1. Working for the Environment: Organized Labor and the Origins of Environmentalism in the
United States, 1948-1970
Author(s): Scott Dewey
Source: Environmental History, Vol. 3, No. 1 (Jan., 1998), pp. 45-63
Published by: Forest History Society and American Society for Environmental History
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2. WorkingfortheEnvironment
OrganizedLaborandtheOriginsofEnvironmentalism
intheUnitedStates,1948-1970
ScottDewey
By the early 198os, most Americansseemed to believe that environmentalism
and laborwere fundamentallyat odds.Manyworkersviewed environmentalists
as elitist and aloof, as "extremists"who were callously indifferentto the eco-
nomic growthand jobopportunitiesessentialto the well-beingof ordinarywork-
ing people. During the 1970s, trade unionists and environmental activists
conflicted, sometimes bitterly,overissuesfromthe Alaskanoil pipeline and the
supersonictransport(SST) to nuclearpower,energypolicy, land use, and vari-
ous stateor national"bottlebills."Nearlyhalf the membershipof the AFL-CI0
mayhavedesertedthe Democratic Partyto voteforRonaldReaganin 1980, and
some poll-watcherssurmisedthatthese workersweredrawnto the formeractor's
simplistic, pro-growth,anti-environmentalstance.'
Some scholarsquestionedthisassumption.Intheirpathbreaking1982bookon
environmentalblackmail,Fearat Work:JobBlackmail,Labor,and the Environ-
ment, RichardKazisand RichardL. Grossmanrightlynotedthe "frequentlabor-
environmentalcooperation"on occupationalsafetyandhealthandsimilarmatters
duringthe 1970s (but they also glumly concluded that "highlypublicized con-
flicts have led to the perception that environmentalismand unionism do not
mix").Subsequentstudiesalsorecordedinstancesofcooperationbetweenunions
and environmentalists,but still referredto an "InitialLabor-ManagementAlli-
ance"againstenvironmentalists,mentioned labor's"innatesuspicionof environ-
mentalists," or observed how cooperation between organized labor and
environmentalists"contradictsconventionalwisdom."Politicians,themedia,and
manyAmericancitizenslargelyacceptedthatlaborandthe environmentalmove-
ment had irreconcilabledifferences,an attitudethatcontinuesin the late1990S.2
In fact, organizedlaborhad demonstratedrelativelystrongsupportfor many
environmental initiativespriorto 1970. Long before most Americansbecame
awareof such issues,labororganizationsand union memberscontributedto the
3. 46 EnvironmentalHistory
groundswellof public concern thatproducedthe environmentalmovement of
thelate1960s. Unionsalsohelpedspreadawarenessofenvironmentalissuesamong
workingpeople, who were farremovedfromthe professionalmiddle classusu-
ally identified with environmentalism.Often exhibiting a sophisticatedunder-
standingof environmentalissues,unionsadoptedrelativelyradicalpositionsthat
were strikinglyat odds with the views of the employerswith whom they were
supposedlyallied againstenvironmentalism.
Labor'srole in the floweringof environmentalismin America does not yet
appearin mainstreamlaborhistory,which focusesmore on the civil rights,anti-
war,and feministmovementsof the 1960s, but almostentirelyignoresthe envi-
ronmental movement. Even those rare scholars who examine labor's
environmentalistactivitiesseldom explore the recordbefore the late 196os.In
reality,the storyof labor environmentalism reaches back to the two decades
followingWorldWarII.Elements of Americanlaborwereso precociousin their
environmental advocacythat these early activitiesof concerned unionistsand
theirallies can legitimatelybe called proto-environmentalism.3
This activismtookvaryingformsand passedthroughdifferentstagesfromthe
1940S throughthe 1970s. Duringthe stable,prosperous,"goldenyears"of the late
1950S and early196os,workersand theirunion representativesshowed concern
about air and water pollution, issues that began chiefly as public health con-
cerns. They similarlytook an interestin more traditionalconservationistissues
such as outdoorrecreationand wildlife and wildernesspreservation.Since most
Americansthroughthe mid-196osviewed the two majorbranchesof proto-envi-
ronmentalism-conservationism andanti-pollutionism- asseparate,distinct,and
unrelatedcauses,unions werein the unusualpositionof showingconcern about
pollution and relatedthreatsto human health beforemost conservationorgani-
zations,andexpressinginterestin wildernessconservationbeforeotherpollution
fightersand public health advocates.Consequently,earlylaborenvironmental-
ists anticipatedlater developmentsby combining these two approacheswithin
one organizationalstructure.
As these differentconcerns graduallyfused together into the environmental
movement circa 1970, and the movement grew in strength,assertiveness,and
conceptual reach, many unions and unionists joined in this process, growing
more stridentin their environmentaldemands. Environmentallyconscious la-
bor leadersand union members, situatedas they were at the crossroadsof pro-
gressivepolitics,againprecededmostofthe restofthe environmentalmovement
in conceptuallylinkingenvironmentalproblemswithwidersocialandeconomic
issues, a project environmentalistorganizationshad only tentativelybegun by
the early1970s. Labor'senvironmentalenthusiasmcontinuedintothe early1970S,
as unionists joined environmentalistsin supportingpassageof crucial environ-
mental andworkerhealthandsafetymeasures.Butthe Oil Embargoof 1973, the
growingenergycrisisof the 1970s, the onsetof chronicstagflation,the pressureof
foreigncompetition,andothereconomic andsocialstressesincreasinglyputboth
sidesof thisbuddingalliance on the defensiveanddrovea wedgebetweenthem.
Worriedworkersmoved closer to management'santi-environmentalviews,and
4. LaborandEnvironmentalism47
bothunionsandenvironmentalistslargelyabandonedtheearliervisionofacom-
monfrontforsocial,economic,andenvironmentalreform.
Organizedlabor'searlyinterestinthecontrolofairandwaterpollutionrepre-
sentedasignificantstepbeyondtraditionaltradeunionpreoccupationwithwages
and workconditions.Union leadersand membersgrewconcernedabout
pollution'swiderpublichealthimpacton unionmembersandtheirfamilies,
neighbors,andcommunitiesoutsidethecustomarycenterofattention,thework-
place.Suchbroaderpublichealthconcernswerepartofageneraltrendinorga-
nizedlaborduringthe1950S and196os towardseekingagreaterandmoreactive
roleinworking-classcommunitylifebeyondthefactorygates,includingpartici-
pationineducation,recreation,charitywork,andcounselingandsocialservices
formembers(andoftennonmembers).Publichealthcampaignsagainstpollu-
tionwereusuallyanthropocentricin conceptionandintent,so theydidnotre-
quiretheadvancedecologicalsensibilitiesthatdevelopedamongportionsofthe
Americanpublicbythelate1960s. While antipollutioncrusadesbasedon pub-
lic healthworrieshadoccurredsporadicallyfordecades,agreatlyexpandedpub-
lic health/antipollutionimpulsebecame the mostimportantandpowerful-even
defining-strand of postwar environmentalism, setting it apart from earlier
conservationism.Labororganizationsstoodattheforefrontofearlycallsforcon-
trollingenvironmentalpollution, a position in starkcontrastto thatof mostcor-
porateemployers.4
Labor'svisiblepostwarinterestin airpollution controlstartedrathersuddenly
in October1948aftertheinfamous"KillerSmog"incidentin Donora,Pennsyl-
vania.This earlyairpollution disaster,which killed twentypeople and sickened
nearlyhalf of the more than thirteenthousandpeople in this heavilyindustrial-
ized areaoutsideof Pittsburgh,made the frontpageof the New YorkTimestwo
daysin a rowand drewsome of the firsttrulynationalattentionto airpollution.
Amongthe victimsweremembersof the UnitedSteelworkers,andthe union
blameda localbranchoftheUnitedStatesSteelCorporationforthepoisonous
fumes that caused the tragedy.When industry-friendlyPennsylvaniaofficials
hesitatedtofullyinvestigatethe incident,theuniondeclaredthat"protocolshould
not be permittedto standin the wayof protectingour workmen,theirjobs,and
the welfareof the community"andcalled foran investigationbyfederalauthori-
ties. Finding federal officials similarlyhesitant, and fearinga cover-upof the
incidentbystateandfederalauthorities,the Steelworkerslaunchedwhatthey
called an "independentand unbiased"investigationofthe disasterwitha $10,000
grantfromthe union'sfounder,PhilipMurray.Whilethe federalgovernment
ultimately glossed over the incident and absolved local industrialpolluters of
direct responsibility,the effortof the large and powerful United Steelworkers
union to seek the truthand fix corporateculpabilityabouta highly visible envi-
ronmentaldisasterdrewattentionfromother unions.5
Severalyearspassedbefore the federalgovernmentbegan takingsignificant
action on air pollution, so federal recordsthat might give evidence of union
concernarescant.Stateandlocalactivitieson thematterwerealsolimitedand
sporadicthroughthisperiod.Asa resultof the generallyscarcegovernmentalor
5. 48 EnvironmentalHistory
pressattentionto airpollution duringthe early1950s, it is difficultto ascertainto
whatdegreeeitherunion leadersorrank-and-filememberswereawareof orcon-
cernedaboutthe issue.Only afterthe 1955mergerof theAmericanFederationof
Laborand the Congressof IndustrialOrganizationsinto the AFL-CIO,together
with a decrease in Cold Warparanoiaand labor'sdemonstrationof its overall
lack of radicalism,did the political establishmentrecognize organizedlaboras
speakingwith one unified, legitimatevoice. By 1958,nationallaborrepresenta-
tives regularlytestified in favorof federalproposalsto control waterpollution,
and AFL-CIO officialsservedon the steeringcommittees for the firsttwo Na-
tional Conferences on AirPollutionin 1958and 1962.6
While the availableevidence is limited, some local labororganizationsalso
sought to comprehend and confrontairpollution problemsduringthese years.
On January28, 1959,DistrictCouncil Number 1of the InternationalChemical
Workers,based in Mulberry,Florida,reportedhow an "arousedmembership"
had "calleda specialopen meeting"at theirlocal office "todiscussthe effectsof
airpollutionon the healthof the residentsandemployeesin the local phosphate
mining and chemical producingarea."Aroundthe same time, a member of the
Bridgeand Tunnel WorkersUnion fromBuffalo,New York,wrotea letterto the
AirPollutionMedical Branchof the U.S. Public Health Servicerequestingthat
it investigate"analleged extraordinarydeath ratefrom 'cancer"'among his co-
workers.Such evidence suggeststhat,likethe nationasawhole, union members'
awarenessand concern about air pollution in the workplaceand in the wider
communitydevelopedand spreadduringthe 1950s, and thatworkers'awareness
of potentialhealth risksfrompollution appearedquite advancedin comparison
to that of theirfellow citizens.7
In 1963,when the federalgovernmentgreatlyexpandedits role in air pollu-
tion controlthroughthe firstClean AirAct,AndrewJ.Biemiller,directorof the
AFL-CIO'sdepartmentof legislation,offeredstrongsupportof the proposedlaw
in a statementfor SenatorEdmund S. Muskie'ssubcommitteeon airand water
pollution. Noting thathis union membershad "avital interestin protectingthe
purityof the airaroundus, justastheyhavean interestin protectingthe purityof
America'swatersupply,"Biemillershoweda relativelysophisticatedunderstand-
ing of the environmentalimplicationsof the problemwhen he arguedthat air
pollution wasa serious,growing,nationwideproblemrequiringimmediatefed-
eral action, a radicalposition at the time. By contrast,American industryin-
sisted, and most other Americans tacitly agreed, that air and water pollution
were strictlylocal problems best solved by nearly nonexistent state and local
control agencies. Using stronglyenvironmentalistrhetoric,Biemiller also em-
phasizedthe health risksof airpollution:"Wehaveatstakethe healthandsafety
of the Americanpeople. Adequatefar-sightedmotion nowcan protectthe health
of our citizens fromthe injuriouseffectsof airpollution. Such action now will
save the next generation from serious health hazardsand from far greaterair
pollution costs which we failed to pay in this generation."National and state
AFL-CIO representativesoffered similartestimony on later expansionsof the
federalairpollution controlprogramduringthe mid-196os,calling for immedi-
6. LaborandEnvironmentalism49
ate federal action and hammering home the health risks,even as corporate
America diligently tried to minimize knowledge of the health impacts of air
pollution.8
AfterWorldWarII,waterpollution wasa more establishedand betterunder-
stood problem than air pollution, so advocating its control was less novel or
advanced. Union members also stood to enjoy significant employment gains
fromfederallysubsidizedconstructionof watertreatmentfacilities,so they had
an ulteriormotive in supportingthe federal waterpollution control program.
Hereagain,unionsdemonstratedenvironmentallyprogressiveviewsatoddswith
thoseof industry.Intestimonyata 1958congressionalhearingto considerrenew-
ingandexpandingthefederalprogram,AFL-CIOlegislativerepresentativeGeorge
D. Rileystronglysupportedthe measure:"Weendorsedand workedforthe pas-
sage of the 1956law in a race againsta deadline for expirationof the previous
act.... Westandforplentifulsuppliesofthe threemainessentialsof life-clean,
safewater,pureair,and safefood."Rileyoffereda long and sophisticatedanaly-
sis of how populationand industrialgrowthincreasinglytaxedthe country'slim-
ited supply of fresh water.He also argued, in opposition to industrialists,that
waterpollutionwasa nationalproblemandwarnedthe assembledcongressmen
of industry'sunderhandedeffortsto eliminatefederalfundingfor"urgentpublic
necessities"such as waterand airpollution control.AfterRiley'stestimony,the
House subcommitteechairmanand bill sponsor,Minnesota DemocratJohnA.
Blatnik,commended his preparationand the AFL-CIO'srecordof cooperation
on waterpollution control, noting how "theyhave given us splendidsupportin
ourbattleof 2 yearsago,andfollowedthroughto giveeveryassistancetheycould
to makethe programworkas effectivelyas possible."9
The nation'sleadinglabororganizationofferedfurthersupportforthe federal
waterpollution control programthrough the mid-196os,adopting an increas-
inglysophisticatedand ecologicallyawarepositionmuch closerto conservation-
ist groupssuch as the WildernessSocietyand the IzaakWaltonLeague than to
their own industrialemployers. In 1961,even before the appearanceof Silent
Spring,RachelCarson'sfamousexposeof the pesticideindustry,AFL-CIOlegis-
lativerepresentativeJohnT. Curranwarnedcongressmenof the knownand un-
known health hazardsand possible ecological risksof various"new and exotic
industrialwastes... [at]this time not capable of treatment,"but capableof in-
terferingwith the treatmentof traditionalsewage. Laterstatements from fed-
eration representatives noted the potential dangers both of radioactive and
chemical wastesin the nation'swatersupply,as well as the threatof ecological
damage from thermal pollution of waterways,a recently discoveredadditional
worry.In 1966,legislativerepresentativeJamesF. Dohertywent so faras to de-
clare,in termsmorecharacteristicof the greaterenvironmentalalarmof the late
1960s, thatthe verynatureof modernAmericanlife threatenedthe environment:
"The postwarpopulationsurge,concentrationof more and more people in su-
percities,the expandinguses of water,the proliferationof human and industrial
wastesreducingwatersupply... forhuman uses and enjoyment-all have con-
tributedto a situationwhich will produceenormouseconomic andsocialconse-
7. 50 EnvironmentalHistory
quences if allowed to prevail."While pollution controlwasobviouslyneverthe
AFL-CIO'sprimaryconcern, it still took the issue seriously,favoredit consis-
tently,and discussedit in termsand argumentssophisticatedfor the late 1950S
and early196os, when mostAmericanswere justbecoming awareof the issue.1o
Organizedlabor'sconcern about the public health and employment aspects
of air and waterpollution control transcendedself-interest.It reflected an en-
lightenedpragmatismthatmanyAmericansdidnot yetshare;mostof the public
health and pollution-controladvocateswho so stronglyinfluenced the develop-
ment of environmentalismduring the 196osalso shareda similarself-interest.
During the 1950S and 196os, Americanunions were also concerned aboutother
environmentalproblemsthat posed no directthreatto health and often prom-
ised no job opportunities.Workersjoined otherAmericansin rediscoveringthe
naturalbeautyof the greatoutdoors,and by the late 1950s, organizedlaborsup-
portedfederalproposalsregardingoutdoor recreationand wildernesspreserva-
tion. Although some local unions rejected initiativesthat threatenedpotential
local development and jobs, union supportfor wildernessconservationbefore
1970 is strikinginviewoflatereventsandassumptions.l
One reasonfororganizedlabor'ssupportof outdoorrecreationandwilderness
preservationstemmed fromitsanticipationof increasedleisuretime forworking
Americans. During the early postwardecades, when a prosperousnation saw
wages,living standards,and home ownershipratessteadilyrisingforthe middle
class and workingclass alike, many laborexpertsassumedthat increasedauto-
mation and productivitywould bringshorterworkweeksand steadilyimproving
levels of general prosperity.Many also believed that experiencingnaturecould
be a constructive way for workersto fill additional leisure time. This line of
reasoningsurfacedin George Riley'sstatement favoringa bill to create a Na-
tionalWildernessPreservationSystemin 1958.ArguingthattheAmericanpeople
increasinglyappreciatedthe recreationalvalue of wilderness,Riley refutedthe
chargesof developmentinterestsand majoremployersthatsuch experiencewas
a luxuryonly fora wealthyelite. He declaredthatwildernesspreservationwould
benefit the American people much more than commercial exploitation by a
greedyfew.12
More strikingly,Rileyanticipatedlaterenvironmentalistsin offeringthe AFL-
CIO'ssecond reasonforsupportingthe bill:"Wefavorthe preservationof wilder-
nessareasforreasonsotherthanrecreation.Wildernesshaspracticalvalues,even
though they cannot be measuredin dollars,of obvious benefit to the Nation."
He continued offeringvariousrelativelyadvancedconservationistjustifications
for wildernessas an effective means of soil conservationand flood control, as
well as a place for wildlife to breed for human sportand food. "Finally,"Riley
concluded, "thescientificvalue of wildernessshould be stressed.There the pro-
cessesof naturecan be studied.Man haslearnedandwill continueto learnthere
about naturalprocesses,aboutthe recurringcycles of birth,growth,decay,and
death."Aswith airand waterpollution control,the issue of wildernesspreserva-
tion promptedthe AFL-CIOto line up withthe stillsmallconservationistgroups
against industriallobbies such as the National Associationof Manufacturers.
8. LaborandEnvironmentalism51
The federationgrewmorestridentin thiscommitmentduringthe early1960S,
evencallingwildernessa soul-restoringspiritualantidoteto anover-urbanized,
over-mechanizedsocietyandurgingfederallegislatorsnotto makeittooacces-
sibletomotorvehicles,a notableandunusualpositiongivenAmericans'obses-
sionwiththeautomobileandtheroleof unionsin itsmanufacture.13
Not surprisingly,localunionsdidnotalwayswantnearbywildernessor his-
toricpreservationprojectsto obstructemploymentgains.Workersin Washing-
ton, D.C., rejecteda proposalforthe ChesapeakeandOhio CanalNational
HistoricalParkinthelate1950s. Adecadelater,variouslocalsin northernIndi-
anafoughta longandbitterbattleagainstfederalprotectionofpartoftheIndi-
anaDunesthatwouldpreventa majorconstructionproject.Still,evenatthe
locallevel,overallsupportformostpreservationeffortsapparentlyexisted.In
1958,two majorlumber workers'unions in the Pacific Northwestwent against
theirindustriesto supportwildernesspreservation.UnionrepresentativeEarl
HartleycalledonvisitingU.S.senatorstosaveareasofwesternwildernessbefore
itwastoolate,arguingthatsuchforestlandsweremorevaluableaspartsof"a
wildernesspreservationsystemforthegoodofall people"thanasmeretimber
forcommercialexploitation.Atotherfieldhearingsin 1958and1959,western
localsoftheUnitedMineWorkersandtheInternationalAssociationofMachin-
istsalsofavoredtheproposalfora newnationalwildernesspreservationsystem.
Lodge130oftheInternationalBrotherhoodofBoilermakersin Butte,Montana,
notedthatthe"availabilitytoallAmericansofthebeautyandsolitudeofwilder-
nessareaswhereourwildlifemaybe savedfromextinctiondependsuponyour
favorableactionuponthisbill"andurgentlyrequestedthatsenatorsresistthe
pressureof greedyresourceextractorsandpassthewildernessbill.The overall
storyremainedthe sameintothe 1960s, whenChicagosteelworkersfoughtto
preservethe IndianaDuneswhilelocalsandstateorganizationsof the United
AutoWorkers(UAW)promotedthecreationofnewwildernessareasfromRed-
woodsNationalParktoNationalLakeshoresin MichiganandWisconsin.4
Bythelate1960s, astheentirenationbecamemoreawareof environmental
issues,environmentalismentereda newphaseofincreasedmilitancy,andorga-
nizedlaborfollowedsuit.The moreprogressiveindustrialunionsled in this
shift,particularlythe UAW,the Oil, ChemicalandAtomicWorkers(OCAW),
theUnitedSteelworkers,andtheUnitedFarmWorkers(UFW).Eventhemore
conservativeAFL-CIOshowedconsiderablygreaterenvironmentalawareness.
UnderWalterP.Reuther,theUAWtooktheleadasthemostenvironmentally
activistunioninAmerica.Withhisprofoundpersonalloveofnature,hisinsis-
tenceupona widercommunityroleforlaborunions,andhisboldvisionof a
masspopularfrontpromotingsweepingsocialreforms,Reutherreadilyincluded
environmentalprotectionamongtheothermajorplanksofhisplatform.Asearly
as1956,theunionfoughtforandachievedpublichearingsontheAtomicEnergy
Commission'sdecisiontobuildtheexperimentalFermifastbreedernuclearre-
actornearDetroit.The UAWsubsequentlydemonstratedconsiderableinterest
inlanduse,wildernesspreservation,andpollutioncontrol.In1965,longbefore
sucheventswerecommonplace,theunionorganizedandhosteda "UnitedAc-
9. 52 EnvironmentalHistory
tion for Clean WaterConference"that broughttogethermore than one thou-
sand union members and officials, conservationists,and community leaders.
Reutherproclaimedhis hope thatthe meeting might markthe "beginningof a
massivemobilization of citizens . .. of a popularcrusadenot only forclean wa-
ter,butalsoforcleaning up the atmosphere,the highways,the junkyardsandthe
slumsand forcreatinga totalliving environmentworthyof freemen."Ata time
when mostconservationgroupsremainedrelativelysmall,isolated,andnarrowly
focused, Reutherbroughttogether unionists, conservationists,and community
organizersin an alliance to combatproblemsof both the urbanand the natural
environment,an ambitiousprojectthatgainedwidersupportafterthe firstEarth
Day in 1970.15
Under Reuther,the UAWgrewmoreambitiousin itsenvironmentalgoals.In
1967,the union createda Departmentof Conservationand ResourceDevelop-
ment underthe leadershipof vice presidentOlga M. Madar,who alsoremained
head of the union'sDepartmentof Recreationand Leisure-TimeActivities.The
Departmentof Conservationencouragedmembersto takepartin solvingthe air
and waterpollution problemsand other naturalresourceissuesof theirvarious
communities,states,provinces,andnations.Underthehard-driving"MissMadar,"
the union became ever more stridentin its public statementsand actions on
environmentalmatters.During congressionalhearingsin 1967regardinga pro-
posed National TrailsSystem,UAWlegislativerepresentativeFranklinWallick
called forthe creationof both an urbanand a ruraltrailsystemforpublic recre-
ation, despite assertionsthatthe nation could affordonly one or the other,and
he even urgedrestraintson the use of automobiles.'6
That same year, Olga Madartestified before the Muskie subcommittee in
supportof tightenedfederalstandardsforcontrollingmotorvehicle airpollution
in orderto preservecommunityhealth, even atthe cost of jobs.In directopposi-
tion to the auto industry,which stubbornlyresistedfurthervehicular emission
controls,she declared that the union favoredthis cleanup despite possible ad-
verse impacts on employment. Accordingto her reasoning,auto workerswere
"firstand foremostAmericancitizens and consumers"who had "tobreathethe
same airand drinkand bathe in the same water"as otherAmericans."Despite
the fact that they workin the automobile industry,neitherthey nor their chil-
dren develop any immunityto automobile exhaustpollutantsor any other pol-
lutants."Madarthen explainedherunion'scommitmenttoacleanerenvironment
in practicalterms.She noted the UAW'slong struggleto gain betterconditions
in the plants,but explainedthat"wemakelittle progresswhen we find thatthe
gainsin betterhealth arenegatedwhen the workerleavesthe plantandfindshis
community'sliving environmentpolluted."She promisedthatthe union would
pursue the fight for cleaner, more healthful communities "withthe same vigor
and tenacity"thatit had devotedto cleaning up the immediateworkingenviron-
ment.'7
Madaroffereda brief,sophisticateddiscussionof the interlockingsocial fac-
torsthatcontributedto America'senvironmentalproblems-the postwarpopu-
lationexplosion,urbansprawlandblight,unprecedentedaffluence,consumerism,
10. LaborandEnvironmentalism53
andmobility-and theirfundamentallynonlocal, interstateandnationwidechar-
acter, again challenging industry's localist argument. She showed an
environmentalist'ssense of alarm,aswell asa familiaritywith earlypostwarenvi-
ronmentaland ecological literature,when she chargedthatthe deteriorationof
the nation'senvironmentwas "notonly a nationalproblem,but also a national
disgrace"and warnedof "anairand waterpollution problemof such magnitude
that it has caused some of our leadingsocial thinkersand scientiststo conclude
thatwe arein the midstof a struggleof life and death."ForMadar,the environ-
ment was not merely a rich person'splaything,as anti-environmentalrhetori-
cians often portrayedit, but a deadlyserious issue of concern to all Americans,
including workingpeople.,8
Reuther also grew more stridentas the 196os progressed.In 1968, speaking
before the annual conference of the WaterPollution Control Federation,the
UAW presidentarguedthat the nation'senvironmentalcrisiswas reallythe re-
sult of "a crisis in our value system,"of priorities"out of focus."Reuther es-
poused not merelyan environmentalistposition, but a radicalenvironmentalist
position far in advance of most of the American public. Directly linking the
environmentwithothersocialproblemsofthe day,Reutherofferedhisaudience
an apocalypticvision:"Ifwe continue to destroyour living environmentbypol-
luting our streamsand poisoning our air... we put the survivalof the human
familyin jeopardy.... We maybe the firstcivilizationin the historyof man that
will have suffocatedand been strangledin the wasteof its materialaffluence-
compounded by social indifferenceand social neglect."In keeping with these
sentiments,the UAWsent representativesthe followingyearto arguestronglyin
favorof proposalsfor a new National EnvironmentalPolicyAct and a federal
Council on EnvironmentalQuality,and it supportedlegislationto promote re-
cycling and the properdisposalof the nation'sgrowingvolume of hazardous
wastes.'9
The UAWsoon found allies in its environmentalistcrusade.By 1970, repre-
sentativesof OCAW and the Steelworkerswere testifyingbefore Congressthat
pollution control was necessaryeven if it reduced employment in their indus-
tries.AnthonyMazzocchi, OCAW'scitizenship-legislativedirectorandlatervice-
president,also testified in favorof a National EnvironmentalPolicyAct. Like
Reuther, he clearlyfearedan environmentalapocalypsewhich made ordinary
economism pale bycomparison.No loose cannon, Mazzocchi wasa responsible
official of a majorindustrialunion with a considerablepersonalfollowingwho
helped establish a substantialrecord of environmentallyprogressiveachieve-
ments for his union. In his writtenstatement, he sounded an alarmabout the
nation'senvironmentalsituation,and noted with profoundsuspicionthe role of
corporateAmericain creatingthis situation.His workers'experiencewith many
of the most dangerousand terriblypolluting industriesin the nation had led
them to believe that "the hour for mankind is far later than anyone knows."
EchoingMadar,Mazzocchi advocatedimmediateregulatoryaction,eventhough
the resultmight proveeconomically harmfulto union members.20
11. 54 EnvironmentalHistory
Some officialsof the United Steelworkerscame to the same conclusion. In
1970,JosephGermano,directorof District31(Chicago-Calumet-Gary),appeared
beforethe Muskiesubcommitteeto supportincreasedfederalairpollution con-
troleffortsin termsthatechoed Olga Madar:"Wefeltwe weren'taroundjustfor
the purpose of negotiatingwages, hours and workingconditions, but we must
concern ourselveswiththe affairsof not only ourmembersbut the people in the
community."Germano noted thatunion membersin Peoria,in a surprisingre-
versalof traditionalassumptions,had threatenedto strikeon account of the ter-
riblypolluted conditionsoutsidethe local steel mill. He describedairpollution
cleanupasa matterof life anddeath,explainingthat"ifit is necessaryto lose 300
or4oo jobsto savethe livesof 3,000 or4,000 people, then thatis whatis goingto
happen."Germanosupportedthispositionwith a telling anecdote.Afterhe had
requestedChicago city officialsto grantleniency to the Republic Steel plant in
South Chicago while the company convertedits manufacturingprocess,local
membersof the United Steelworkersblastedhim for seeking a compromiseon
pollution control, even though their jobs were on the line in any partialshut-
down. Germano'sstatement showed not only a high level of environmentalist
sentimentin District31,butalsoimplied thatthe rankandfile wereaheadof the
leadership.21
As some of the nation'smost importantindustrialunions made pro-environ-
mental pronouncements, the nation'slargestagriculturalunion conducted its
celebratedcampaignagainstthe irresponsibleuseofcroppesticides.LedbyCesar
Chaivez,the UnitedFarmworkerscontinuedthe workof RachelCarsonin expos-
ing the dangersof modernagriculturalpesticidesand calling forneeded reforms
duringthe late1960s andearly1970s. The UFWcampaignagainstpesticides
primarilysoughtsafeworkingconditionsforfarmlaborers,who sufferedseverely
fromsickness,injury,and even deathfromhandlingdangeroussubstanceswith-
out propersafeguards.In this regard,it remainedlargelya traditionalstrugglefor
improvedworkerhealthandsafetyintheworkplace.ButthankstoRachelCarson's
Silent Spring,the use of pesticideshadbecome one of the mostcelebratedenvi-
ronmental issuesin the United States,and the UFW expandedits briefagainst
them to include widerconsiderationsof communityhealth,and in the processit
gained sympathyand supportfromotherconcerned groups.
The UFW'spesticidecampaignfirstgained public attentionin 1968,afterthe
fatal poisoning of a sixteen-year-oldorderedto spraystrawberriesunder grossly
improperand unsafe conditions. ChaivezwarnedCaliforniaagribusinessinter-
estsearlyin 1969thatworkerswould not allowthemselvesto be poisoned.UFW
chief counsel Jerome Cohen initiated legal action to force the Kern County
AgricultureCommission, basedin California'sconservativeand heavilyagricul-
turalCentral Valley,to divulge recordsof commercial pesticide applicatorsin
orderto substantiateclaims of sicknessand injurybyfarmworkers,butthischal-
lenge met resistancefromovertlypartisan,pro-agribusinessattitudesandactions
on the partof local authorities.Later,during1969congressionalhearingson the
problemsof migratorylabor,Cohen chargedthe Californiatable grapeindustry
with chronic, gross irresponsibilityin its use of pesticides "in disregardof the
12. LaborandEnvironmentalism55
health of both the consumer and the workers,"and he offered furtherhorror
storiesof afflicted workers.Forhis part,Chavez presentedevidence of poten-
tially dangerouspesticide residueson grapespurchasedat supermarkets,noted
episodes of pesticide poisoning among farmworkersover the past seven years,
and chargedboth Californiaand federalagriculturalagencies with neglecting
theirresponsibilityto protectfieldworkersandconsumers.Inthisway,the United
Farmworkers,while focusing mainlyon laborissuesratherthan strictlyecologi-
cal orenvironmentalones, workedin common cause with environmentalistsby
publicizing a majorenvironmentalproblemand providinga stirringexampleof
resistanceto environmentaldegradationin the face of heavyodds.22
While neveras radicalin itspronouncementsassome of the moreprogressive
unions, the AFL-CIOfollowedthe generaltrendtowarda greatersense of con-
cern and urgencyabout the environment.In 1970,an AFL-CIOrepresentative
declaredbeforeCongressthatairpollution in Americawas"notonly a massive
cause of economic, ecological, and otherdamage,buta growingmenace to pub-
lic health. . . [that] threatensthe continuation of human life and the lives of
most living creatureson this planet."In two environmentalistresolutionsfrom
the previousyear'snationalconvention, the Federationproclaimedthatthe "in-
ternalcombustionmotorvehicle isthe nation'sgreatestthreatto itspreciousand
irreplaceableairresource,"condemned U.S. auto makersfortheircontinual ef-
fortsto obstructthe development of pollution control devices, and called for
immediatefederalaction on airpollution and otherenvironmentalissues,warn-
ing how the "limits of the American people's tolerance for foot-draggingby
government... and privateindustryarebeing reached."Such statements,espe-
cially from the usuallyconservativeAFL-CIO,demonstratedthe degree of dis-
tance between unions and employerson environmentalissuesby 1970.23
Rank-and-filemembers often joined union leaders in expressingalarmover
the state of the environment.At field hearingsof the Muskie subcommittee in
St. Louis in 1969,JamesPace, community action directorforTeamstersLocal
688, organizeda delegationof workersand theirfamiliesto testifyon the severe
local airpollution problemand to demand immediatefederalaction. Rejecting
industrycalls fora local solution, teamsterRichardKing pointed out the inter-
state characterof the problem:"Iam tired of seeing throughburningeyes and
breathingacid air from the Illinois side as well as the Missouri side."Milton
Barlow,chief shopstewardatthe St.JoeLeadCompany'splantin Herculaneum,
Missouri,reportedwith disgusthow his company trickedair pollution control
inspectorsand how he believed thatthe situationwould never change without
pressurefrom the federalgovernment.MarthaBlacksher,a schoolteacherand
wife of a teamsterfromMadison,Illinois,told of the sufferingsof her asthmatic
son atthe handsof nearbyindustry.On manydays,atmosphericsmokeand dust
wasso severethatif she allowedthe boy to playoutside, he would face a serious
asthmaattackrequiringextensivemedicalattention.Doctorsrecommendedthat
the family relocate to a cleaner, healthier climate, but this was impossiblebe-
cause the Blakshershad little money and needed to stayclose to sourcesof em-
ployment. Her testimony powerfullyillustratedhow air pollution traditionally
13. 56 EnvironmentalHistory
hit working-classcitizensharder.Asresidentsof lessdesirableneighborhoods
nearindustrialdistrictswiththemostsevereproblems,theyhadlimitedoptions
forescapingtheirenvironment.4
Forthe sameevent,KennethL.Worley,directorof Region5 of the United
AutoWorkers,preparedanimpassionedletteronbehalfoftheGreaterSt.Louis
CounciloftheUAW.Whatwastheuse,hewondered,ofworryingaboutwages,
contracts,medicalinsurance,civilrights,nucleardisarmament,moonexplora-
tion,orendingtheVietnamWar"ifwe continuetopoisonanddestroythelife
supportsof the world?"Hisstatementreadlikea radical-environmentalistjer-
emiad:
Betterwe tearthefactoriesto theground,abandonthe mines,plugthepetro-
leum holesandfill the fuel tanksof ourcarswithsugarthancontinuethis
doomsdaymadness... Wedemandthatuncompromisingandirreversiblestan-
dardsandcontrolsbe establishedto preserveourenvironment,no matterwhat
thecost,nomatterhowgreattheviolationofpropertyrights,nomatterwhat
theeffectondividendsandnomatterwhattheeffectonourownboldplansfor
collectivebargaining.
WhileJamesPaceandKennethWorleymaynothavebeentypicalof ordinary
workingpeople,theiractionsdemonstratedthe growingenvironmentalismof
somelocallabororganizationsandindividualworkersoverthecourseofthelate
196os.25
Onthenationalfront,theUAWcontinuedtoleadthewayinenvironmental-
istinnovation.InJanuary1970,justafewmonthsbeforehisuntimelydeathina
planecrash,WalterReutherheldapressconferencewhereheannouncedanew
conceptin labor-managementnegotiations:"Ithinkthe environmentalcrisis
hasreachedsuchcatastrophicproportionsthat... the labormovementis now
obligatedtoraisethisquestionatthebargainingtableinanyindustrythatisina
measurablewaycontributingtoman'sdeterioratinglivingenvironment."Reuther
promisedthathisunionwoulddojustthat.Duringnegotiationswithemployers
in1970,UAWlocalsmadenearly750environmentalprotectiondemands,mostly
concerningpollutionattheworkplace,butalsoincludingwiderenvironmental
issues;clearly,at leastsome localsandordinaryworkerssharedthe national
leadership'senvironmentalistenthusiasm.Theunionalsosponsoredthenation's
firstenvironmentalteach-in,atthe Universityof Michigan,twomonthsbefore
thefirstEarthDaycelebrationonApril22, 1970. 6
In a surprisemove,the UAWjoinedseveralenvironmentalistorganizations
threemonthslaterin callingforthe replacementof the internalcombustion
engine.Togetherwiththe SierraClub,the WildernessSociety,the National
AudubonSociety,andnewerandmoreradicalenvironmentalorganizationssuch
as EnvironmentalAction,Friendsof the Earth,andZeroPopulationGrowth,
the UAWsubmitteda jointletterto Congresscallingfor"airpollutioncontrol
standardssotoughtheywouldbanishtheinternalcombustionenginefromau-
toswithinthe nextfiveyears"to "guaranteeeveryAmericana safer,cleanerat-
15. 58 EnvironmentalHistory
mentalists,he concluded that,despite cynical effortsto dividethem, "thereare
no two groupsthat have more in common than workingpeople and students."
When majorindustrialunions such as the UAW,the United Steelworkers,and
the InternationalAssociationof Machinistshelped passthe majorClean AirAct
amendmentsof 1970 and the Clean WaterAct amendmentsof 1972,and when
environmental organizationshelped pass the Occupational Safetyand Health
Act of 1970,the outlook for furthercooperationbetween young environmental
radicalsandunion membersseemed auspicious.Itappearedthatthe labormove-
ment and the environmentalmovement might march into the future arm-in-
arm, fulfilling Walter Reuther's dream of a broad-based and far-reaching
environmentalmovementthatencompassedall classesand includedsocial,eco-
logical, aesthetic,and resource-conservationissues.29
Although conflicts occasionallyarosewithin this alliance, majorsegmentsof
organizedlabor,oratleastitsleadership,remainedgenerallypro-environmental
until economic conditionsdeterioratedduringthe mid-to-late1970s. Eventsin-
creasinglyexposedthe weaknessesand vulnerabilitiesof the nation'senergy-in-
tensive and extravagant economy and demonstrated that environmental
preservationdid not come without costs. Workersgrew less rebellious as they
were sharplyremindedabout theirtightconnection to economic cycles. Union
environmentalismhad been rooted in assumptionsof continued economic ex-
pansion, job security,and relativelyeasy prosperity;many people believed that
environmental cleanup and protection could be achieved without majoreco-
nomic dislocations or fundamental changes in the suburbanized,auto-based,
consumeristic postwarAmerican culture. But with skyrocketingenergy costs,
general inflation,and economic stagnation,workerswho had once anticipated
an improvingstandardof living and a shorterworkweek now increasinglywor-
ried aboutkeeping their jobsat all. At the same time, some environmentalists,
following their new-found ecological awarenessto more radicalconclusions,
questionedthe desirabilityof economic growthand even advocatedzero-growth
policies, which helped to furtheralienate workers.30
Inthe face ofsuch changes,dislocations,andworries,workingAmericansdur-
ingthe 1970S grewincreasinglyreceptivetothe industry-promotedargumentthat
the nationcould not affordthe luxuryof environmentalism.Rejectingthe vision
of WalterReuther,who sawenvironmentalqualityas inextricablylinkedto other
socioeconomic conditionsandanecessaryandlegitimategoalinworkingpeople's
marchtowardprogress,manyworkersandlaborleadersin the 1970S detachedthe
environmentfromother, more traditionalunion concerns.As partof America's
generalturnawayfromthe bold reformistvisionsandfreewheelingsociocultural
experimentationofthe 196os, unionsoftenjoinedindustrialmanagementin con-
demning environmentalregulationsasan economic burdenanda threatto jobs.
Deterioratingeconomic conditionsalso made union membersmuch more sus-
ceptible to environmental"jobblackmail"-threats that industrieswould close
plants because they could not affordthe costs imposed by new environmental
standards.Tokeep jobs,workerswouldhaveto joinmanagementin resistingsuch
new requirementsand makeotherconcessions aboutwagesand workingcondi-
16. LaborandEnvironmentalism59
tions. Statistically,such claims usuallyprovedfalse,and the negativeeconomic
effectsof environmentalregulationhave long been highly,and often disingenu-
ously,overratedby industrialinterestsand theirallies.While unionistsand envi-
ronmentalistsstill cooperatedon certainissues,such as workerhealth and toxic
substancecontrollaws,workersgrewincreasinglysuspiciousofenvironmentalists,
which fueled the myth that organizedlaborand the environmentalmovement
wereinevitablyopposedto one another.3'
Ironically,the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980 graduallypushed unions
back towardtheir erstwhileallies. The Reaganadministrationworkedovertime
to breakthe strengthof organizedlabor and systematicallyrefusedto enforce
occupationalsafetyand health laws.In the unrestrained,probusinessclimate of
the 198os,manyemployersrewardedworkers'loyaltyand frequentanti-environ-
mental cooperation with layoffs,often shipping factoriesand jobs overseasto
take advantageof generally nonunion labor in Third Worldnations devoid of
meaningfuloccupationalhealth standardsor environmentalcontrols.This pro-
cess culminatedin the battleagainstthe NorthAmericanFreeTradeAgreement
(NAFTA)in 1993,which found laborand many environmentalistsallied once
again.32While theyfailedto derailNAFTA,the strugglemayhaveled bothmove-
ments to reflect momentarilyon the vision of WalterReutherand other early
labor environmentalists.
ScottDeweyisanAdjunctProfessorofHistoryatCaliforniaStateUniversity-Los
Angeles.He receivedhisPh.D.fromRiceUniversityin 1997,wherehe wrotea
dissertationentitled"'Don'tBreathetheAir':AirPollutionandtheEvolutionof
EnvironmentalPolicyand Politicsin the UnitedStates,1945-1970."He isanative
ofLosAngeles.
Notes
Thisarticleisa revisedversionofa paperpresentedattheannualmeetingoftheAmeri-
can HistoricalAssociation-PacificCoastBranchin August1995. I wouldliketo thank
thetwocommentatorson thatpanel,MariJoBuhleandDanielLetwin,aswellasthe
anonymousreviewersforEnvironmentalHistory.
1. FrederickH.Buttel,CharlesC. Geisler,andIrvingW.Wiswall,LaborandtheEnvi-
ronment:AnAnalysisof andAnnotatedBibliographyon WorkplaceEnvironmental
Qualityin the UnitedStates(Westport,Conn.:GreenwoodPress,1984),5-9; Rich-
ardKazisandRichardL. Grossman,Fearat Work:JobBlackmail,Labor,and the
Environment(NewYork:PilgrimPress,1982),x-xi;SamuelP.Hays,Beauty,Health,
andPermanence:EnvironmentalPoliticsin theUnitedStates,1955-1985(NewYork:
CambridgeUniversityPress,1987),298.
2. Buttel,Geisler,andWiswall,4; Hays,304; Kazisand Grossman,x;HeinrichSiegman,
The Conflicts Between Labor and Environmentalism in the Federal Republic of
17. 60 EnvironmentalHistory
Germanyand the UnitedStates(Aldershot,UnitedKingdom:GowerPublishing
CompanyLtd.,1985),23.
3. Buttel,Geisler,andWiswall,4; Hays,3o4; KazisandGrossman,x; Siegman,23;
JamesC. Oldham,"OrganizedLabor,the Environment,andtheTaft-HartleyAct,"
MichiganLawReview71(April1973):935-1040.The conclusionthatmainstream
laborhistorygenerallyignoresearlylaborenvironmentalismis basedon a searchof
electronicdatabases,aswellasa surveyofsomefortymajorbookson theAFL-CIO,
on majorunionssuchastheUnitedAutoWorkers,andonAmericanlaboringeneral
publishedbetween1970 and1995.Theseworksmakevirtuallyno mentionof the
environment,environmentalists,pollution,wildernesspreservation,outdoorrecre-
ation,or anyotherevidenceof laborenvironmentalismor anti-environmentalism
duringthe postwarperiod.No recentarticlesaddressthe subjecteither,although
somescholarshaveapparendyturnedtheirattentionto thisneglectedtopic.Those
booksthatdo mentionearlylaborenvironmentalismarethe exceptionsthatprove
the rule.See, forexample,NelsonLichtenstein,The MostDangerousManin De-
troit:WalterReutherandtheFateofAAmericanLabor(NewYork:BasicBooks,1995),
437,
4. RobertGottlieb,ForcingtheSpring:The Transformationof theAmericanEnviron-
mentalMovement(Washington,D.C.:IslandPress,1993),47-51,67-71;"HowUnions
SpendTheirOff-Hours:WhentheOrganizing,Bargaining,andPolitickingareDone,
They Go In Foran OddMixof Activities,FromCharityWorkandArtto Social
CrusadingandTrainingDogsfortheBlind,"BusinessWeek,18September1965,156;
Lichtenstein,TheMostDangerousManin Detroit,OlgaM. Madar,"Laborand
Leisure:TheUAW'sRecreationProgramOffers'EverythingPosible,"'Recreation54
(January1961):39-40; Madar,"UAWStructureEmphasizesRecreation,Leisure-Time
ActivitiesAndConservation,ParksandRecreation2 (November1967):31if.;Gus
Tyler,"FreshBreezesin theLaborMovement,"NewRepublic,20 May1967,13-15;
B.J.Widick,"Pressureson Labor:VietNam,RaceandtheUnions,"TheNation, 21
November1966,545-48;"Meany'sTwoTargets:AutomationandHisCritics,"US.
NewsandWorldReport,25 November1963,16;"WalterReutherLooksAhead,"US.
Newsand WorldReport,29 November1965,88;"Unions'BigGoalsfor'66,"US.
NewsandWorldReport,20 December1965, 73-74;"Labor:UAWGoesOutonTwo
LongLimbs,"BusinessWeek,29 April1967,99-102; AbrahamL.Gitlow,"TheTrade
UnionProspectintheComingDecade,"LaborLawJournal21 (March1970):131-58;
KazisandGrossman,186-189;Oldham,936;RobertDaleGrinder,"TheAnti-Smoke
Crusades:EarlyAttemptstoReformtheUrbanEnvironment,1893-1918"(Ph.D.diss.,
Universityof Missouri,1973),93-94,122.
Industryrepresentativestypicallydeniedor minimizedthe risksfromenviron-
mentalpollutionand invariablywarnedabouteconomicdangersfrominstituting
costlypollutioncontrols.Typicalindustrytestimony,since it couldnot appearto
favorairorwaterpollution,insteadcalledforfurtherstudiesbeforeactioncouldbe
takenandurgedthatresponsibilityforpollutioncontrolremainatthestateorlocal
level (ratherthanthe federallevel,wheresuchproblemsmightactuallybe dealt
withat industry'sexpense).Almostanystatementbyrepresentativesof the National
Associationof Manufacturersmadeathearingson airorwaterpollutionduringthe
1950sand196oswouldrevealthislineofargument.
5. New YorkTimes,31October1948,1;1 November1948,1;3 November1948,37;14
October1949, 29; HowardR.Lewis,WithEveryBreathYouTake:ThePoisonsofAir
Pollution:HowTheyAreInjuringOurHealth,andWhatWeMustDoAboutThem
18. LaborandEnvironmentalism61
(NewYork:CrownPublishers,Inc.,1965),188-202;LynnePageSnyder,"'TheDeath-
DealingSmogOverDonora,Pennsylvania':IndustrialAirPollution,PublicHealth
Policy,andthe Politicsof Expertise,1948-1949,"EnvironmentalHistoryReview18
(Spring1994):122-23, and"'TheDeath-DealingSmogOverDonora,Pennsylvania':
IndustrialAirPollution,PublicHealth,andFederalPolicy,1915-1963"(Ph.D.diss.,
Universityof Pennsylvania,1994).
6. SenateCommitteeonPublicWorks,AirPollutionControl:HearingsbeforetheSub-
committeeon Airand WaterPollutionof theSenateCommitteeon PublicWorks,
88thCong.,istsess.,1963,189.
7. Journalof theInternationalChemicalWorkers,DistrictCouncilNumber1,Tampa,
Florida,28 January1959,File721.3-ToFlorida,ProjectRecords,1955-1960,AirPol-
lutionMedicalBranch,U.S.PublicHealthService,NationalArchives,Washington,
D.C.;PeterHamill,M.D.,letterto file,20 January1959,File 552.2, ProjectRecords,
1955-1960, Air Pollution Medical Branch, U.S. Public Health Service, National Ar-
chives, Washington, D.C.
8. Senate Committee, AirPollution Control,88th Cong., ist sess., 189-91;Senate Com-
mittee on Public Works,Clean Air:HearingsBefore the Subcommittee on Air and
WaterPollution of the Senate Committee on Public Works,88th Cong., 2d sess.,
1964, 231-32;Senate Committee on Public Works,Air Pollution Control:Hearings
before the Subcommittee on Air and WaterPollution of the Senate Committee on
Public Works,89th Cong., ist sess.,1965,113-14;Senate Committee on PublicWorks,
Air Pollution Control:Hearings before the Subcommittee on Air and WaterPollu-
tionof theSenateCommitteeon PublicWorks,89thCong.,2d sess.,1966,228-29.
9. House Committee on Public Works,Hearings before the Subcommittee on Rivers
and Harborsof the Committee on Public Works,85thCong., 2d sess., 1958,126-37.I
was unable to find any testimonyon the 1948bill from union representatives.
lo. House Committee on Public Works,Federal WaterPollution Control:Hearingsbe-
fore the Committee on Public Works,86th Cong., ist sess.,1959, 90-92; Senate Com-
mittee on Public Works,Hearings to Amend the Federal WaterPollution Control
Act beforea Subcommittee of the Committee on Public Works,86th Cong., ist sess.,
1959,67-69; House Committee on Public Works,Federal WaterPollution Control:
Hearings before the Subcommittee on Riversand Harborsof the Committee on
Public Works,87th Cong., ist sess., 1961,130-39; Senate Committee, WaterPollu-
tion Control:Hearingsbefore the Subcommittee on Air and WaterPollution of the
Senate Committee on Public Works,89th Cong., 2d sess., 1966,2,46-57.
11. See MartinV. Melosi, "LyndonJohnsonand EnvironmentalPolicy,"in TheJohnson
Years,vol. 2, Vietnam, The Environment, and Science, ed. Robert A. Divine
(Lawrence:The UniversityPressof Kansas,1987),129.
12. Senate Committee on Interiorand InsularAffairs,National WildernessPreservation
Act: Hearingsbefore the Committee on Interiorand InsularAffairs,85th Cong., 2d
sess., 1958, 203-4.
13. Ibid., 204; Senate Committee on Interiorand InsularAffairs,WildernessPreserva-
tion System: Hearings before the Committee on Interiorand InsularAffairs,87th
Cong., 2d sess., 1962, 1306-7.
14. House Committee on Interiorand InsularAffairs,Chesapeakeand Ohio Canal Na-
tional Historical Park:Hearings before the Subcommittee on Public Lands of the
Committee on Interiorand InsularAffairs,85th Cong., 2d sess., 1958,151-58;House
Committee on Interiorand InsularAffairs,Chesapeake and Ohio Canal National
HistoricalPark:Hearingsbeforethe Subcommittee on Public Landsof the Commit-
19. 62 EnvironmentalHistory
tee on InteriorandInsularAffairs,86thCong.,istsess.,1959,176-81;SenateCom-
mitteeon InteriorandInsularAffairs,IndianaDunesNationalLakeshore:Hearings
beforetheSubcommitteeonPublicLandsof theCommitteeonInteriorandInsular
Affairs,88thCong.,2dsess.,1964,226-31;SenateCommitteeon InteriorandInsular
Affairs,IndianaDunesNationalLakeshore:Hearingsbeforethe Subcommitteeon
PublicLandsof theCommitteeonInteriorandInsularAffairs,89thCong.,istsess.,
1965,98-loo; SenateCommitteeon InteriorandInsularAffairs,NationalWilder-
nessPreservationAct:Hearingsbeforethe Committeeon InteriorandInsularAf-
fairs,85thCong.,2d sess.,1958,435-38,645,847-48;SenateCommitteeon Interior
and InsularAffairs,ApostleIslandsNationalLakeshore:Hearingsbeforethe Sub-
committeeon ParksandRecreationof the Committeeon InteriorandInsularAf-
fairs,goth Cong.,ist Sess.,1967,121-23; SenateCommitteeon PublicWorks,Air
PollutionControl:HearingsbeforetheSubcommitteeonAirandWaterPollutionof
theSenateCommitteeon PublicWorks,9ist Cong.,2d sess.,1970,471-72.
15.KazisandGrossman,21o; Siegman,25, 28; RobertCameronMitchell,"FromElite
Quarrelto MassMovement,"Societyi8 (July/August1981):76-77;New YorkTimes,
7 November1965,79.
16.OlgaM. Madar,"UAWStructureEmphasizesRecreation,"31;HouseCommittee
on InteriorandInsularAffairs,NationwideTrailsSystem:HearingsbeforetheSub-
committeeon NationalParksandRecreationof theCommitteeon InteriorandIn-
sularAffairs,goth Cong., ist sess.,1967,156-58,16o-65.OlgaMadarwasthe first
femalevicepresidentin theUAWandoneofthefewwomenin anymajorunionto
assumea majorleadershippositionpriorto the 1970s.
17.SenateCommitteeon PublicWorks,AirPollution:HearingsbeforetheSubcommit-
tee on Airand WaterPollutionof the SenateCommitteeon Public Works,goth
Cong., ist sess., 1967, 535-36.
18.Ibid.,536-38.
19.HouseCommitteeon MerchantMarineand Fisheries,EnvironmentalQuality:
Hearingsbeforethe Subcommitteeon Fisheriesand WildlifeConservationof the
Committeeon MerchantMarineandFisheries,91stCong.,ist sess.,1969,155-57;
SenateCommitteeon PublicWorks,ResourceRecoveryActof 1969.Hearingsbe-
forethe Subcommitteeon Airand WaterPollutionof the Committeeon Public
Works,91st Cong., ist sess.,1969, 1342-43.
20. HouseCommitteeon MerchantMarineandFisheries,EnvironmentalQuality,123-
27. Mazzocchihasremaineda friendof environmentalism,eventhroughthe diffi-
cultyearsof thelate1970S andearly1980s. See KimMoody,AnInjuryToAll:The
DeclineofAmericanUnionism(NewYork:Verso,1988),237-38.Inoneofthemost
famousexamplesof environmentalactivismbya unionmember,KarenSilkwood,a
youngOCAWorganizer,diedin a mysteriouscarcrashin Oklahomain 1974while
allegedlytryingtodeliverincriminatingdocumentsaboutsafetyabusesinthenuclear
industrytoanewspaperreporterandanOCAWunionofficial.SeeRichardL.Rashke,
TheKillingofKarenSilkwood:TheStoryBehindtheKerr-McGeePlutoniumCase
(Boston:HoughtonMifflinCompany,1981).
21. SenateCommittee,AirPollution,91st Cong.,2d sess.,1970,464-72.
22. RuthHarmer,"Poisons,Profits,andPolitics,"TheNation,25 August1969,134-37;
SenateCommitteeon LaborandPublicWelfare,MigrantandSeasonalFarmworker
Powerlessness:HearingsbeforetheSubcommitteeon MigratoryLaborof theCom-
mitteeonLaborandPublicWelfare,pt.6-A,91st Cong.,istsess.,1969,3008, 3027-
37,3043-45,3386-3401.Aswithotherunions,thepresenthistoriographyoftheUFW
