This document discusses types of polarization that can be studied in digital media, including micro, meso, and macro levels as well as issue-based, ideological, affective, perceived, and interactional forms. It describes a research project studying drivers of partisanship and polarization across multiple countries over time using digital methods like topic modeling, sentiment analysis, and network analysis. Examples are given of analyzing polarization on topics like climate change on Twitter and political rhetoric on Facebook. Finally, it outlines perspectives on further defining symptoms of dysfunctional polarization and developing more systematic diagnostic approaches.
Types of Polarisation and Their Operationalisation in Digital and Social Media Research
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Types of Polarisation
and Their Operationalisation
in Digital and Social Media Research
Axel Bruns, Tariq Choucair, Katharina Esau, Sebastian Svegaard, and Samantha Vilkins
Digital Media Research Centre
Queensland University of Technology
Brisbane, Australia
a.bruns|tariq.choucair|katharina.esau|sebastian.svegaard|samantha.vilkins@qut.edu.au
@snurb_dot_info | @snurb@aoir.social | @snurb.bsky.social
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Our Project
• Australian Laureate Fellowship (2022-27)
• Determining the Drivers and Dynamics of Partisanship and Polarisation in Online Public
Debate
• Digital Media Research Centre, Queensland University of Technology, Brisbane, Australia
• 4 postdocs, 4 + 4* PhD students, 1 data scientist
• Cross-national comparisons (intended: AU, US, UK, DE, DK, CH, probably + BR, PE, CA)
• Longitudinal analysis over the course of the project
* Starting in 2024 – interested? Get in touch! (a.bruns@qut.edu.au)
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Forms of Polarisation
• Polarisation at what levels?
• Micro: between individuals
• Meso: between groups
• Macro: across society
• Mass: involving everyone
• Elite: amongst formal political actors (however defined)
• See: Esau et al. (2023) — https://eprints.qut.edu.au/238775/
• (and chapter forthcoming in the Routledge Handbook of Political Campaigning)
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Forms of Polarisation
• Polarisation on what attributes?
• Issue-based: disagreements over specific policy settings
• Ideological: fundamental differences based on political belief systems
• Affective: political beliefs turned into deeply felt in-group / out-group identity
• Perceived: view of society, as based on personal views and media reporting
• Interpretive: reading of issues, events, and media coverage based on personal views
• Interactional: manifested in choices to interact with or ignore other individuals/groups
• (and more…)
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Agonism? Polarisation? Dysfunction?
• How bad is it, exactly?
• All politics is polarised (just not to the point of dysfunction)
• Much (most?) politics is multipolar, not just left/right
• When does mild antagonism turn into destructive polarisation?
• We suggest five symptoms (Esau et al., 2023):
a) breakdown of communication;
b) discrediting and dismissing of information;
c) erasure of complexities;
d) exacerbated attention and space for extreme voices;
e) exclusion through emotions.
Image: Midjourney
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How Might We Research These?
• Digital methods approaches:
• Issue-based: topic modelling and stance analysis in digital media texts
• Ideological: ideological markers in profile descriptions and other digital media texts
• Affective: affective and emotional markers in digital media texts; sentiment analysis
• Perceived: expressions of perceptions of key actors/issues in digital media texts
• Interpretive: information sharing patterns; frame detection; discourse analysis
• Interactional: analysis and visualisation of discursive and content sharing networks
• (plus: opinion polls, surveys, interviews, etc.)
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Example: COP26 on Twitter
How extreme?
Denialists very actively tweeting at Mainstream, but
retweeting only their own posts; very limited reciprocal
engagement.
Symptoms of Dysfunction:
Breakdown of
Communication
Denialists
Mainstream
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Example: Liberal Party ‘No’ Campaign on Instagram
Simple language, appeals to ignorance.
Reduction of complex decision to yes/no vote.
Symptoms of Dysfunction:
Erasure of Complexities
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Example: Lawfare against Critical Researchers
And other blatant attempts by well-resourced companies
to silence critical groups that (they think) do not have the
resources to fight back.
Symptoms of Dysfunction:
Discrediting and Dismissal
of Information
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Example: Sensationalist News Reports on Disinformation
Active platforming of extreme voices in pursuit of metrics.
Lack of reflection on the status and promotional value
provided to disinformation actors by such coverage.
Symptoms of Dysfunction:
Disproportionate Attention
to Extreme Voices
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Example: Affective Political Rhetoric on Facebook
Extreme use of affective rhetoric (e.g. contempt, pride,
anger) by Jair Bolsonaro, compared to other leaders.
Significant overall differences between countries (i.e.
different baselines for affect in political rhetoric).
Symptoms of Dysfunction:
Exclusion through
Emotions
In 2018, before we won the elections, the people already knew some of
those who would be in my government. They knew what the profile of
my ministers would be and that they would all be chosen independently.
This is essential to work for Brazil and not for dark interests.
The organized crime candidate, on the other hand, cannot announce
anyone because he has already given everything to political groups and
parties in exchange for support. That's why he is the system's candidate,
because whoever is a hostage can be blackmailed. Or does anyone think
he was released from prison for charity?
What he calls the front for democracy is, in fact, the return of false
harmony, the one in which the "companheiros" steal in peace while you
pay the bill. There is no commitment to the people when you are
already committed to other interests. This is how systemic corruption is
born!
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Research Perspectives
• Forms of polarisation:
• More work needed on digital research methods for different, entangled polarisation forms
• Strong need for more cross-platform / platform-agnostic research approaches
• Symptoms of dysfunction:
• Do these five cover the major pathologies, or are there further symptoms?
• Are there more systematic approaches to diagnosing these symptoms?
• At what point are the symptoms severe enough to represent dysfunction?
• (Need to consider national, cultural, platform contexts here.)
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Inputs to this were supported by the ARC Laureate Fellowship project Determining the Dynamics of
Partisanship and Polarisation in Online Public Debate and the ARC Discovery project Evaluating the
Challenge of 'Fake News' and Other Malinformation.
Acknowledgments