 (27%) are female and 653,042 (73%) are male (BARBD, 2006, DAR
website: 2007). This 27:73 land distribution ratio between female and male title holders
is a blunt disparity. This disparity poses many challenges to all actors of the Program. To
date, there is both major success and constraint in gender mainstreaming, particularly in
legal reforms that brought equality in land ownership and the insufficiency of budget for
agrarian reform that hinders achievement of mainstreaming goals (Deininger et.al, 2001).
The recent recognition of women in agrarian laws is an indirect statement that
there is inequality in treatment of women and men in the Program. This inequality is
gender-based that is socially constructed and reconstructed via religion, culture,
economics and politics over time.
The Philippines was a colony of Spain for 300 years (1521-1898). One of the
legacies of Spain is Catholicism; in fact, the Philippines is the only Catholic dominated
country in Southeast Asia (Philippine History: 2007). The Spaniards, through religion,

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3
introduced the notion of superiority of men over women. The Spanish friars recognized
the strong will and cleverness of Filipino women but repressed their sensuality, freedom
to critically think and act. The friars used women to propagate Christianity and promoted
the cult of Virgin Mary to provide an ideal image for Filipino woman. Individualized and
grouped reverence for Virgin Mary, the Mother of Christ, was institutionalized via
formation of religious organizations. This feminine religiosity was reinforced by a
nationalized image of women as projected by a Hispanicize Maria Clara, a fictitious
character in Noli Me Tangere by Dr. Jose P. Rizal who is “sweet,” “docile”, “self-
sacrificing”, “fair complexioned,” “pious,” “demure” and “obedient” (Andersen J.N.,
Reed, R.R., Sardalla, G.L., 1996, p. 10-11). The socialization of this idealized feminine
image perpetuates patriarchy in the political, social and economic order in the Philippines
over time.
Sumagaysay (2003) says that as an agrarian society, Filipino women have
comparative advantage in housework while Filipino men have comparative advantage in
farm works (p. 27-8). It implies that time spent by rural women and men in housekeeping
and farming are at the optimal level respectively. This gender division of labor has
trained men to be farmer and masculinized farming; and has trained women to be mothers
and feminized housekeeping. This complementation of productive and reproductive work
between women and men in farm homes reinforces the domestic and public divide and
creates imbalance in gender relations favoring men substantially. The social organization
of masculinity in the Philippines gives men a comparative advantage to owning land
resource under CARP. As stipulated in the “Qualified Beneficiaries” of farm land

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distribution under CARP, the beneficiaries should be actual cultivators of farm lands and
farm workers. These include: a) “agricultural lessees and share tenants;” b) “regular farm
workers;” c) “seasonal farm workers;” d) “other farm workers;” e) “actual tillers or
occupant of public lands;” f) “collective or cooperatives of the above beneficiaries;” and
g) “other directly working on the land” (RA 6657, Chapter VII, Section 22). The above
criteria are all attached to farming and since women are not trained as farmers, they are
discriminated by this provision. Hence, the wide disparity between women and men farm
land title holders. Although the said agrarian law, recognized the role of women as stated
under Chapter IX, Section 40, No. 5 which says:
(5) Rural Women – All qualified women members of the agricultural
labor force must be guaranteed and assured equal rights to ownership of
the land, equal shares of the farm’s produce, and representation in advisory
or appropriate decision-making bodies.(RA 6657, Chapter IX, Section 40,
Number 5).
The above provision maybe classified as exclusionary too. It only covers those
rural women who are actually active in the agricultural labor. Unless rural women
manage to visibly participate in farm work, the majority of them who are tied to house
work are automatically excluded from the potential beneficiary. On one hand, this gives
men the burden of farming productivity. On the other hand, it discriminates home-based
women in acquiring ownership rights and control over the farm land. Indeed, farming still
projects a patriarchal structure in the farm and home.

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Patriarchy remains prevalent in the Philippine society. During the 36th session of
the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women held last August
2006, the Committee notes the unabated patriarchy and stereotypical roles of women and
men in the Philippines. The Committee reported that these traditional gender roles have
perpetuated gender inequality, violence against women that continuously position women
at a more disadvantage stance compared with men. Hence, the land rights of women in
CARP will remain as a legal right but not a comparative advantage. Land ownership right
of women in CARP is not equal to access to resources but remains a token of equality in-
scripted in national law. The existence of laws on equal ownership did not have a positive
impact on the decision-making over land resource.
Sumagaysay (2003) made a profile of decision-making in the farm and found out
that men decide on the type of farming technology, agricultural input, use of fertilizers
and hiring of farm labor while women decide on marketing and helping out the men in
the farm (p.41). This gender division of labor does not only masculinize farming but also
makes women’s contribution in farming as invisible. In rice production, women’s
contributions are either unpaid or less compensated and valued as an extension of their
domestic work (Paunlagi, 1997). When asked about the current participation of rural
women in CARP, one of the Human Resource Management Officer (HRMO) of the
Department of Agrarian Reform during a taped interview conducted by Alan Ibale last
Summer 2007 said that on the scale of 1 to 10; where 10 represents the highest level of
participation, the HRMO rated women’s participation at 4. The HRMO reasoned out that
in terms of participation in trainings, only 2% of participants are women. In

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organizational level, rural women assumed secretarial and fund custodianship works
which are simply extension of their house keeping responsibilities. Key positions like,
presidency in an organization was seldom given to women. The HRMO continued by
saying that, the positions of women in organizations and their involvement in CARP are
oftentimes influenced by their traditional gender roles as nurturers and child-bearers.
Another important factor in the low participation rate of women in CARP is age.
Prudencio (2001) reported the result of the impact assessment of CARP in the Philippines
and noted that there was a huge decline of women’s participation in farm decision-
making within 1990 to2000 because the aging women title holders. This was aggravated
by the plunge in real agricultural and rural incomes within the same duration. The aging
rural women, low agricultural productivity were further aggravated by female labor
migration.
Labor migration as an offshoot of globalization was feminized. The flow of
agricultural labor to the service industry is quite dramatic. Data from the World Bank
website showed that a shrinkage in agriculture sector and increase in service sector in the
Philippine economy with 1990-2000 and 2000-2005. This data was backed up by the data
from the National Statistics Office reporting that there are 764,000 female Overseas
Filipino Workers (OFW) as compared to 751,000 male OFWs as of September 2006. The
shrinkage of agricultural labor went to the service sector of the economy.
The widening exodus of women left men behind. The positive, unintended
outcome of migration of female labor is the inevitable re-construction of rural
masculinity and re-positioning women in agrarian societies. This migration has been a

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key aspect of rural livelihood. The significant low agricultural productivity because of
environmental degradation, resource scarcity and structural adjustments has forced
migration of agricultural labor to the global service sector (Editorial, Gender and
Development, 1999, p. 2-8). With the shrinking agricultural economy and migration, the
position of women in agriculture and in farming homes is also changing. The
“breadwinning” role of men is becoming women’s capability and as this socio-economic
phenomenon continues, men are starting to assume reproductive roles of women. These
present changes in social, political and economic order paved way for the evolution of
“men in transition.” The United Nation Population Fund featured three types of men:
“traditional men;” “modern men;” and “men and transition.” The tradition men are the
patriarchal men who see themselves as the one in control of the family. The “modern
men” are the men who share reproductive roles of women; and the “men in transition”
are those at the brink of indecision about male identity.
In the Philippine agrarian society, the “traditional men” remains in control but the
evolution of “modern men,” I certainly believe is already underway. The traditional
complementation of gender roles in farm homes, even in a very patriarchal Filipino
family, can be instrumental to the emergence of “modern men.” The pressure of poverty
that pushed women outside the home will give men a chance to re-construct a new form
of masculinity in the rural area. Young (1993) says: “empowerment is not just about
women acquiring something, but about those holding power relinquishing it” (p. 159). As
rural men delve into the domestic sphere, in trade off for a better paying overseas job of
their wives, these men are slowly redefining another form of masculinity.

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To enable men to redefine masculinity in farm homes, the Philippine government
may need to start the socialization of gender equality with the young Filipinos. The
Philippine is constituted of a young population. The U.S. Census Bureau reported that at
the bottom of the Philippine population pyramid are children ages 0-14. The upbringing
of children of farming families can perpetuate or break patriarchy in their homes. I
believe that nothing is impossible, with the fast-paced changes worldwide, the liberation
of women from her traditional roles and emergence of proactive form of masculinity in
agrarian societies can happen. Through men’s performance of reproductive roles and
women’s performance of productive roles the dichotomy between domestic and public
divide will diminish over time. When this dichotomy is eradicated equality in gender
relations will prevail and masculinity as a symbol of power and will be used
appropriately.
Secondly, the pro-active participation of women in legislative and executive
positions in the Department of Agrarian Reform must be encouraged. The participation of
women in male-dominated decision-making bodies in the DAR perpetuates a form of
masculinity that tends to underscore the need to empower women as much as men
managers and enable women to express their view vocally and critically. In another
interview conducted by Alan Ibale last summer 2007 with the Senior Agrarian Reform
Program Officer who is in-charge of the nationwide training program on Gender for
CARP beneficiaries, she noted that the high-ranking officials of DAR are dominated by
men. She narrated her many attempts to convince the male-dominated officials that
Gender and Development is not simply giving Gender sensitivity trainings. The male

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dominated-officials of DAR would simply say that because of the traditional
complementation of work in domestic and public spheres and the Gender sensitivity
trainings, rural women and men are living in a gender-conscious environment. The same
officer told Alan Ibale, how masculinity plays in the decision-making processes within
the DAR hierarchy. The silence of women officials perpetuates the hegemonic masculine
decisions within the DAR. Worse, this masculine decisions is radiated into rural women
in farm homes that are stakeholders of agrarian reform. Moser (1993) pointed out that the
ultimate outcome of gender planning is the emancipation of women from their
subordination, and their achievement of equality, equity and empowerment (p.1). In
every planning activities underwent by the male-dominated DAR officials, women’s
voice are rarely heard. By breaking the silence of women, men can be able to recognize
women’s viewpoint of gender-conscious development and critically revisit women’s and
men’s socially-constructed roles and promote equal stake in decision-making.
Thirdly, farm machineries like hand tractor, mobile thresher and rice mill should
have customized designs to fit the physical built of women and enable them to
comfortably use them. The heavy operations of the farm machineries also discriminates
women physically and perpetuates gender division of farm labor. Sumagaysay (2003)
says that discriminatory act happens whenever one thinks that a woman does not “fit in”
in the man’s traditional work. To help diminish the gender division of labor and empower
women to participate in farm work, farm implements and machineries should be
customized for women use (p. 45-6).With the customization of farm machineries, both
women and men can have equal opportunity to engage in agricultural production.

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The intersectionality of religious belief, traditional gender division of labor,
poverty-pushed, out-migration of female farm labor and masculine law-making will
create a new form of masculinity in farm homes. “Breadwinning” as one of the
traditionally and socially-constructed function and a phenomenon reinforced by capitalist
economic structure, attributed to men’s role is now being challenged (Connell, 2005, p
29). Rural men are now entering the domestic sphere. I think with the conscious and
inevitable changes over time in men and in gender relations in farm homes, there is a
need for all stakeholders of development programs to have a common vision of
increasing critical awareness about the perceived dichotomies between domestic and
public divide, between feminine and masculine characters, between non-productive and
productive work. A common understanding of these dichotomies will help in framing,
implementing and sustaining gender-conscious programs and establishing equality in
gender relations in the individual, family, community, and state levels. When this
consciousness is achieved, the hegemony of masculinity will be perceived more of a
symbol of “strength” from which women and men can rightfully perform and benefit
from rather than a token of traditional inequality in power relations wherein women are
subordinate to men.

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Religious Fundamentalism in the Philippines." Reproductive Health Matters. 96
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Moser, Caroline O.N. (1995). Gender Planning and Development Theory, Practice and Training.
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Statistical Coordination Board (NSCB) official website (2007) @ www.nscb.gov.ph
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Philippine History (2007). Retrieved on December 18, 2007, from
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Report of the Committee on the Elimination against Women, 36th
Session, 7-25 August 2006,
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The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines. (1987). Retrieved December 18, 2007 from
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United Nations Population Fund official website (2007) retrieved on 16 December 2007 @
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Young, Kate. (1993). Planning Development with Women: Making a World of Difference,New
York, St. Martin Press.

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