This summary provides an overview of key points from the document: 1) The document discusses issues related to racial profiling and discrimination at borders and in prisons. It references several academic articles that examine how racialized groups like African Americans and Jamaicans are disproportionately targeted and scrutinized. 2) Ambiguities exist between racial profiling and other forms of racially influenced decision making. While race is an unacceptable basis for risk assessment, nationality is used as a proxy to target certain groups. 3) Prisons normalize hierarchies and notions of masculinity through the threat of sexual violence and rape. Victimization structures prisoner interactions and reinforces heterosexual norms. Racial dynamics also influence targeting in prison assaults.

1. Essay readings
· when citing, refer to the article titles highlighted in yellow
below.
Carlen P article
A prison is a prison
· prison is primarily and essentially organized for punitive
exclusion by secure containment for a period of time determined
by a court.
· Yet although prison is the most compelling symbol of the
state’s power both to punish, and maintain existing patterns of
domination and exclusion, it is also a politically dangerous and
unstable symbol.
· it is an unstable symbol because the prison business is still (as
it was during the early days of psychiatry) an opulent
shareholder in, and consumer of, the modernistic fashioning and
retailing of new therapies and ‘psy’ sciences;
· , because it so nearly violates so many human rights and is so
painful that democratic governments need continually to re-
legitimate its systematic and almost exclusive use against
certain classes and categories of lawbreakers for quite minor
crimes;
· the prison is nowadays ‘a social agency of first resort’ for the
already socially excluded (
· that women in intimate relationships involving domestic
violence, poverty and addictions can find that the imprisonment
of their men gives them a temporary relief from ‘the serious
problems jeopardizing . . . safety, health and marriage
· insist that psychologically based programmes actually cause
harm because they suggest to women that they should be able to
control their responses to adverse material circumstances over
which, in fact, they have no control; and that, therefore, when
the women are released, they suffer confusion and guilt when

2. confronted with even worse problems than they had prior to
their imprisonment and its reprogramming programmes- see
women as unfit for society
· first, because women have always been more vulnerable to
pychologistic interventions than men; second, because the
causes of their lawbreaking are more likely to be seen as
stemming from an economic need which, with the demise of
welfarist models of crime, is nowadays likely to be translated
into the so-called criminogenic needs which behavioural models
of crime have traditionally addressed and which they are now
claiming to address again (Hudson, 2002; Kendall, 2002); and
third because, even though unproven, those claims still provide
a rationale for sending to prison minor female offenders whose
psycho-social needs would previously have been seen to merit a
non-custodial sentence
· Typically, however, sentencers also frequently observed that
they sent women with addiction problems to prison because
there were no suitable resources in the community. Prison was
quite simply the only place that law-breaking women could get
treatment.-warehouse prisoners
· But, even more surprising, and as was shown earlier in this
article, sentencing studies in some jurisdictions suggest that
women are often quite explicitly sent to prison because they are
already socially excluded (e.g. homeless, unemployed, drug-
users); and that sentencers think that because they are already
socially excluded they are more at risk of committing a crime in
the future
· ; health is impaired; and there may also be further loss of self-
esteem via humiliation by prison staff and the inevitable
stigmatization of a prison sentence
· Interestingly enough, in light of Megan Comfort’s research
discussed previously, the only good thing that the women
usually say about prison is that there is an absence of men.
· prison provides a protection against abusive men, and, in so
doing, it helps buttress relationships that are damaging to the
women and, in some cases, their children.

3. · it excludes the already socially excluded still further.
· attributed the high recidivism rates of female prisoners to the
fact that women’s
· sentences are relatively short
KRUTTSCHNITT ARTICLE
· They found that women reacted to prison very differently from
men. By and large, the women studied by Ward and Kassebaum
shunned identification with a convict identity and notions of
prisoner solidarity, and relied on primary relationships-
especially intimate, often sexual, relationships with other
womento buffer the pains of imprisonment.-difference btw men
and women
· They see a shift from what they call the old penology, which
emphasized individual responsibility, diagnosis, and treatment,
to a new penology concerned with the identification,
classification, and management of dangerous groups, i.e. “the
actuarial consideration of aggregates”
· The growing number of women’s prisons, combined with the
move toward gender equity in corrections, mean that more
women are now incarcerated in physical surroundings and
subjected to disciplinary regimes unlike women’s prisons of the
past and more similar to men’s prisons
· Female offenders once viewed as misguided, and in need of
treatment, are now viewed as dangerous and irredeemable
· Neither were there racial differences in adaptation styles: for
example, women of color were no more or less likely than white
women to be politically active, socially isolated, defiant toward
the prison, ‘in the mix,’ religious, and so forth
· A woman’s economic background – social class, seemed to
have a much stronger effect on how she reacted to prison than
did her race. Most of the women we talked to, not surprisingly,
came from impoverished backgrounds
· Most of the relatively privileged women adjusted
· ” Many of these women adjusted by immersing themselves in
their jobs; and because most of them came into prison with
many job-related skills they often held relatively good prison

4. jobs
Still, the economically disadvantaged women did not, in
general,-hierarcy in prison
For the race aspect pease use the readings/points below
In 2007, Jerome Almon, a Detroit-based rapper and the CEO of
Murdercap Records, launched a 900-million-dollar lawsuit
against 95 Canadian border officers and two former Ministers of
Immigration for racially profiling him as 'black rapper from
Detroit'. Almon claims that between 1998 and 2004, he was
stopped, turned back or detained 117 times when travelling
between Detroit and Toronto and that thiscould not be
reasonably explained by his criminal background, which
included arrests but no convictions. The CBSA responded: '...
our officers are provided with cultural awareness and diversity
training with anti-racism components and do not discriminate
according to race, nationality or religion'
· denials such as this are actually made possible by the
pervasive ambiguity that surrounds the very meaning of racial
profiling
· These ambiguities are effectively enabling, that is, they work
to actually protect from scrutiny and facilitate the play of
racialized risk knowledges at the
· You know there are situations, like you know, you'll be
working a midnight shift and I'll come in off the line and the
whole lineup at Immigration is all African American people, the
whole line up. And none of them are traveling together, you
know and stuff like that. And you wonder who's sending all of
those cars down [for inspection], why are they all—now when I
say it happens here every day, I don't mean to that magni tude
that it happens here every day. But somebody is sent over for a
reason, solely because of what they are and who they look like,
one a day I am sure of it.. .it happens, I'm sure it definitely
happens- ancedtoal example from an officer
· While there is some empirical research that Canadian scholars
can point to when asked to provide expert testimony on racial

5. profiling and the criminal justice system, there is very little that
they can draw from on the specific question of racial profiling
and border control- lack of empricial data
· ), another important difference for our present purposes is that
border authorities at land ports of entry receive very litde
advance information on travelers seeking to cross the border
with which they might build formal, information based risk
profiles. In the absence of a wealth of advance information
about travellers, profiling here relies upon signifiers that are
imagined to be part of a configuration that constitute a
traveller's identity as either trustwort
Protectionist logic
· Racialized risk knowledges at the border are given practical
effect through the technology of administrative discretion (Pratt
1999). Operating in the 'dark' shadow of the crime security
nexus (Pratt 2005) and the trend toward governing through
crime (Rose 1998; Simon 2007), this wide discretion is enabled
by protectionist and quasi-chivalrous narratives that represent
frondine border officers as benign guardians of public safety,
whose preemptive and morally charged work protects the
endangered nation, local communities and innocents from har m.
Decision making at the border reflects those elements of police
science that enable fatherly and wise decision making and the
taking of regulatory, proactive and preventive measures for the
common good unfettered by 'strict law-like definiti
· Protecting potential victims, at the levels of nation and of
community, from those who would prey upon them is central to
the constitution of the border as a thin blue line, of border
crossers as potential predators and of nation/community as
damsel in distress.
· criminality and security concerns contributes to the slippage
between and resultant ambiguity surrounding race and
nationality at the border
· he border. While considerations of 'race' are officially rejected
and denied, nationality is constituted as a separate and distinct
attribute that is considered to be an entirely legitimate frame for

6. the classification of security intelligence on organized crime,
criminal gangs and terrorism and, hence, for the individualized
risk assessments carried out by frontline border office
· here. (280801) While race is an unacceptable basis of
discretionary risk assessment at the border, nationality is
continually reproduced as a legitimate consideration in this
target-hardening effort to get a bigger 'return on the investment
· Indian gangs, the Sri Lankans, the Tamils .... (140402) The
formal distinction between criminal gang profiles that are
explicitly organized according to nationality and racial profiles
is significant. Nationality-based criminal profiles are
acceptable. Racial profiles are not- another way to target
minorities
· Border officers rarely deployed racial categories in isolation.
When asked about racial profiling, officers commonly
responded by talking about nationality. While references to the
targeting of 'black' Americans for drugs were common, their
nationality as Americans also figured prominently (as
sometimes did their city of origin) .Jamaica was commonly
mentioned as a high-risk nationality and country of origin, as
were a few specific countries in A
· high-risk nationality and country of origin, as were a few
specific countries in Africa. Vietnamese and East Indian people
were frequently mentioned in relation to currency violations
(often referred to as 'Asians' or 'Orientals') and Middle Eastern
and East Indian people were identified in relation to terrorism
(sometimes referred to as 'Arabs', 'Muslims, or broken down
into a collection of specific nationalities). As explained by
another officer: Oh, it happens, it does happen. There are
officers [who believe that] if you're an oriental, you have
money [to launder] and they'll send you over [for secondary
inspection]. And it's not always the case, so, you know. And
there are also officers that say: 'you're a black person? Well,
you're a drug dealer, over you go' .... It's natural, it is natural.
And I've even found myself on the line thinking, 'Boy', you
know, 'you're an oriental, I'm going to send you over f

7. · Our findings thus reveal two significant points of ambiguity:
between 'actual' racial profiles and other kinds of racially
inflected decision making and between race and nationality.
This clearly fraught situation inevitably produces local
resistances. One of the officers with whom we spoke expressed
frustration that black kids were more likely to be sent for
further inspection for reasons of suspected criminality, even
though their crimes tended to be less serious- hypervisiblity
Another officer described how they would request that 'a
carload of white people' be sent down in order to deflect such
accusations
Browne article
· With the banopticon, certain groups and individuals are
labeled as potentially dangerous. This labeling as dangerous is
then massively applied to certain nations and their citizens and
to those outside the bounds of citizenship , where anxieties and
the anticipation of risk stemming from those deemed “dangerous
minorities” then shape security measures at borders, on city
streets, and other spaces that come to be associated with risk, or
with being at risk of becoming risky
· According to Bigo, the banopticon is “characterized by the
exceptionalism of power (rules of emergency and their tendency
to become permanent), by way it excludes certain groups in the
name of their future potential behaviour (profiling) and by the
way it normalizes the non- excluded through its production of
normative imperatives, the most important of which is free
movement.”
· The branding of enslaved people as a means of accounting for
a particular ship’s cargo, for example, was not only
individualizing but also a “massifying” practice that constituted
a new category of subject, blackness as saleable commodity in
the Western Hemisphere.
· Runaway slave advertisements were not only about ascribing
physical details to the runaway, but also offered the slave
owner’s assessment of the fugitive’s character.- hypervisibility

8. · Collins situates the bodies and lives of black women who
labored as domestic workers and the white- controlled private
homes in which they were employed as the “testing ground for
surveillance as a form of control” that was enacted by way of
“techniques of surveillance,” including close scrutiny, sexual
harassment, assault, violence, or the threat thereof
· . For the white women who employed them, Collins argues,
this arrangement was predicated on the illusion that “the Black
women workers whom they invited into their private homes felt
like ‘one of the family,’ even though they actually had second-
class citizenship in the family.”113 Yet within these labor
conditions of hypervisibility, black domestic workers needed to
assume a certain invisibility where, as bell hooks observes,
“reduced to the machinery of bodily physical labor, black
people learned to appear before whites as though they were
zombies, cultivating the habit of casting the gaze downward so
as not to appear uppity
· Seemingly “invisible to most white people, except as a pair of
hands offering a drink on a silver tray,” this signifying act was
performed by many domestic laborers so that they would be
assumed to be readily manageable and nonthreating.1
Coupled with this system of scrutinizing black women’s
domestic labor in private white homes was the controlling
image of “the mammy,” one of “several interrelated, socially
constructed controlling images of Black women, each reflecting
the dominant group’s interest in maintaining Black women’s
subordination the mammy as a representational practice relies
on the circulation of stereotyped images and ideologies of black
womanhood that seek to position black women as “the faithful,
obedient domestic servant. The mammy is depicted as caring for
the family in which she is employed, often to the sacrifice of
her own. This social control mechanism was “created to justify
the economic exploitation of house slaves
Sex aspect (registered sex offenders)
Prison rape reading

9. · In today's world the judge who sentences a young person to
reform school or prison passes male rape on him as surely as the
sentence. Every inmate has a very short time, once inside, to
pick a 'wolf (a tough protector) or face gang rape, becoming the
'girl'. Penal institutions are shown as crucibles of masculinity;
places where distorted—and destructive—forms of male identity
are forg
· the threat of sexual violence actually dominates the prison
environment and structures much of the everyday interaction
that goes on among inmates. In fact, the threat of sexual
victimization becomes the dominant metaphor in terms of which
almost every other aspect of prison reality is interpreted
· In an environment without women, some men must adopt the
feminine role if these structures are to be perpetuated. This
adoption is often coerced. Prison rape is an acting out of power
roles within an all-male, authoritarian environment where
strength and dominance are emphasized. This is why men w ho
anally penetrate young and vulnerable men against their will are
first, not considered rapists and second, do not incur the stigma
that such an offence would attract if perpetrated outside the
prison walls. The practice of rape reinforces heterosexual norms
· the typical sexual aggressor does not consider himself to be a
homosexual or even to have engaged in homosexual acts. This
seems to be based upon his stardingly primitive view of sexual
relationships, one that defines as male whichever partner is
aggressive and as homosexual whichever partner is passive
· In the twisted sexual politics of the prison, a male prisoner
who has sex with his cellmate without consent is considered
'straight' (and worthy of respect) but if he instead holds hands
with him, he is considered 'gay' (and a legitimate target for
disdain). Rampant homophobia coexists with high levels of
male rape
· . (There may be some parallels with male rape in the
community, which according to Turner (2000), mostly involves
hetero sexual perpetrators and homosexual victims
· Interestingly, the proportion of aggressors roughly

10. corresponded to the racial breakdown of the population studied,
80 per cent of whom were black. The striking difference was in
the victim group, where whites were greatly over-represented
· ors. Clearly, however their targets are not randomly selected
and questions of racial identity may become relevant at this
stage of the analysis. Part of the answer may lie in the fact that
whites were seen as more isolated and less likely to belong to a
network within the prison (whether based on gang membership,
area of residence, or kinship bonds). Their perceived lack of
solidarity may make them vulnerable
· As far as can be ascertained the UK literature is silent on the
question of prevention. This is another indication that the
problem is not considered a sufficient priority at an official
level. Nor has it exercised prisoners enough for them to attempt
direct action. This reinforces the point that sexual violation is
not as endemic a part of prison life in the UK-aiding to the
invisibility
· Gilligan believes that prison staff allow sexual exploitation to
persist because it gives them another method of controlling
prisoners: 'it deflects the violence of the inmates away from the
officers and onto each other'
Prisoner reintergration article
· overcoming the stigma attached to imprisonment is one of the
key, interconnected, issues (Travis, 2005). Despite the attention
paid to prisoner reintegration, very little research has followed
the embodied experience of prison time and the way in which
this impacts on life after release.
· However, although she provides a grounded and nuanced
overview of the particular challenges facing women on release
from prison, including the stigma attached to incarceration,
which, as she says, translates into an embodied notion, with
women saying that ‘they believe they have a tattoo on their
forehead that proclaims them as ‘‘ex-con’’’
· the concept of stigma generally conveys a sense of disgrace,
based on an attribute viewed as discrediting, which reduces the

11. bearer from ‘a whole and usual person to a tainted, discounted
one’
. In their conceptualization of stigma, Link and Phelan (2001:
367) understand it as existing when a series of interrelated
components converge. First, people distinguish and label human
differences; second, dominant cultural beliefs link such labelled
differences to undesirable characteristics, or negative
stereotypes; third, on the basis of these stereotypes, labelled
persons are categorized as ‘them’, separate from ‘us’; with the
result that fourth, ‘they’ lose status and experience
discrimination and unequal outcomes.
· As earlier testimony showed, missing teeth are just one of a
range of physical characteristics and habits which ‘mark out’
ex-inmates, including tattoos, smoking and swearing. However,
they seem to be the most problematic, in terms of the problems
women face in concealing these bodily inscriptions of
incarceration.
· However, any social interaction which involves conversing
with others, and any public-facing employment, reveals missing
teeth. For this reason, these women were willing to go to
considerable trouble and expense to repair or replace their teeth,
and devoted scarce resources to getting their teeth fixed as a
high priority on release- could lead to recidivism
Coping with stigma article
· A felony conviction results in sanctions that last long after
incarceration and community supervision. A criminal record
makes it difficult to find and maintain housing, employme nt,
and social relationships
· Registered sex offenders (RSOs) face some of the most
enduring punishments following their conviction and release
from prison. They are required to register with law enforcement,
which then releases their personal information and offense
details to the public. Housing is problematic for RSOs because
registration and notification policies can alert landlords to an
individual’s sex offense conviction and make them unappealing

12. as tenants (Zevitz & Farkas, 2000). RSOs are further limited in
their housing options because of residency restrictions and
because they are excluded from government-subsidized housing
· . Employment prospects for sex offenders are equally limited
because many employers are unwilling to hire a convicted sex
offender (Tewksbury, 2005). Even before the point of hire,
RSOs on parole or probation face restrictions on their
movement that make it difficult to even seek out and apply for
jobs (Burchfield & Mingus, 2008). With limited housing options
and difficulty attaining a legitimate source of income, RSOs
who are able to find a place to live usually end up living in low
income and socially disorganized neighborhoods
· A sex offense conviction also makes it difficult for RSOs to
form relationships, including friendships and romantic
relationships, and many suffer disintegration of their current
relationships, especially with extended family members
· two additional methods of stigma management, referred to as
“grouping” and “denial.” Stigmatized individuals who engage in
grouping seek out other individuals who are similarly
stigmatized as a source of social support and understanding.
Denial is a process whereby stigmatized individuals disavow the
label that society has ascribed upon them. RSOs, by denying the
label, are subjectively reforming their identities as separate
from their sex offense conviction.
· The registration and notification processes have reduced the
anonymity of those who are convicted of a sex offense and
blurred the line between discredited and discreditable stigma by
making RSOs more detectable to the public.
· Because the sex offender label is not visible to others during
social encounters, RSOs carry what Goffman (1963) coined a
discreditable stigma. This form of stigma is not innate but
arises from deviations in normal and acceptable social behavior,
in contrast to discredited stigmas, which are visibly noticeable
(e.g., deformity
This study defines stigma as the ascription of deviance upon an
individual that leads others to judge that individual as

13. illegitimate for social participation
· Regardless of their offense conviction, RSOs experience harsh
stigmatization because society classifies all RSOs as violent,
dangerous, child molesters, even if they committed non-violent
offenses and have a low designated risk level
· . In addition, the majority of the public believes that once an
individual has committed a sexual offense they will continue to
offend unless incapacitated (Sample & Bray, 2003). Many RSOs
therefore must grapple with new public identities that are not
linked to their past actions or self-concepts, but rather only to
their legal identities.-moral panic pushes for harsher sentences
· Stigma is an informal mechanism of oppression that strips an
individual of his or her identity while giving that person a new
social identity
· Stigmatization is an unavoidable consequence of a criminal
conviction in American society. RSOs experience some of the
most extreme stigmatization because they are required to
register and have their personal information released to the
public. The problem with registration is that it leads society to
view all convicted sex offenders in the same way, regardless of
the severity of their offense or their risk of reoffending.
· RSOs who do not believe that they are deserving of the sex
offender label attempt to deny the label and its effect on their
identities. Their denial suggests an act of resistance that reflects
the perceived unfairness of the law or a belief that the legally
designated label is not conducive to effective treatment. It also
could suggest that many RSOs feel they have served their
punishment, demonstrated their rehabilitation, and are deserving
of forgiveness but are frustrated with a legal system and society
that are incapable of showing clemency
·
· There are consequences to the coping strategies that
stigmatized individuals use to manage their stigmatization.
They may limit RSOs’ opportunities to pursue employment and
social relationships