2. DEMOGRAPHICS OF MYANMAR
POPULATION
The current population of Myanmar (formerly
Burma) is 54,501,344 October 2016, based on the latest United Nations
estimates. Estimates for this country take into account the effects of excess
mortality due to AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant
mortality, higher death rates, lower population growth rates, and changes in
the distribution of population by age and sex than would otherwise be
expected (July 2016 est.)
Myanmar’s population is equivalent to 0.73% of the total world
population.
Myanmar ranks number 26 in the list of countries by population.
The population density in Myanmar is 83 per Km2
(215 people per mi2
).
The total land area is 653,407 Km2 (252,282 sq. miles)
34.3 % of the population is urban (18,915,638 people in 2016)
The median age in Myanmar is 28.2 years.
NATIONALITY
noun: Burmese (singular and plural)
adjective: Burmese
RELIGION
Buddhist 87.9%, Christian 6.2%, Muslim 4.3%, Animist 0.8%, Hindu 0.5%,
other 0.2%, none 0.1%
(Religion estimate is based on the 2014 national census, including an estimate for
the non-enumerated population of Rakhine State, which is assumed to mainly
affiliate with the Islamic faith)
LANGUAGES
3. The official language and primary medium of instruction of Burma
is Burmese (65%). Multiple languages are spoken in Burma, and
include Shan (6.4%), Karen (5.2%), Kachin (1.8%), Chin (1.6%), Mon (1.5%),
and Rakhine (1.5%). English is also spoken, particularly by the educated urban
elite, and is the secondary language learnt in government schools.
ETHNIC GROUPS
The Burmese government identifies eight major national ethnic races which
include Bamar (68%) ,Shan (9%) ,Kayin (7%), Rakhine (4%) ,
Mon (2%), Kayah, and Kachin.
LITERACY
Definition: age 15 and over can read and write
total population: 93.1%
male: 95.2%
female: 91.2% (2015 est.)
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The Burmese ruler Anaw-rahta (ruled 1044–1077) founded the first Burmese
kingdom. His conquest of Thaton resulted in the spread of Theravada Buddhism and
the adoption of many aspects of Indian-inspired Mon art and architecture. The
lowland area along the Irrawaddy River under the control of Pagan often is referred to
as "Burma Proper," since it is the heartland of the region that has been most securely
under Burmese rule. In the late 1200s, Pagan declined and the Burmese lost control
over much of the territory. Over the next few centuries, the Burmese slowly regained
control over portions of lowland Burma from their new capital of Pegu. However, the
Mon remained independent until 1539 and the Arakanese until 1784, while most of
the upland territory occupied by the Shan was outside their control or only loosely
under Burmese domination. The capital was moved to Ava during the reign of King
Tha-lun (1629–1648). During the reign of Ling Alaung-hpaya (1752–1760), a new
dynasty was founded known as the again, Burmese migration into Mon territory was
instituted, and many Mon were resettled in the western Irrawaddy delta. Burmese
migrants were sent to the east to serve as a barrier against the Shan. Efforts at
expansion beyond the lowland area met with little success.
Before colonial rule, Burma consisted essentially of the central lowland areas and a
few conquered peoples, with highland peoples only nominally under Burmese control.
The British brought most of the highlands peoples loosely under their control but
4. allowed highland minorities to retain a good deal of their own identity. This situation
changed after independence as the Burmese-dominated central government attempted
to assert control over the highland peoples. Despite continued resistance to the central
government, those in the lowland areas and the larger settlements in the highlands
have come to share more of a common national culture. The spread of Burmese
language usage is an important factor in this regard.
The majority of the people speak Tibeto-Burman languages. Tibeto-Burman speakers
in Burma can be divided into six distinct groups. The Burmish constitute the largest of
these groups by population. Nungish speakers live in upland areas in Kachin State.
The main Baric-speaking group is the Jingpho in Kachin State. The Kuki-Naga-
speaking peoples include a large number of ethnic groups in the mountains along the
border with India and Bangladesh. The Luish group includes the Kado, who live near
the border with the Indian state of Manipur. The Karen groups live in the hills along
the border with Thailand and the southern lowlands. The Lolo-speaking groups tend to
be the most recent immigrants to Burma; they live in the highlands of Shan and
Kachin states. There are also large numbers of speakers of Austro-Tai languages. The
largest Daic-speaking group is the Shan, who constitute the majority in Shan State.
Smaller, related groups include the Tai Khun, Lue, Tai Nua, and Khamti. Other
Austro-Tai speakers include the Austronesian-speaking Moken and small groups of
Hmong and Mien in Shan State. Under the British, ethnic minorities generally were
able to retain some autonomy. Negotiations for independence after World War II
brought suspicions among the political leaders of several ethnic minorities that their
status would be undermined. Immediately after independence in 1948, serious
divisions emerged between Burmese and non-Burmese political leaders, who favoured
a less unified state. Between 1948 and 1962, armed conflicts broke out between some
of these minority groups and the central government. Although some groups signed
peace accords with the central government in the late 1980s and early 1990s, others
are still engaged in armed conflict. The Wa have signed a peace agreement but have
retained a great deal of autonomy and control of much of the drug trade in northern
Burma. Military operations in ethnic minority areas and government policies of forced
resettlement and forced labour have dislocated many ethnic groups, and have caused
large numbers of refugees to flee to neighbouring countries. At present there are
around three hundred thousand refugees in Thailand, Bangladesh, and India, mostly
from ethnic minorities. Before independence, Indians were a dominant presence in
urban-centred commercial activities. With the outbreak of World War II, a large
number of Indians left for India before the Japanese occupation. Through the 1950s,
Indians continued to leave in the face of ethnic antagonism and anti-business policies.
The Indians remaining in Burma have been treated with suspicion but have avoided
overt opposition to the regime.
Since 1992, the military regimes have emphasized self-sufficiency and tried to limit
imports. The largest companies and financial institutions are state-owned, with the
private sector limited mainly to small-scale trading. In recent years, however, more
5. imported goods, especially from China, have appeared in local markets and there has
been growth in the private sector. The main cities and many smaller towns have one or
more central markets that sell a wide variety of domestic and imported goods,
including clothing and cloth, tobacco, food, baskets, jewellery, toiletries, and
electronic goods. There are also specialized markets, such as the iron bazaar in
Rangoon's Chinatown.
Before British colonisation, local media was very active. In 1836, the country's first
newspaper, The Maulmain Chronicle, was published followed by The Rangoon
Chronicle in 1853, later renamed to The Rangoon Times. King Mindon was an
advocate of press freedom and encouraged the creation of Burma's first Burmese-
language newspaper, Yadanapon Naypyidaw Thadinsa to report on him and the
Queen, even if it portrayed them in a negative light. After King Mindon, the media
was useful for the resistance of colonialism. Mindon Min also established the
country's first indigenous press law, the Seventeen Articles, which safeguarded
freedom of the presses. Several Chinese, Burmese and English-language newspapers
were permitted to report news from around the country and internationally,
interviewing politicians and interacting with foreign journalists, contrary to most of
Burma's south-east Asian neighbours. Throughout the colonial era, there was a steady
increase in the number publications in circulation. In 1911, there were 44 periodicals
and newspapers in circulation, and 103 in 1921. By the end of the 1930s, there were
over 200 newspapers and periodicals in circulation, double the amount in 1921. From
the independence of Burma from the United Kingdom in 1948 until 1962, the country
experienced a temporary period of democracy and free media. The country had one of
the freest presses in Asia, with guarantees of freedom of the press in the 1947
Constitution. Journalist U Thaung founded Kyemon (The Mirror Daily) in 1957, and
its 90,000 circulation was Burma's largest. After the March 1962 coup d'état,
journalists quickly responded by forming the Burma Press Council to protect press
freedom. Within a month however, several journalists were arrested and publications
shut down. By 1988, the number of newspapers had decreased from 30 to 8. The
media gradually became the monopoly of the military junta under Ne Win. The press
environment remains tightly controlled in the country. Journalists are often harassed,
arrested or jailed for reporting unfavourable news that reflects badly on the country or
the regime. The media is also instructed to vilify opposition members. Burmese media
acts as the mouthpiece for the regime, where during the anti-government protests in
2007, it labelled the protesters as "devils" and blamed foreign media for starting the
protests. Several media outlets were closed down after refusing to publish propaganda.
However, many outlets stopped publication as a mark of solidarity with the protesters.
Subjects out of bounds for journalists include discussions of democracy, the
legitimacy of the regime, political corruption, HIV/AIDS, the aftermath of natural
disasters and the national football team losing, though some attempt to hide criticism
amongst words or images. Because the media is restricted from reporting negative
events in this way, it can often be unreliable. Words by Aung San Suu Kyi are rarely
6. covered in the media. Similarly, references to the United Nations are rare, as the junta
views the organisation of trying to overthrow the regime. The Burmese state-owned
media also speaks ill of the governments of the United States, the United Kingdom,
and the European Union. The Burmese government is wary of international media,
and as a consequence, many news organisations are banned from reporting in the
country. One senior general accused foreign media of "spreading lies" to undermine
national unity. Some private media is allowed, though the government owns around
75% stake in it. In 2005, several domestic journalists were released from detention.
There are a total of 20 news agencies based in Myanmar, including Agency France-
Presse, the Associated Press, Reuters and Xinhua. Exile media outlets such as the
Democratic Voice of Burma based in Oslo, Norway, seek to promote civil society
efforts and freedom of expression within Burma from abroad, while attempting to
offer an uncensored perspective on Burmese affairs to the rest of the world. The print,
broadcast and online media of Burma (also known as Myanmar) has undergone strict
censorship and regulation since the 1962 Burmese coup d'état. The constitution
provides for freedom of speech and the press; however, the government prohibits the
exercise of these rights in practice. Reporters Without Borders ranked Burma 174th
out of 178 in its 2010 Press Freedom Index, ahead of just Iran, Turkmenistan, North
Korea, and Eritrea. In 2015, Burma moved up to 144th place, ahead of many of its
ASEAN neighbours such as Singapore, as a result of political changes in the country.
There have been moves to lift censorship in the country. Tint Swe, head of the
country's censorship body, the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division (PSRB), told
Radio Free Asia that censorship "should be abolished in the near future" as it is "non-
existent in most other countries" and "not in harmony with democratic practices."
Burma announced on 20 August 2012, that it will stop censoring media before
publication. Newspapers and other outlets would no longer have to be approved by
state censors, but journalists in the country could still face consequences for what they
write and say.
Economical BACKGROUND
The economy of Myanmar is an emerging economy with an estimated nominal GDP
of $63.14 billion and a purchasing power adjusted GDP of $244.37 billion in 2014.
In 1885 Myanmar was conquered by the British, in British rule it became the
wealthiest country in Southeast Asia, after the Philippines It was also once the world's
largest exporter of rice. During British administration, Myanmar supplied oil through
the Burma oil company; Burma also had a wealth of natural and labour resources. It
7. produced 75% of the world's teak and had a highly literate population. The country
was believed to be on the fast track to development.
After a parliamentary government was formed in 1948, Prime Minister U
Nu embarked upon a policy of nationalisation. He attempted to make Burma a welfare
state by adopting central planning measures. The government also tried to implement
a poorly thought out Eight-Year plan. By the 1950s, rice exports had fallen by two
thirds and mineral exports by over 96%. Plans were partly financed by printing
money, which led to inflation. The 1962 coup d'état was followed by an economic
scheme called the Burmese Way to Socialism a plan to nationalise all industries. The
catastrophic program turned Burma into one of the world's most impoverished
countries.
The 1962 coup d'état was followed by an economic scheme called the Burmese Way
to Socialism, a plan to nationalise all industries, with the exception of agriculture. The
catastrophic program turned Burma into one of the world's most impoverished
countries. Burma's admittance to least developed country status by the United
Nations in 1987 highlighted its economic bankruptcy.
After 1988, the regime retreated from totalitarian socialism. It permitted modest
expansion of the private sector, allowed some foreign investment, and received much
needed foreign exchange.]
The national currency is the Kyat Burma currently has a
dual exchange rate system similar to Cuba. The market rate was around two hundred
times below the government-set rate in 2006. In 2011, the Burmese government
enlisted the aid International Monetary fund to evaluate options to reform the current
exchange rate system, to stabilise the domestic foreign exchange trading market and
creates economic distortions.]
The dual exchange rate system allows for the
government and state-owned enterprises to divert funds and revenues, but also gives
the government more control over the local economy and temporarily subdue
inflation.
In 2011, when new President Thein Sein's government came to power, Burma
embarked on a major policy of reforms including anti-corruption, currency exchange
rate, foreign investment laws and taxation. Foreign investments increased from
US$300 million in 2009-10 to a US$20 billion in 2010-11 by about 6567%. Large
inflow of capital results in stronger Burmese currency, kyat by about 25%. In
response, the government relaxed import restrictions and abolished export taxes.
Despite current currency problems, Burmese economy is expected to grow by about
8.8% in 2011. After the completion of 58 billion dollar Dawei deep seaport, Burma is
expected be at the hub of trade connecting Southeast Asia and the South China Sea,
via the Andaman Sea, to the Indian Ocean receiving goods from countries in the
Middle East, Europe and Africa, and spurring growth in the ASEAN region.
According to one report released on 30 May 2013 by the McKinsey Global Institute,
Burma's future looks bright, with its economy expected to quadruple by 2030 if it
invests in more high-tech industries. This however does assume that other factors
8. (such as drug trade, the continuing war of the government with specific ethnic groups,
...) does not interfere.
Main industries agricultural processing; wood and wood products;
copper, tin, tungsten, iron; cement, construction
materials; pharmaceuticals; fertiliser; petroleum and
natural gas; garments, jade and gems
GDP rank 75th (nominal)
GDP growth 8.5% (2014 est.)
GDP by sector Agriculture: 37.1%, industry: 21.3%, services: 41.6%
(2014 est.)
Inflation (CPI) 5.9% (2014 est.)
Labour force 32.53 million (2011 est.)
Labour force by
occupation
agriculture: 70%, industry: 7%, services: 23% (2001)
Unemployment 37% (2012)
Exports $9.543 billion (2011 est.)
note: official export figures are grossly underestimated
due to the value of timber, gems, narcotics, rice, and
other products smuggled to Thailand, China, and
Bangladesh (2011)
Export goods natural gas, wood products, pulses,
beans, fish, rice, clothing, jade and gems
Main export
partners
Thailand 41.3%; China 14.7%; India 13.6% ;Japan 7.4%;
Singapore 6.5%; Hong Kong 5.8% (2013 est.)
Imports $5.498 billion (2011 est.)
9. 1. Distinguishing characteristics of the media system of Myanmar
Semi-authoritarian regimes are political hybrids. They allow little real
competition for power, thus reducing government accountability. However,
they leave enough political space for political parties and organizations of
civil society to form, for an independent press to function to some extent,
and for some political debate to take place. Such regimes abound in the
Soviet successor states.
The main features of the media landscape in Myanmar are broadcast, print
and Internet. Consumption of TV is 67% in cities, and 39% in rural areas.
Radio consumption is 41% in urban and 56 % in rural areas. Print
consumption is 30% in towns and cities.
Censorship still remains in the country and the government usually
suspends private newspapers and journals if they violate censorship rules.
In addition, private publishers are not allowed to publish daily newspapers.
All the private newspapers are weekly. Only state owned newspapers
publish daily. The government so far has not granted daily licenses to the
private press.
Exiled media also play an important role in disseminating information to
the Myanmar population. Democratic Voice of Burma TV channel,
note: import figures are grossly underestimated due
to the value of consumer goods, diesel fuel, and other products
smuggled in from Thailand, China, Malaysia,
and India (2011)
Import goods fabric, petroleum products, plastics, fertiliser, machinery,
transport equipment, cement, construction materials,
crude oil; food products, edible oil
Main import
partners
China 37.0%; Singapore 17.5%; Thailand 15.1%;
Japan 9.7%; Malaysia 8.6% ;Taiwan 5.7% (2013 est.)
10. Mizzima Website and Irrawaddy Website are widely viewed and read in
Myanmar.
Censorship will remain the main challenge for the development of the
media industry in Myanmar. There are ongoing discussions between
journalists, publishers, movie directors, film stars, producers and
government officials to cooperate and ease censorship.
Social media will play a critical role in the future as people, especially the younger
generation, are aware of the importance of new media in politics. Facebook is a
useful platform for activists, journalists and politicians to disseminate information
in a timely manner.
2. Who owns the media in your country?
3. How much of the media is owned by foreign countries?
The print, broadcast and online media of Myanmar has undergone strict censorship and
regulation since the1962 Burmese coup d'état. The constitution provides for freedom of
speech and the press; however, the government prohibits the exercise of these rights in
practice and therefore foreign collaborations are not that popular. Myanmar
Consolidated Media established in 2000 was a joint venture by Australian and Burmese
investors which is 51 percent locally owned and 49 percent foreign owned. Its major
publication, the Myanmar Times is the oldest privately owned and operated English-
language newspaper in Myanmar. The attitude of media in Myanmar is so hostile that
foreign reporters are discouraged from visiting Myanmar and sometimes can only enter
the country by concealing their profession and securing a tourist visa.
A number of global brands have already signalled their interest in doing business with
Myanmar. The US/ASEAN Business Council sponsored an exploratory trip to Yangon
that was joined by executives from the energy sector, Dell, FedEx, Google, Procter &
Gamble, Dow Chemicals and Times Warner. Until recently, all ad agencies have been
locally-owned. That changed in May, when Ogilvy & Mather, a division of world
leader WPP (and a major player in China), acquired a stake in Yangon-based Today
Advertising, becoming the first Western ad agency to set up shop there in two decades.
The Ministry of Information (MOI) has developed partnership with IMS (International
Media Support), BBC, VOA and DW (Deutsche Welle). True Media of Thailand has
signalled that it seeks to enter the market with an initial $31 million investment in cable,
and plans to offer substantial local language programming.
4. Programming produced in other countries
11. Under reforms introduced since 2011 by a new government, Myanmar has
unblocked international news websites, emigre news websites and YouTube. In
2012, it lifted pre-publication censorship for the press and allowed privately-
owned daily newspapers to publish. But the state still controls the main
broadcasters and publications and has a monopoly on telecommunications.
Media laws like the Electronic Transactions Law (2004), Internet Law (2000),
The Motion Picture Law (1996) and The Television and Video Act (1995)
prohibits other countries to have a free hand in programming.
5. Which Media is prominent in Myanmar?
In Myanmar Print media is more evident in comparison to Radio and television. Earlier
the media of Myanmar was under control of government, later in 2012 the censorship
was abolished by the government. The new media as in The internet is currently
popping up in the news world but the poor economic condition is the biggest barrier in
the path of growing of this new form of media in a third world country like Myanmar.
6. How is the media system organised?
Being under the censorship of government Myanmar’s media system is totally different
from the other countries. The print media is prominent here. Burma has three free of
charge, state-owned newspapers that are distributed on a daily basis. From 1965 to
2012, Burma did not have freedom of press and all newspapers were government
owned.]
Reforms were passed in August 2012, lifting the censorship laws. Previously,
all newspaper articles, regardless of content, were required to pass through the censor
board at the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division, set up by the Ministry of
Information in 2005. After the law was repealed in August 2012, sixteen dailies were
granted licenses to publish. The 1962, Printing and Registration Act remains in effect,
mandating a seven-year prison term for publishing without a license. On 1 April 2013,
the first date newspapers could be published freely, four privately owned dailies – The
Voice Daily, Golden Fresh Land, The Standard Time Daily, and The Union Daily – hit
news stands. There are a large variety of magazines in Burma, ranging from monthly to
bi annuals, although their market is smaller compared to the "journals". Topics include
Burmese traditional medicine, various magazines published by non-Burmese ethnic
groups (like the Shan and Rakhine), Buddhist and astronomy related magazines. There
are also about 15 newspapers published daily, devoted entirely to football. All broadcast
media is owned by the government except for MM which is the only private TV in
Burma. The Video Act of 1985 outlined what media could tape. There are seven TV
stations in Myanmar, of which, MTV1 and MTV2 are the main channels. And another
channel by government is MRTV. MRTV-3 is an English-language channel aimed at an
international audience. During the 2007 protests, the stations were used to broadcast
12. messages critical of foreign media.(YouTube clip) Due to lack of equipment,
newsreaders often have to read directly off their notes instead of an autocue
Satellite television is no longer illegal and satellite dishes can be seen on many
buildings. Local operator Sky Net provides more than 70 channels of local and
international origin. Television broadcasts regularly feature members of the military
visiting monasteries and handing out gifts of money and religious material. In February
2010, CNN was (temporarily) removed from Burmese TV. Radio broadcasting began in
1936, with the Burma Broadcasting Service beginning operation ten years later. Today
there are several FM stations, three medium wave stations and three shortwave stations.
The short and medium wave stations are all operated by MRTV or the military. The
main radio stations are Radio Myanmar (operated by MRTV), Cherry FM, Mandalay
FM, FM Bagan, Padamyar FM, Pyinsawaddy FM, Shwe FM and City FM. Radio
Myanmar usually begins daily with readings from the governments' "Seven Point Road
to Democracy", "Twelve Political, Economic and Social Objectives" and "Three Main
National Causes".
Foreign music is now permitted; although a variety of traditional Burmese classics are
played most. However, local radio stations often play internationally known songs, re-
recorded in Burmese. Given the population of Burma, impact from radio and television
has not been significant – only 10%, due to poor living conditions.
Internet access varies due to electricity shortages. The Internet has yet to make a
significant impact in Burma, where according to official statistics, as of July 2010; there
were only 400,000 Internet users (0.8% of the population). More recently, following the
reduction in SIM card prices from between $200 and $1,500 before 2012 to $1.50 by
2014 these numbers are likely to have dramatically increased because of the widespread
popularity of smart-phones. 3G and 4G mobile phone services are available.
Prior to September 2011 the Internet in Burma was more strictly controlled, with access
blocked to websites critical of the junta, Burmese exile groups, and foreign media.
Government approval was usually needed to own a computer and other electronic
devices capable of accessing outside information.
7. Freedom of Press is defined in Myanmar
Media of Myanmar was under censorship since 1962. However in august 2012 the
Burmese government announced that it was abolishing the system of censorship that
had been in place, more or less uninterrupted, for the previous half century. Over the
past few months, however, the tide seems to be turning for Burma’s newly self-assertive
press. Reporters are complaining of growing pressure from the authorities. Journalists
are landing in jail or facing lawsuits from disgruntled officials.
8. The change of media system in Myanmar
13. Changes in media laws and policies have been driven by the Ministry of Information in
consultation with UNESCO, other foreign experts, and various media development
organizations. The Myanmar Press Council has also been central in the development of
media laws and lobbying for improvements in government-drafted laws, although, as
noted, it has been marginalized at various points in the process. The grassroots and
nongovernmental sectors have had some influence, but the state unsurprisingly
prioritizes and publicizes friendly organizations in alliance with its goals, and media
and scholarship tend to focus on the state and its officers, with much less attention paid
to civil society organizations, minorities, women’s groups, students, and other local
agents.
Recent Changes
The years immediately following problematic elections in 2010 saw the release of
political prisoners, including journalists and bloggers; the closing of the censorship
body, the Press Scrutiny and Registration Division; an end to the blocking of
international and Burmese exile news websites; a decrease in surveillance and
harassment of journalists; increasing freedom to write on formerly taboo subjects;
permission to establish independent journalist organizations; the establishment of the
interim Myanmar Press Council to improve the situation for journalists and draft new
media laws; permission for the publication of private daily newspapers; invitations to
exile media to return and open offices in the country; and licenses for ethnic language
media after decades of prohibiting these languages from being taught in schools or used
in private media.
In June, the Ministry of Information released the bylaws for the media law, including
details on the right to information, the process for electing the Myanmar Press Council,
the remediation process for disputes handled through the MPC, and how media outlets
can obtain permission to cover protests and armed conflict. All these changes have
hastened what was previously slow, clandestine work to support and democratize the
Burmese media under the nose of the military dictatorship and from exile.
Despite all the positive developments, intimidation, arrests, and attacks on journalists
have continued since the Unity case, which sent a chill and reports of increasing self-
censorship through the journalism community. Since early 2015, there have been
especially several alarming events, including the arrest of at least 11 journalists and the
disturbing killing of another. In October 2014, five staff members of the Bi-Midday Sun
newspaper were each sentenced to two years imprisonment under the Penal Code,
which prohibits offences against the state or “public tranquillity,” after their paper
published claims that opposition leader, In March 2015, the editor-in-chief and a senior
reporter from the Myanmar Post Weekly were arrested and sentenced to two months
imprisonment each under the Penal Code for allegedly misquoting an interview with a
military officer. In June, U Kyaw Soe, a former military official now with the Ministry
of Information, initiated a criminal prosecution against 17 senior members of the Daily
Eleven editorial staff for allegedly reporting illegally on an earlier defamation suit.
14. Although media no longer face direct, prepublication censorship, what will trigger
government charges of a threat to national security and public welfare remains unclear,
although criticism of the military is widely recognized as taboo, as is reporting on
communal and ethnic conflict. The use of libel and defamation suits has increased
significantly; they are often filed by officials, ministries, or other state bodies not yet
willing to make use of the Myanmar Press Council as an arbitrator between media and
those with complaints. Concerns are now being voiced about possible restrictions on
press freedom during elections scheduled for November 2015. All these developments
call into question the much-lauded “transition” and its impact on media.
9. Does the media furnish inside its cultural, political and economical system?
Recent events in Myanmar showcase an interesting intersection between real world
politics and Internet technology. The emergence of Political Bloggers like Zawgyi
represents the blend between culture, politics and media in Myanmar. The impact of
politics on media has always been strong given that Myanmar has a semi-authoritarian
form of government but recent changes in censorship has improved the association
between media and politics. Myanmar being a state with emerging economy, in recent
times, has played a pivotal role in furnishing the media system by gradually
collaborating with foreign countries and widening its media base.
Key developments in the media sector include the adoption in 2014 of the Printing and
Publishing Enterprise Law (PPEL), which officially abolished past prior censorship and
allowed newspapers to become editorially independent from the state; the Broadcasting
Law of 2015, which enables private, public and community media to flourish; and the
establishment of the Myanmar News Media Council in October 2015. The MDI report
on media development in Myanmar, published in June 2016, is the result of a
collaboration between the UNESCO Bangkok Office and press freedom NGO
International Media Support (IMS) .National ownership of the assessment process was
ensured through the involvement of the department of journalism at the National
Management College of Myanmar as well as through various multi-stakeholder
consultations. Five years after the country embarked on a series of political, social, and
economic reform processes, this report represents an objective, analytical stock-taking
of how far Myanmar has progressed towards a more free, independent and pluralistic
media.