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ENGLISH 110, ESSAY PROMPT #3
Bogeymen in fairytales represent our fears, and the
protagonists, often represented by children, face any
number of obstacles and challenges in order to defeat them.
This narrative arc—moving from a state of
innocence to a state of experience, or moving from the naivety
of childhood to the skepticism of
adulthood—is ultimately about gaining knowledge, specifically
knowledge about ourselves, and this
newfound experience is what defeats the bogeys in the end: by
facing the unknown head on, the
protagonists take away the bogeys’ power (fear) and achieve
their goals.
This might be why fairytales so prominently highlight the
dangers of curiosity: curiosity to learn and
experience is what initially sets the hero on her journey; it’s
what drives her past the threshold of her
comfort (her youth) in order to learn more about her fears
(adulthood). The journey is dangerous, the path
is uncertain, and the outcome is different for each hero.
However, while knowledge is simply given to the
protagonist in some stories—or given to the reader in the form
of a moral—we know that being told to
overcome our fear is never enough. In order to truly succeed,
the protagonist must face challenges herself,
and while this path may prove rocky, the long-term benefits, the
battle scars she collects on the way,
make the experience more poignant.
Angela Carter’s stories in The Bloody Chamber remix fairytales
to capitalize on the hero’s journey from
innocence to experience. We meet the protagonists at the
threshold of their youth, fearful about the
transition into adulthood, curious, specifically, about the
forbidden knowledge of experienced women
(knowledge, say, of marriage, sex, menstruation and childbirth).
This curiosity sets the protagonists on
their journey to defeat the unknown in order to become adults.
For your third essay, I’d like you to
define what the protagonists ultimately learn about themselves
in Carter’s stories in order to
explain how their hard-won lessons might offer an example for
other young girls on the threshold
of becoming women.
Note: Please highlight or underline your thesis when you
turn in your final draft!
American Association of Teachers of Slavic and East European
Languages
Werewolves and Vampires, Historical Questions and Symbolic
Answers, in Petr
Aleshkovsky's "Vladimir Chigrintsev"
Author(s): Valentina Brougher
Source: The Slavic and East European Journal, Vol. 45, No. 3
(Autumn, 2001), pp. 491-505
Published by: American Association of Teachers of Slavic and
East European Languages
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3086366
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WEREWOLVES AND VAMPIRES, HISTORICAL
QUESTIONS AND SYMBOLIC ANSWERS, IN PETR
ALESHKOVSKY'S VLADIMIR CHIGRINTSEV
Valentina Brougher, Georgetown University
Petr Aleshkovsky is one of the most promising Russian writers
of the young
generation -those who debuted at the end of the 1980s and the
beginning
of the 1990s. He has drawn critical attention not because he has
shocked
literary sensibilities, like Vladimir Sorokin, or produced
experimental post-
modernist fiction, like Zufar Gareev.1 Rather, he has impressed
critics by
demonstrating a talent for writing traditional, realistic prose
which never-
theless acknowledges the multi-layered nature of reality and
the human
experience. According to the well-known Russian critic Mark
Lipovetsky,
Aleshkovsky is one of the Russian "postrealists" who are
"rooted in the
realistic tradition but .. . [have] learned from the experience of
postmod-
ernist art" (243). Given his affinity for mixing the daily and the
mundane
with the unusual and the fantastic, it is also tempting to
describe Alesh-
kovsky as a "fantastic realist," in the tradition of Nikolai
Gogol.
Aleshkovsky's first povest' or novella, Chaiki (Seagulls, 1992),
was set in
the mythical provincial town of Stargorod and revolved around
the theft of
icons, freedom of the arts, and other issues of contemporary
life. Several
key scenes reflected world mythology as well as old Russian
beliefs about
death and the soul. Aleshkovsky's cycle of thirty short
narratives, Star-
gorod: Golosa iz khora (Old Town: Voices from a Chorus,
1995), offered
brief vignettes from the lives of Stargorod's gallery of colorful,
eccentric
characters; these vignettes included references to witches,
village sorcerers
and healers, miracle-working icons and the like, which
suggested that be-
lief in the occult forms a vital dimension of contemporary
village life. The
novella, Zhizneopisanie khor'ka (1993; translated as Skunk: A
Life, 1997),
which brought Aleshkovsky almost instant fame and was short-
listed for
the Booker Russian Novel Prize in 1994, was structured on the
physical and
spiritual journey of Danilka, nicknamed Khoryok, who is both
antisocial
and amoral. Aleshkovsky portrayed his moral awakening as the
hypnotic
SEEJ, Vol. 45, No. 3 (2001): p. 491-p. 505 491
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492 Slavic and East European Journal
effect of icons depicting sinners, talk of the Second Coming
and Anti-
Christ, a priest's discourse on the role of paganism, magic and
miracle in
religious belief and, most important, Danny's own mystical
experiences
lying on a rock which is venerated by the local folk.
Vladimir Chigrintsev (1995, journal version; 1997, book
edition), short-
listed for the Booker Prize in 1996, confirms that
Aleshkovsky's writing is
rooted in the classical tradition but enriched by use of the
irrational, the
mystical and the supernatural- the occult in the broad scheme
of things.
The latter dimension of Aleshkovsky's art, it should be noted,
is in concert
with the literary dynamics and thematic preoccupations of
Russian writers
in the 1990s. One need only consider the prose of such writers
as Oleg
Ermakov, Aleksandr Vernikov, Georgy Petrov, Zufar Gareev,
Dmitri
Lipskerov, Aleksei Slapovsky, Viktor Pelevin, Aleksandr
Borodynia, Olga
Slavnikova, Maria Rybakova, Alla Bakholenko, Aleksei
Varlamov, Via-
cheslav Pietsukh, Mikhail Kuraev, Mark Kharitotov, Anatoly
Kim, Liud-
milla Petrushevskaia, Nina Sadur, and Tatiana Tolstaia to
conclude that
interest in the "other" world, different levels of reality,
demonology, black
and white magic, folk beliefs, apocalypses, mystical systems of
thought and
esoteric teachings characterizes much of the literature
published today.2
The occultist complexion of Russian prose in the 1990s is part
of the
counter-culture that developed in response to seventy years of
Soviet rule
and the emphasis on the visible, material world and the
rationality of life.
Writers today are taking advantage of the new freedoms to
mine all areas
of the occult that now constitute Russians' spiritual space. They
are discov-
ering in the world of the occult a rich source of literary
devices, metaphori-
cal language and philosophical perspective as they address
basic questions
about the nature of reality and human life in general. Some
writers incor-
porate elements of the occult into their prose as they strive not
only to
answer ontological and metaphysical questions, but also to
capture the
essence of history, politics and culture in Soviet, post-Soviet
and even pre-
revolutionary times. Viktor Pelevin, in Zheltaia strela (The
Yellow Arrow,
1993) and Chapaev i Pustota (Chapaev and Emptiness, 1996)
interprets
human life and the Soviet experience through a Buddhist prism;
Yuri
Buida offers his novel Boris i Gleb (Boris and Gleb, 1997) as
an alchemi-
cal manuscript in which he identifies the basic "ingredients" or
"elements"
of "Russianness," various Russian tsars, historical periods and
cultural
phenomena; and Tatiana Tolstaia, in her recently published
first novel,
Kys' (Kys, 2000),3 looks to both changes and constants in folk
beliefs,
mythology, and language to capture the character of Russian
life, politics
and culture-past, present and future. Aleshkovsky's Vladimir
Chigrin-
tsev very much belongs among these works.
In his collection of brief essays on noteworthy works of
Russian litera-
ture which appeared in the 1990s, Andrei Nemzer (27)
introduces Petr
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Werewolves and Vampires, Historical Questions and Symbolic
Answers 493
Aleshkovsky's novel, Vladimir Chigrintsev, as writing
representative of a
generation of writers who are deeply involved in posing
questions and
providing answers. In his critical look at the work, Nemzer (28)
also men-
tions the presence of a volkudlak, vurdalak (werewolf) and
upyr' (vam-
pire) in key moments in the novel.4 His comments, however,
suggest a
weariness with the occultist complexion of Russian literature in
the 1990s
and do little to illuminate the philosophical, cultural and
political implica-
tions of Aleshkovsky's artistic vision. In my view, the occultist
preoccupa-
tion in Aleshkovsky's work transcends mere fashion. As this
article will
show, Aleshkovsky uses folk beliefs, legends and myths to
provide sym-
bolic answers to historical questions about Soviet rule, the
nature of real-
ity, and the creative imagination.
Much of the structural complexity and thematic richness of
Alesh-
kovsky's Vladimir Chigrintsev is owed to the portrayal of the
folk belief in
two types of the unclean undead: the werewolf and the vampire.
It should
be noted at the start, however, that Aleshkovsky often does not
distinguish
between the two categories, instead allowing them to merge in
the reader's
mind.5 A thoughtful reading of the novel reveals that various
"truths"
about Russian history, human creativity, and the nature of
reality in general
are locked in an intricate "set of relations . .. connected
through their
intersection"6 in the folkloric notion of werewolf/vampire.7 As
we shall see,
in Vladimir Chigrintsev Aleshkovsky contextualizes an
"appearance" of a
werewolf or vampire in different periods of Russian life and
history, endow-
ing the notion with various suggestions, associations, and
meaning as the
novel progresses. The werewolf/vampire becomes not only the
binding
thread but the central metaphor in the novel. On a broader
level, the
werewolf/vampire plays a key role in the philosophical
underpinnings of
the novel, in the "questions and answers" that anchor
Aleshkovsky's work.
A fruitful approach to identifying these "questions and
answers" is first to
explore the role of the werewolf/vampire in the work and then
to consider
its broader implications.
Vladimir Chigrintsev opens in the 18th century with a
description of the
genesis of a local legend about a werewolf. The first few pages
of the novel
describe the end of the siege of Orenburg and Emelian
Pugachev, the leader
of the peasant rebellion in Catherine the Great's time, fleeing
for his life. As
his supporters flee as well, one man, who tries to elude the
horsemen
pursuing him through the steppe, finds himself confronted by
Prince Der-
betev. He begs for mercy, but the Prince - tired, wounded and
angry at the
"traitors"- pierces him with his sword. As the man lies dying,
he vows to
come back as a werewolf (volkudlak). This threat comes to
haunt genera-
tions of Derbetevs, and various tales, not only of the
supernatural but also
of hidden treasure, come to be associated with the Derbetev
estate,
Pylaikha.8 It seems that the "man" had been entrusted to
deliver a small
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494 Slavic and East European Journal
chest of semi-precious jewels to Pugachev's "empress" for
safekeeping, and
that Prince Derbetev became the unexpected owner of this large
treasure.
The werewolf, of course, "was known to the ancient Greeks and
Ro-
mans, and exists in the folk beliefs of peoples on every
continent in the
world" (Funk & Wagnells 1170). Since literary works with
supernatural
themes were popular in Catherine the Great's time (Berry 5-18),
Alesh-
kovsky's placement of the werewolf curse during Pugachev's
rebellion ac-
quires a certain legitimacy. Aleshkovsky signals, however, that
the notion
of a folkloric werewolf is of vital importance to the dynamics
of the whole
work, and not simply a Gothic touch for his novel, by taking
great care to
legitimize the man's vow to return as a werewolf. To this end,
he utilizes
details and elements that reflect common Russian folk beliefs.
Russian folklore offers a variety of explanations of how
werewolves
come into being. According to the 19th century scholar of
Russian folklore,
S. V. Maksimov (90-91), one magic ritual called for a knife to
be stuck into
a smooth tree stump and then for the person to jump over it.
For a were-
wolf to revert back to human form, the ritual called for jumping
over the
knife in the opposite direction. However, if anyone took out the
knife
before the person had a chance to revert back to human form,
that person
would remain a werewolf for the rest of his existence.
Aleshkovsky's narra-
tive suggests that, by literally "nailing" Pugachev's follower to
the ground
with his sword and then removing the weapon and pushing the
body into a
ravine, Prince Derbetev unwittingly performed a variation on
this ritual,
thus giving validity to the man's threat to return as a werewolf.
The empha-
sis Aleshkovsky places on Prince Derbetev's passionate view of
the man as
a "robber" (razboinik) and "traitor" (izmennik) dovetails with a
common
peasant belief that, as V. I. Dal (52-53) has observed, a
werewolf repre-
sented an apostate whose soul was not allowed to enter into
"the other
world" but was forced to wander this world and do mischief. In
setting the
genesis of his werewolf legend in Pugachev's time and
incorporating the
idea of treasure, Aleshkovsky exploits effectively the
association of folk
heroes with treasures in popular lore (Zabylin 440-447). Last
but not least,
the popular belief that hidden treasure was guarded by unclean
forces
(Zabylin 439) prepares for the involvement not only of the
"Derbetev
werewolf" but the demonic in general.
That the Prince's actions may have introduced supernatural
forces into
his life is suggested by the fate that befalls him. He is found
hanging from
an aspen tree in a ravine. According to folk belief, the aspen
was an
effective means of "fighting the unclean spirit, witches,
sorcerers" and
other beings of this kind (Slavianskaia mifologiia 293). Thus,
one possible
interpretation is that the Prince's death came at the hands of
peasants,
because of his rumored involvement with chernye muzhiki, or
sorcerers
and practitioners of black magic. Another interpretation is that
the fol-
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Werewolves and Vampires, Historical Questions and Symbolic
Answers 495
lower of Pugachev whom the Prince had killed and robbed of
treasure had
indeed "come back" as a werewolf, just as he had threatened:
after killing
him, Prince Derbetev had thrown the man's body into a ravine,
and it is in
a ravine that Prince Derbetev himself is found hanging. A
white dog was
spotted there and pronounced a shape shifter (oboroten') by the
local folk,
a term sometimes applied to a werewolf. It is also noteworthy
that the
violent nature of the death of Pugachev's follower had made
him a
zalozhnik, someone in folk belief who has died "an unnatural
death" be-
fore his time and thus become part of the world of the demonic.
The
zalozhniki "often show themselves to people and almost always
harm
them," according to D. K. Zelenin (40).
In tracing the life of the werewolf curse, which in turn
contributes to the
myths and legends which shroud the Derbetev estate,
Aleshkovsky places
special focus on the mysterious death, after the Bolshevik
revolution, of one
of the descendants of Prince Derbetev. Sergei Pavlovich
Derbetev does not
die at the hands of peasants enraged at their old master, as was
often true of
the times, nor is he purged as an "old bourgeois" element
hostile to the
revolution. Forced to give up the family estate of Pylaikha to
the Soviets, he
stayed on as its watchman. In 1921 he was found barely alive
in snowy,
freezing weather, just outside the door of a storeroom; people
wondered
why he had not taken shelter inside. Adding to the mystery, he
complained,
as he lay dying in the priest's hut, that he seemed to see
unclean spirits in the
hut's fume-filled, smoky air.9
Sergei Pavlovich came to be remembered as a man who was
drawn to the
night, standing guard with rifle in hand and staring
melancholically at the
full moon, "as if practicing witchcraft" (107). Given the story
of the Der-
betev werewolf, one suggestion is that Sergei Pavlovich might
have been
guarding against, or apprehensively anticipating, yet another
appearance
of the werewolf. The reader is left with the possibility that the
latter killed
him. Noting, however, the occultist coloration of the
description of his
behavior and the time frame, i.e., the apocalyptic early 1920s,
the reader is
also left with the suggestion that Sergei Pavlovich might have
sensed that
evil and demonic forces were about to manifest themselves.
This possible
reading is suggested toward the end of the work.
The main portion of the novel focuses on the role of the
werewolf legend
in the 1990s, when the last direct descendent of Prince
Derbetev, a profes-
sor of history, Pavel Sergeevich, lies dying of cancer. While
claiming not to
believe the tales about a werewolf and treasure connected with
Pylaikha
and the Derbetevs, he warns Volia Chigrintsev, a distant
relation, to "be-
ware only of a white-necked dog" (53) and, in his last hours, in
delirium,
the professor seems to see a werewolf.
Volia lives in Moscow, has studied history, and makes good
money as an
illustrator of fairy-tales. In some ways, he is a man of his time:
he enjoys
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496 Slavic and East European Journal
being well paid for supplying a "cultured capitalist" (kul'turnyi
kapitalist)
with illustrations to the tales of Pushkin. The latter sell well in
a time when
people long for a return to the classics. However, he is not
entirely satisfied
with this well-regulated existence. A strong sense of curiosity
and a need to
rediscover familial roots eventually take Volia to Pylaikha,
there to experi-
ence life's fairytales as opposed to those he illustrates. The
professor's
warning as well as the stories of hidden treasure and the
supernatural that
Volia has heard in connection with the estate lead to a clear
dichotomy in
his anticipation as he heads for the village where the estate is
located.10 He
wonders if he will find "buried treasure, a terrible werewolf, a
witch on a
fiery stick or [emphasis mine] simply mushrooms, hunting and
fishing"
(145). In Aleshkovsky's conception of the world, however,
Volia is fated to
discover that reality is not a simple matter of "either/or" but a
blend of the
"real" and the fantastic, the rational and irrational.
Volia's sojourn in the countryside leads to a renewed
application of the
variety of trees, grasses, insects, smells and sounds that abound
in the won-
drous world of nature. His visits with a friend's family remind
him of the
rural idyll that village life can be: the hut permeated with the
strong smell of
fragrant herbs, mushrooms, garlic, and freshly baked bread.
There is a grim
underside to this reality, too: alcohol is consumed in huge
quantities, rob-
bing people of time, energy and emotional health.
Volia also discovers that myths about the supernatural and
various be-
liefs about countering the power of the "dark forces" are very
much part of
village life and mentality. The grandmother of his friend
Nikolai repeats
local lore about a vampire (upyr') biting the former master
(Sergei Pav-
lovich) of Pylaikha at night and driving him to madness. When
Volia de-
cides to visit the estate, she presses on him an amulet of garlic
tied with
herbs. Garlic, of course, "is widely credited with the power to
drive away
evil, whether demons, witches or vampires" (Funk & Wagnells
441). He
finds himself unconsciously holding the amulet in his fist after
becoming
frightened at the sight of a dog with a white spot on his neck
and an old man
who appears suddenly and disappears just as quickly. Although
Volia's
reflex as an educated city man and a man of reason is to
dismiss these
"visions" as "delirium" (bredni) and "nonsense" (chush'), deep
down he is
no longer so categorically certain.
That his intuition or subconscious in fact sensed something that
was not
necessarily visible is suggested in what is revealed later about
the old man.
The narrator comments that the latter served in the NKVD.
Believing that
prisoners in the gulag were all "scum and enemies of the
people," he felt no
remorse in "suffocating" or "strangling" them (dushil gadov
193). The use
of the verb dushit' by association reminds the reader of the
"vampire" that
was said to have suffocated Sergei Pavlovich in the 1920s
(zadushil ego ...
upyr' 108). Moreover, the sudden appearance and disappearance
of the old
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Werewolves and Vampires, Historical Questions and Symbolic
Answers 497
man mimics the ability of a shape shifter to do exactly that at
will
(Slavianskaia mifologiia 279-280). By drawing on such
associations, Alesh-
kovsky suggests that the old NKVD man was, metaphorically
speaking, a
vampire, a demonic creature that attacks and destroys human
beings.
The portrayal of the old man shows that Aleshkovsky does not
restrict
his werewolf/vampire references simply to the level of folk
mythology. This
is even more vividly borne out in Volia's surrealistic dream one
night on the
old Pylaikha estate. As a man of the 1990s, Volia has had to
confront
various revelations about Soviet history and life. He has also
moved in the
society of students and professors of Soviet history. If a
person's dream is
displayed to him "from the thoughts of his own heart" (Bloom
91), and if a
dream is "little else than a resurrection of the past" (Bergson
114), then
Volia's dream can be read as his interpretation of Soviet life
and an ex-
tended metaphor for the course of Soviet history.
In the dream Volia sees all of the village men sitting at a long
table. On
something that resembles a combination of a "tribunal for a
Party speaker
and an Egyptian chair" lies a pillow. On it sits a statue-like,
"large but thin,
black dog with a white neck." There is a bowl of kut'ia, or
sweet rice,
before him. "The dog is not looking at anyone in particular, but
it is clear
that he is shepherding everyone - his whole look is full of
significance and
malice" (182). The dog sticks his snout in the rice, while the
village chair-
man invites those present to eat by beginning to chew on a
sharp steel bar;
they follow his example, swallowing chains, screws, nuts and
bolts; Volia
chews on a rusty pipe. A hunt follows, accompanied by the
dog's melan-
choly and malicious howling, as he sits on a high post with a
commanding
view of the activities.
This stream of images immediately evokes the specter of
Stalin. The
presence of a dog combined with a reference to an Egyptian
chair brings to
mind Anubis, an Egyptian deity of death represented as a dog-
or jackel-
headed man. In her study of Egyptian mythology, Veronica
Ions (85) points
out that although Anubis had various functions, "most
important of all, he
supervised the weighing of the soul . .. His judgment was of
vital impor-
tance, for it was accepted in turn by Thoth, Horus and Osiris,"
the major
deities. By parallel association, Stalin was raised to the status
of a deity for
the Soviet people and his decisions not only affected the lives
of millions,
but were accepted unquestioningly by his associates and
subordinates.
Kut'ia, "a food characteristic of funeral meals" (Ivanits 8),
serves as an
effective symbol and potent reminder of Stalin's role in the
death of mil-
lions. The dog "shepherding," or guarding and carefully
watching over his
guests brings to mind the Stalin hailed as "Captain of the
Country," "The
Wise Helmsman," and "The Boss,"11 while the dynamics
between the dog
(the look full of significance and malice) and his guests
parallels Stalin's
love of long dinners at which he exercised total control. The
peasants
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498 Slavic and East European Journal
chewing on metal parts can be interpreted as a reference to
Stalin as "the
man of steel" and his campaign of forced industrialization of
the whole
country. Volia's chewing a rusty pipe serves as a reference to
his car acci-
dent, which forced him to deal with the mafia for precious auto
parts, as
well as a general symbol of Russia's industrial decay. Volia's
passing judg-
ment on the dog as a shape shifter (oboroten') becomes an act
of divination
on the subconscious level on his part. But the dream also
"transcends the
psyche of the individual dreamer" (Bloom 123), because the
reader intuits
the higher truth: the werewolf in Volia's surrealistic dream is
Stalin. Tell-
ingly, days after his dream, Volia calls Stalin "a vampire,
murderer and
scoundrel" (195).
The dream does not end here, but continues to unfold: peasants
begin
dancing in cranberries, making a "bloody kisel' (kissel)." The
dog with the
white neck drives the peasants deeper into the forest, chasing
anyone who
falls behind. There follows not a witches' but a dogs' sabbath.
Then the dog
with the white neck turns into a common mongrel who
continues to run
across the field after the other dogs.
The "bloody kissel" and peasants being driven ever deeper into
the
forest can be read as a reference to Stalin's bloody regime
which included
dekulakization and collectivization and an extensive system of
camps deep
within Russia. The "dogs' sabbath" suggests the madness and
political orgy
that were the purges. The detail of the transformation of the
black dog with
the white neck into a common mongrel fits nicely the parallel
image of the
discredited, demythologized Stalin. And finally, the mongrel
with the white
neck running after the other dogs suggests that Stalin has not
been
exorcized from Russian life but is a still-demonic force
pursuing or propel-
ling others. Thus the dream has an "admonitory aura," to
borrow a phrase
from Bloom (98).
As we can see from the care with which Aleshkovsky crafts the
symbolic
texture of his novel and especially Volia's dream, the central
"question and
answer" at the philosophical core of Aleshkovsky's Vladimir
Chigrintsev
concerns Soviet rule, and Stalin's regime in particular. How
should Rus-
sians assess this part of their past, now that a different era has
dawned?
Through Volia's interest in history and the political changes in
post-Soviet
Russia, and particularly the surrealistic dream that troubles his
sleep,
Aleshkovsky argues that, metaphorically speaking, Stalin
represented a
combination werewolf-vampire in Russian history. Just like the
folkloric
werewolf-vampire, he preyed on the living and brought death;
moreover,
just like the psychic werewolf-vampire in Jan Perkowski's
study (55), he
fed, and continues to feed, on others emotionally. It does not
escape the
reader's notice that Aleshkovsky insistently juxtaposes this
view of Stalin
and the regime he represented to that of some members of the
older
generation (for example, the old man Volia meets) who in the
1990s still
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Werewolves and Vampires, Historical Questions and Symbolic
Answers 499
argue that Stalin was "a real father" (nastoiashchii batiushka)
of the Rus-
sian people.
It is also noteworthy that Aleshkovsky's assessment of Stalin's
rule in-
cludes a warning: since both the werewolf and the vampire are
types of the
unclean undead against which rituals and remedies must be
employed to
render them powerless, Aleshkovsky suggests that Stalin's
presence will
haunt Russia and pose a threat until he is ritualistically
eliminated or exor-
cised from Russian life. That exorcism or ritual, the writer
suggests, lies
within the power of historians. As Volia concludes, with the
passing of the
older generations (represented by Professor Derbetev in the
novel) who had
served Stalin's cause, willingly or not, Stalin's power is losing
its hold on the
Russian nation, and historians are being left with "documents
and a state of
overpowering excitement (kaif), deeply personal excitement
connected with
[their] reading of the legend" (270). The "legend" is
undoubtedly a reference
to Stalin and his time. Aleshkovsky is suggesting that
historians now have the
freedom to study the cult of personality seriously, including the
role of
intellectuals in making Stalin a figure venerated by the masses,
a tsar and god
combined in one. Moreover, given the inclusion of references
to the
Pugachev Rebellion as well as to the relations between the
peasants and the
landowners in Vladimir Chigrintsev, historians also face the
task of re-
examining the roots of the Russian revolution, including the
extent of histori-
cal blame the tsars and the aristocracy must bear for the
revolution of 1917.
It is interesting to note that Volia's recognition of Stalin as a
werewolf
completes the cycle that began with Prince Derbetev in the 18th
century.
The Prince's actions led to the werewolf curse on the
Derbetevs; a descen-
dent, Sergei Pavlovich, after the Bolshevik revolution
seemingly intuited
the coming of the demonic; and Volia, in the 1990s, was able to
assign a
concrete identity to the demonic force that destroyed human
life in Russia
in the 20th century: Stalin. What began as a curse in a time
when the
supernatural and the fantastic was a fashionable part of the
literary land-
scape takes on a seriousness, a connection to real life and
Russian history
in the 20th century.
Volia's dream also brings us to another important "question and
answer"
that anchors Aleshkovsky's novel: what is the nature of reality?
Is it bound
only to the visible, material world or are there other planes of
reality that
are part of the human experience and just as legitimate? It is
true that the
symbolic texture of Volia's dream has an "otherworldly aura"
(24) and
reveals "dimensions of experience beyond the everyday"
(Barasch 17). But
his dream also brings to the surface insights which resided on
Volia's sub-
conscious level. The revelations that are imbedded in the
dream's symbol-
ism come to play a transformational role in Volia's life: he can
never look at
Soviet history in the same way. Thus, in the significance with
which he
invests Volia's dream, Aleshkovsky, as many writers and
thinkers before
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500 Slavic and East European Journal
him, suggests that dreams belong to a different level of reality
that must not
be dismissed. Dreams draw from an individual's everyday life,
as well as
the collective subconscious of a nation, and, transcending the
daily, ordi-
nary matrices of time and space, they reveal the hidden
mysteries and
truths locked therein.
Further evidence of Aleshkovsky's definition of reality as a
complex
interweaving of many strands can be found in Volia's
adventures in the
countryside. There is reality that consists of the recognizable
everyday
world, accessible to human reason and normal sensory powers.
There is
also reality that exists beyond the range of reason and the
human senses
and includes different levels of existence and consciousness.
Volia's experi-
ences toward the end of his stay near Pylaikha reflect these
different levels
of reality, privileging now one, now another level of reality. To
offer some
examples, Volia discovers a treasure in the bricks of the
Russian stove of
the estate church12: packets of currency from the 18th century
and the years
1924 and 1931.13 The "unclean spirits" and "witches" that
people--
including the professor and his wife - saw flying out of
chimneys and pipes
on the estate would seem to reflect the popular belief that there
is a
connection between demonic forces and hidden treasure. Volia,
however,
suffers no harm, perhaps because there are no demonic spirits
or perhaps
because the money is no longer valuable or a treasure. In an
unexpected
twist, however, Volia encounters the ghost of the 18th century
Prince Der-
betev, dressed in old finery, who questions Boria about the
harvest and hay
and starts giving orders. Boria, who lives in the countryside
and has accom-
panied Volia on the outing, interprets the ghost's appearance to
mean that
Volia is now one of the select: "If the master (barin) has
appeared to you, it
means that he considers you one of his own" (294). Boria, it is
important to
note, cautions Volia not to say anything in Moscow about this
apparition
because "they won't believe you, and what's even worse, they'll
send a
commission" (294). Here, as in the writing of Aleshkovsky's
contemporar-
ies, such as Alla Barkholenko, Oleg Larin, and Vladimir
Sokolovsky, 4 the
city is presented as the domain of non-belief in anything
occult.
Given Volia's experiences in the countryside and on the old
estate,
Aleshkovsky suggests that reality is a mixture of the visible,
material world
and the invisible, the irrational and the supernatural. Those
who place their
trust only in the former (as Volia does before he visits
Pylaikha), subscribe
to a simplistic, impoverished view of reality. However, those
who come to
appreciate the latter (like Volia after his stay at Pylaikha), who
accept, at
least to some extent, the folk beliefs, legends and superstitions
that are part
of the culture and character of village life, appreciate the
multi-layered
richness of reality and the human experience. Simply put,
Aleshkovsky is
arguing for restoring to reality the complexity, mystery and
ambiguity that
Soviet ideology had tried to ignore and even eliminate.
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Werewolves and Vampires, Historical Questions and Symbolic
Answers 501
The third important "question and answer" connected with the
novel's
key metaphor, the werewolf/vampire image, revolves around
the writer
and the creative imagination. It is significant that Volia's
characterization
of Stalin as a werewolf (in his dream) and a vampire (in
arguments with the
older generation of Stalin admirers) becomes interconnected
with Profes-
sor Derbetev's earlier use of the werewolf image to characterize
his life.
Before his death, the professor admitted to Volia that he had
written "fairy
tales [his] whole life and lived as in a fairy-tale" (238), an
indirect admission
that he tailored his studies of history to the ideological
demands of the time
and lived in a world that belonged to the stuff of fantasy and
invention, not
real life. Moreover, the professor suggested that he was a
victim of forces
beyond his control by reciting for Volia a line of poetry he
associated with
his youth: "Mne na plechi brosaetsia vek-vurdalak" (The
werewolf century
is hurling itself onto my shoulders). Although the name of Osip
Man-
delstam is not mentioned directly, Volia quickly identifies the
poet in his
mind and points out to the professor, without naming the poem,
that
Mandelstam had employed volkodav (wolf-hound) rather than
vurdalak in
that particular line of poetry. The professor defends his choice
by suggest-
ing that the more ominous and life-threatening image of a
werewolf better
encapsulates the essence of Soviet rule under Stalin. This
image, the reader
understands, serves as a powerful evocation of Stalin not only
as someone
who preyed on the living but also someone who exacted a
heavy emotional
toll. He is both a "folkloric" werewolf/vampire and a "psychic,"
one, to
repeat categories from Perkowski's (55) study.
Fittingly, Professor Derbetev's recitation of a line of poetry
from Man-
delstam, albeit with some imprecision, serves to remind the
reader of a
great poet who was one of Stalin's many victims. That
particular line of
poetry is from Mandelstam's "Za gremuchuiu doblest'
griadushchikh
vekov" ("For the sake of the future's trumpeting heroics"), a
poem which,
according to Anna Akhmatova (101), was unearthed by NKVD
investiga-
tors and shown to Mandelstam when they arrested him. The
professor's
insistence, however, on substituting Pushkin's vurdalak for
Mandelstam's
volkodav, immediately adds Pushkin to an ever expanding
system of inter-
connections between different writers, historical periods, and
the reading
public. Moreover, the interconnections do not become
exhausted with the
reference to Pushkin, although the professor claims that the
latter "in-
vented" the image of the werewolf and thus credits him with
creating a
literary version of the supernatural being. Pushkin's
"Vurdalak," however,
is one of the poems found in his cycle "Songs of the Western
Slavs" ("Pesni
zapadnykh slavian")15 which, as Ernest Simmons (352)
explains, were
"drawn from Prosper Merimee's La Guzla, an excellent forgery
of Serbian
songs [to which] Pushkin added a few other songs and cast in
the meter of
the Russian folk epic."
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502 Slavic and East European Journal
If the foregoing intertextual dynamics (Mandelstam, Pushkin,
Merimee,
Serbian culture) are taken into account, Aleshkovsky's artistic
intention is
fairly clear. He wants to draw the reader's attention to the
"common arche-
typal pool of mythic consciousness" (Kolakowski 8) about
which Carl Jung
and Mercea Eliade wrote with such conviction and eloquence.
He also
wants the reader to appreciate that this pool "manifests itself ...
in cultur-
ally designated specifics" (Kolakowski 8), as both Jung and
Eliade also
believed. Aleshkovsky had already illustrated this by selecting
the belief in
werewolves and vampires that is part of so many cultural
traditions and
then looking to traditional Russian folk beliefs to explain the
appearance
and subsequent "life" of his werewolf/vampire.
Aleshkovsky can even be said to add himself to the symbiotic
relation-
ship and system of interconnections which he suggests exist
between cre-
ative minds, nationally and globally. It is not without interest
that Alesh-
kovsky chooses to open his novel with an episode set in
Pugachev's time.
The latter brings to mind the immediate association with
Pushkin, a Rus-
sian literary icon who is remembered, among other things, for
two works
on Pugachev's rebellion (the historical treatise The History of
Pugachev,
1833, and the novel The Captain's Daughter, 1833-1836).16 Of
particular
importance is the Pushkinian spectral scene in the last
paragraphs of
Vladimir Chigrintsev. Aleshkovsky takes the key ingredients of
Pushkin's
famous poem "Demons" ("Besy," 1830) -based on folklore
beliefs about
snowstorms, witches and demonic spirits--and creates a prose
variation
on Pushkin's imagery. And he goes even further: he subverts
the thrust of
Pushkin's poem by recasting Volia's reactions to the
snowstorm. The lat-
ter, unlike Pushkin's barin (landowner or gentleman), is not
overcome
with fear, but rather experiences a "joyous unbelievable feeling
of free-
dom" (303). This sense of freedom comes from being away
from the city
and in a world of nature, where folklore, which he has come to
appreciate,
plays an integral part. The "purposeful reversal" (Rodari 35) of
Pushkin's
poetic intention serves as Aleshkovsky's playful illustration
that the cre-
ative artist inevitably taps into the pool of imagery and ideas
created
before him but, in his individual way, heeds his own Muse.
Last but not least, Aleshkovsky's "questions and answers"
about the
"uniqueness" of the creative imagination and the image of
national writers
in a global context is pointedly illustrated in what Volia learns
about an-
other of Pushkin's works. Thanks to a dealer in antiques, Volia
comes to
appreciate the poet's "The Golden Cockerel" ("Zolotoi
petushok," 1834)
not simply as a uniquely Russian fairy-tale but also as an old
Arab legend,
"in its European variant at that," which Pushkin "sharpened,
simplified
and reworked according to the needs of the time" ("zaostril,
uprostil i
obrabotal dlia nuzhd vremeni" (259). Aleshkovsky is clearly
one of those
writers who, to borrow some phrases from J. Bierlein (xiv),
appreciates
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Werewolves and Vampires, Historical Questions and Symbolic
Answers 503
"the fascinating parallels that exist among the myths [and
stories] of widely
separated cultures." After all, he himself chooses the belief in
werewolves
and vampires that is part of world mythology and "explores and
reworks"
this belief to fit the needs of his time, a time of "questions and
answers."
NOTES
*I would like to thank Helen Sullivan and the staff of the
Slavic Library at the University of
Illinois in Urbana-Champaign, Yaroslava Zelinsky of the
Library of Congress, and my col-
league Svetlana Grenier for their assistance in locating sources;
my colleague Valery
Petrochenkov for giving me generously of his time whenever I
had questions relating to
Aleshkovsky's text; Mark Lipovetsky and the two anonymous
readers for their comments and
advice; and Irene Masing-Delic for her suggestions and
guidance.
1 I have in mind Sorokin's Serdtsa chetyrekh (1994),
Tridtsataia liubov' Mariny (1994) and
Goluboe salo (1999), as well as Gareev's Mul'tiproza (1992).
2 See V. G. Brougher, "The Occult in Russian Literature of the
1990s," and Brougher and
Helene N. Wolff, "The Demonic in the Short Stories of Grigorii
Petrov, Anatolii
Kurchatkin, and Oleg Ermakov."
3 Kys', one of the writer's neologisms in the novel, is a
mythological bird of prey in which
people in Tolstaia's world believe and which they fear all their
lives. Myth and legend
holds that the people it attacks either die or never fully recover
from the physical and
psychic scars it leaves. The novel is filled with historical,
political and literary allusions,
and "kys"' may stand for the essence of various ingredients that
make Russia unique. A
reader familiar with Vasily Aksenov's prose will be reminded
of his novella Stal'naia ptitsa
(The Steel Bird, which first appeared in the U.S.A. in 1979 in
an English translation
published by Ardis Press and was included in vol. 2 of his
Sobranie sochinenii v piati
tomakh, Moscow, 1995) in which the main character,
Popenkov, whom people call the
"Steel Bird," symbolizes Stalin and his regime.
4 Slavnikova notes a connection between a wolf hound and a
werewolf in the work but
ignores any references to a vampire. She dismisses Volia's
dream, which I believe is an
important key to appreciating Aleshkovsky's novel, as a
"superfluous, tiresome jumble"
(181). Clearly not interested in the occultist complexion of the
work, Slavnikova focuses
on the novel as a chronicle of a family history that ends with
Volia's discovery of a
worthless treasure at Pylaikha.
5 Ivanits (121) writes that "the categories of vampire and
werewolf did not merge" in
Russia. Aleshkovsky merges the two categories to indicate that
people in the 20th century
often confuse these two types of the unclean undead because
both ultimately represent a
demonic force that destroys human life. For the frequent
contamination of the vampire
with the werewolf in the Balkans, see Jan Perkowski's engaging
study, particularly Chap-
ter Three, "Vampire or Werewolf?"
6 Monroe C. Beardsley, as quoted in Ricoeur (93).
7 Perkowski (54) divides the "general vampire. .. into a
quarterly subset: the folklore
vampire, the psychotic vampire, the psychic vampire, and the
literary vampire." Alesh-
kovsky finds his metaphor in "the folkloric vampire ... a being
with imputed supernatural
characteristics [Perkowski's emphasis] . . . which functions
within the belief structure of a
given people and varies from culture to culture."
8 The estate takes its name from the village of Pylaikha near
which it is located. Pylaikha
has the same stem as pyl (fervor, ardor) and pylat' (to flame,
blaze). No information is
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504 Slavic and East European Journal
given as to when and why the village was so named although a
fire in the area influencing
the choice of name is a reasonable assumption.
9 The fumes are from the Russian stove.
10 The latter elements, incidentally, bring to mind
Schmemann's fascinating account of the
history of his family's estate, Echoes of a Native Land,
especially the myths and legends
about hidden treasure that became part of the legacy.
11 For a succinct but excellent description of the cult of
personality as well as Stalin's
nicknames, aliases, and official titles, see Rappaport, 58-63 and
263-267.
12 By Schmemann's account, "in the sixties, workers
dismantling a chimney of the burned-
down manor house found an urn full of letters and photos,
presumably concealed there by
the Osorgins" (6). It is intriguing to note that the histories of
Aleshkovsky's Pylaikha and of
Schmemann's Osorgin estate have many elements in common.
There is a good possibility
that Aleshkovsky is familiar with the story of the Osorgin
estate and adapted it to his needs,
which would be consistent with his artistic philosophy (see
discussion below).
13 Lenin died in 1924. Collectivization was at its height in
1931. This was also the year that
Stalin ordered the magnificent Cathedral of Christ the Savior in
Moscow to be dynamited
and demolished to make way for the Palace of Soviets (which
was never built).
14 See Svetilo maloe dlia osveshcheniia nochi by Alla
Barkholenko; "Ekhala derevnia mimo
muzhika" by Oleg Larin; and "Oblako, zolotaia polianka" by
Vladimir Sokolovsky
(1997), a work published some fifteen years earlier in a small
provincial journal and
finally noted by the critics in the 1990s, with the publication of
the anthology.
15 For Pushkin's use of vurdalak, see also "Marko Iakubovich"
in his "Pesni zapadnykh
slavian."
16 In an interview conducted by Setiukova, Aleshkovsky
mentions his deep interest in
Pushkin and history and notes that his father, "a rather well-
known historian," had a
great influence on him.
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Contentsimage 1image 2image 3image 4image 5image 6image
7image 8image 9image 10image 11image 12image 13image
14image 15Issue Table of ContentsSlavic and East European
Journal, Vol. 45, No. 3, Autumn, 2001Front Matter [pp. 490 -
538]Gender and Power in the Balkan Return Song [pp. 403 -
430]Metacommunism: Kazantzakis, Berdyaev and "The New
Middle Age" [pp. 431 - 450]Russian Minimalist Prose: Generic
Antecedents to Daniil Kharms's "Sluchai" [pp. 451 - 472]The
Orthodox Christian Subtext of Trifonov's Allusions to
Chekhov's "The Student" in Another Life [pp. 473 -
489]Werewolves and Vampires, Historical Questions and
Symbolic Answers, in Petr Aleshkovsky's "Vladimir
Chigrintsev" [pp. 491 - 505]A New Perspective on Teaching
Russian: Focus on the Heritage Learner [pp. 507 -
518]Teaching the Russian Heritage Learner: Socio- and
Psycholinguistic Perspectives [pp. 519 - 530]Review
ArticleRussian Philosophy as Ideology [pp. 531 -
537]Reviewsuntitled [pp. 539 - 541]untitled [pp. 542 -
543]untitled [pp. 543 - 545]untitled [pp. 545 - 547]untitled
[pp. 547 - 548]untitled [pp. 548 - 550]untitled [pp. 550 -
551]untitled [pp. 551 - 553]untitled [pp. 553 - 554]untitled
[pp. 554 - 556]untitled [pp. 556 - 558]untitled [pp. 558 -
560]untitled [pp. 560 - 562]untitled [pp. 562 - 564]untitled
[pp. 564 - 565]untitled [pp. 565 - 566]untitled [p. 567]untitled
[pp. 567 - 569]untitled [pp. 569 - 571]untitled [pp. 571 -
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598]Back Matter [pp. 599 - 602]

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  • 1. ENGLISH 110, ESSAY PROMPT #3 Bogeymen in fairytales represent our fears, and the protagonists, often represented by children, face any number of obstacles and challenges in order to defeat them. This narrative arc—moving from a state of innocence to a state of experience, or moving from the naivety of childhood to the skepticism of adulthood—is ultimately about gaining knowledge, specifically knowledge about ourselves, and this newfound experience is what defeats the bogeys in the end: by facing the unknown head on, the protagonists take away the bogeys’ power (fear) and achieve their goals. This might be why fairytales so prominently highlight the dangers of curiosity: curiosity to learn and experience is what initially sets the hero on her journey; it’s what drives her past the threshold of her comfort (her youth) in order to learn more about her fears (adulthood). The journey is dangerous, the path is uncertain, and the outcome is different for each hero. However, while knowledge is simply given to the
  • 2. protagonist in some stories—or given to the reader in the form of a moral—we know that being told to overcome our fear is never enough. In order to truly succeed, the protagonist must face challenges herself, and while this path may prove rocky, the long-term benefits, the battle scars she collects on the way, make the experience more poignant. Angela Carter’s stories in The Bloody Chamber remix fairytales to capitalize on the hero’s journey from innocence to experience. We meet the protagonists at the threshold of their youth, fearful about the transition into adulthood, curious, specifically, about the forbidden knowledge of experienced women (knowledge, say, of marriage, sex, menstruation and childbirth). This curiosity sets the protagonists on their journey to defeat the unknown in order to become adults. For your third essay, I’d like you to define what the protagonists ultimately learn about themselves in Carter’s stories in order to explain how their hard-won lessons might offer an example for other young girls on the threshold of becoming women. Note: Please highlight or underline your thesis when you turn in your final draft!
  • 3. American Association of Teachers of Slavic and East European Languages Werewolves and Vampires, Historical Questions and Symbolic Answers, in Petr Aleshkovsky's "Vladimir Chigrintsev" Author(s): Valentina Brougher Source: The Slavic and East European Journal, Vol. 45, No. 3 (Autumn, 2001), pp. 491-505 Published by: American Association of Teachers of Slavic and East European Languages Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3086366 Accessed: 07-12-2017 19:01 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected] Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms
  • 4. American Association of Teachers of Slavic and East European Languages is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Slavic and East European Journal This content downloaded from 207.62.236.135 on Thu, 07 Dec 2017 19:01:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms WEREWOLVES AND VAMPIRES, HISTORICAL QUESTIONS AND SYMBOLIC ANSWERS, IN PETR ALESHKOVSKY'S VLADIMIR CHIGRINTSEV Valentina Brougher, Georgetown University Petr Aleshkovsky is one of the most promising Russian writers of the young generation -those who debuted at the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s. He has drawn critical attention not because he has shocked literary sensibilities, like Vladimir Sorokin, or produced experimental post- modernist fiction, like Zufar Gareev.1 Rather, he has impressed critics by demonstrating a talent for writing traditional, realistic prose which never- theless acknowledges the multi-layered nature of reality and the human experience. According to the well-known Russian critic Mark Lipovetsky, Aleshkovsky is one of the Russian "postrealists" who are "rooted in the
  • 5. realistic tradition but .. . [have] learned from the experience of postmod- ernist art" (243). Given his affinity for mixing the daily and the mundane with the unusual and the fantastic, it is also tempting to describe Alesh- kovsky as a "fantastic realist," in the tradition of Nikolai Gogol. Aleshkovsky's first povest' or novella, Chaiki (Seagulls, 1992), was set in the mythical provincial town of Stargorod and revolved around the theft of icons, freedom of the arts, and other issues of contemporary life. Several key scenes reflected world mythology as well as old Russian beliefs about death and the soul. Aleshkovsky's cycle of thirty short narratives, Star- gorod: Golosa iz khora (Old Town: Voices from a Chorus, 1995), offered brief vignettes from the lives of Stargorod's gallery of colorful, eccentric characters; these vignettes included references to witches, village sorcerers and healers, miracle-working icons and the like, which suggested that be- lief in the occult forms a vital dimension of contemporary village life. The novella, Zhizneopisanie khor'ka (1993; translated as Skunk: A Life, 1997), which brought Aleshkovsky almost instant fame and was short- listed for the Booker Russian Novel Prize in 1994, was structured on the physical and spiritual journey of Danilka, nicknamed Khoryok, who is both
  • 6. antisocial and amoral. Aleshkovsky portrayed his moral awakening as the hypnotic SEEJ, Vol. 45, No. 3 (2001): p. 491-p. 505 491 This content downloaded from 207.62.236.135 on Thu, 07 Dec 2017 19:01:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 492 Slavic and East European Journal effect of icons depicting sinners, talk of the Second Coming and Anti- Christ, a priest's discourse on the role of paganism, magic and miracle in religious belief and, most important, Danny's own mystical experiences lying on a rock which is venerated by the local folk. Vladimir Chigrintsev (1995, journal version; 1997, book edition), short- listed for the Booker Prize in 1996, confirms that Aleshkovsky's writing is rooted in the classical tradition but enriched by use of the irrational, the mystical and the supernatural- the occult in the broad scheme of things. The latter dimension of Aleshkovsky's art, it should be noted, is in concert with the literary dynamics and thematic preoccupations of Russian writers in the 1990s. One need only consider the prose of such writers as Oleg
  • 7. Ermakov, Aleksandr Vernikov, Georgy Petrov, Zufar Gareev, Dmitri Lipskerov, Aleksei Slapovsky, Viktor Pelevin, Aleksandr Borodynia, Olga Slavnikova, Maria Rybakova, Alla Bakholenko, Aleksei Varlamov, Via- cheslav Pietsukh, Mikhail Kuraev, Mark Kharitotov, Anatoly Kim, Liud- milla Petrushevskaia, Nina Sadur, and Tatiana Tolstaia to conclude that interest in the "other" world, different levels of reality, demonology, black and white magic, folk beliefs, apocalypses, mystical systems of thought and esoteric teachings characterizes much of the literature published today.2 The occultist complexion of Russian prose in the 1990s is part of the counter-culture that developed in response to seventy years of Soviet rule and the emphasis on the visible, material world and the rationality of life. Writers today are taking advantage of the new freedoms to mine all areas of the occult that now constitute Russians' spiritual space. They are discov- ering in the world of the occult a rich source of literary devices, metaphori- cal language and philosophical perspective as they address basic questions about the nature of reality and human life in general. Some writers incor- porate elements of the occult into their prose as they strive not only to answer ontological and metaphysical questions, but also to
  • 8. capture the essence of history, politics and culture in Soviet, post-Soviet and even pre- revolutionary times. Viktor Pelevin, in Zheltaia strela (The Yellow Arrow, 1993) and Chapaev i Pustota (Chapaev and Emptiness, 1996) interprets human life and the Soviet experience through a Buddhist prism; Yuri Buida offers his novel Boris i Gleb (Boris and Gleb, 1997) as an alchemi- cal manuscript in which he identifies the basic "ingredients" or "elements" of "Russianness," various Russian tsars, historical periods and cultural phenomena; and Tatiana Tolstaia, in her recently published first novel, Kys' (Kys, 2000),3 looks to both changes and constants in folk beliefs, mythology, and language to capture the character of Russian life, politics and culture-past, present and future. Aleshkovsky's Vladimir Chigrin- tsev very much belongs among these works. In his collection of brief essays on noteworthy works of Russian litera- ture which appeared in the 1990s, Andrei Nemzer (27) introduces Petr This content downloaded from 207.62.236.135 on Thu, 07 Dec 2017 19:01:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
  • 9. Werewolves and Vampires, Historical Questions and Symbolic Answers 493 Aleshkovsky's novel, Vladimir Chigrintsev, as writing representative of a generation of writers who are deeply involved in posing questions and providing answers. In his critical look at the work, Nemzer (28) also men- tions the presence of a volkudlak, vurdalak (werewolf) and upyr' (vam- pire) in key moments in the novel.4 His comments, however, suggest a weariness with the occultist complexion of Russian literature in the 1990s and do little to illuminate the philosophical, cultural and political implica- tions of Aleshkovsky's artistic vision. In my view, the occultist preoccupa- tion in Aleshkovsky's work transcends mere fashion. As this article will show, Aleshkovsky uses folk beliefs, legends and myths to provide sym- bolic answers to historical questions about Soviet rule, the nature of real- ity, and the creative imagination. Much of the structural complexity and thematic richness of Alesh- kovsky's Vladimir Chigrintsev is owed to the portrayal of the folk belief in two types of the unclean undead: the werewolf and the vampire. It should be noted at the start, however, that Aleshkovsky often does not distinguish between the two categories, instead allowing them to merge in
  • 10. the reader's mind.5 A thoughtful reading of the novel reveals that various "truths" about Russian history, human creativity, and the nature of reality in general are locked in an intricate "set of relations . .. connected through their intersection"6 in the folkloric notion of werewolf/vampire.7 As we shall see, in Vladimir Chigrintsev Aleshkovsky contextualizes an "appearance" of a werewolf or vampire in different periods of Russian life and history, endow- ing the notion with various suggestions, associations, and meaning as the novel progresses. The werewolf/vampire becomes not only the binding thread but the central metaphor in the novel. On a broader level, the werewolf/vampire plays a key role in the philosophical underpinnings of the novel, in the "questions and answers" that anchor Aleshkovsky's work. A fruitful approach to identifying these "questions and answers" is first to explore the role of the werewolf/vampire in the work and then to consider its broader implications. Vladimir Chigrintsev opens in the 18th century with a description of the genesis of a local legend about a werewolf. The first few pages of the novel describe the end of the siege of Orenburg and Emelian Pugachev, the leader of the peasant rebellion in Catherine the Great's time, fleeing
  • 11. for his life. As his supporters flee as well, one man, who tries to elude the horsemen pursuing him through the steppe, finds himself confronted by Prince Der- betev. He begs for mercy, but the Prince - tired, wounded and angry at the "traitors"- pierces him with his sword. As the man lies dying, he vows to come back as a werewolf (volkudlak). This threat comes to haunt genera- tions of Derbetevs, and various tales, not only of the supernatural but also of hidden treasure, come to be associated with the Derbetev estate, Pylaikha.8 It seems that the "man" had been entrusted to deliver a small This content downloaded from 207.62.236.135 on Thu, 07 Dec 2017 19:01:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 494 Slavic and East European Journal chest of semi-precious jewels to Pugachev's "empress" for safekeeping, and that Prince Derbetev became the unexpected owner of this large treasure. The werewolf, of course, "was known to the ancient Greeks and Ro- mans, and exists in the folk beliefs of peoples on every continent in the world" (Funk & Wagnells 1170). Since literary works with
  • 12. supernatural themes were popular in Catherine the Great's time (Berry 5-18), Alesh- kovsky's placement of the werewolf curse during Pugachev's rebellion ac- quires a certain legitimacy. Aleshkovsky signals, however, that the notion of a folkloric werewolf is of vital importance to the dynamics of the whole work, and not simply a Gothic touch for his novel, by taking great care to legitimize the man's vow to return as a werewolf. To this end, he utilizes details and elements that reflect common Russian folk beliefs. Russian folklore offers a variety of explanations of how werewolves come into being. According to the 19th century scholar of Russian folklore, S. V. Maksimov (90-91), one magic ritual called for a knife to be stuck into a smooth tree stump and then for the person to jump over it. For a were- wolf to revert back to human form, the ritual called for jumping over the knife in the opposite direction. However, if anyone took out the knife before the person had a chance to revert back to human form, that person would remain a werewolf for the rest of his existence. Aleshkovsky's narra- tive suggests that, by literally "nailing" Pugachev's follower to the ground with his sword and then removing the weapon and pushing the body into a ravine, Prince Derbetev unwittingly performed a variation on
  • 13. this ritual, thus giving validity to the man's threat to return as a werewolf. The empha- sis Aleshkovsky places on Prince Derbetev's passionate view of the man as a "robber" (razboinik) and "traitor" (izmennik) dovetails with a common peasant belief that, as V. I. Dal (52-53) has observed, a werewolf repre- sented an apostate whose soul was not allowed to enter into "the other world" but was forced to wander this world and do mischief. In setting the genesis of his werewolf legend in Pugachev's time and incorporating the idea of treasure, Aleshkovsky exploits effectively the association of folk heroes with treasures in popular lore (Zabylin 440-447). Last but not least, the popular belief that hidden treasure was guarded by unclean forces (Zabylin 439) prepares for the involvement not only of the "Derbetev werewolf" but the demonic in general. That the Prince's actions may have introduced supernatural forces into his life is suggested by the fate that befalls him. He is found hanging from an aspen tree in a ravine. According to folk belief, the aspen was an effective means of "fighting the unclean spirit, witches, sorcerers" and other beings of this kind (Slavianskaia mifologiia 293). Thus, one possible interpretation is that the Prince's death came at the hands of
  • 14. peasants, because of his rumored involvement with chernye muzhiki, or sorcerers and practitioners of black magic. Another interpretation is that the fol- This content downloaded from 207.62.236.135 on Thu, 07 Dec 2017 19:01:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Werewolves and Vampires, Historical Questions and Symbolic Answers 495 lower of Pugachev whom the Prince had killed and robbed of treasure had indeed "come back" as a werewolf, just as he had threatened: after killing him, Prince Derbetev had thrown the man's body into a ravine, and it is in a ravine that Prince Derbetev himself is found hanging. A white dog was spotted there and pronounced a shape shifter (oboroten') by the local folk, a term sometimes applied to a werewolf. It is also noteworthy that the violent nature of the death of Pugachev's follower had made him a zalozhnik, someone in folk belief who has died "an unnatural death" be- fore his time and thus become part of the world of the demonic. The zalozhniki "often show themselves to people and almost always harm them," according to D. K. Zelenin (40).
  • 15. In tracing the life of the werewolf curse, which in turn contributes to the myths and legends which shroud the Derbetev estate, Aleshkovsky places special focus on the mysterious death, after the Bolshevik revolution, of one of the descendants of Prince Derbetev. Sergei Pavlovich Derbetev does not die at the hands of peasants enraged at their old master, as was often true of the times, nor is he purged as an "old bourgeois" element hostile to the revolution. Forced to give up the family estate of Pylaikha to the Soviets, he stayed on as its watchman. In 1921 he was found barely alive in snowy, freezing weather, just outside the door of a storeroom; people wondered why he had not taken shelter inside. Adding to the mystery, he complained, as he lay dying in the priest's hut, that he seemed to see unclean spirits in the hut's fume-filled, smoky air.9 Sergei Pavlovich came to be remembered as a man who was drawn to the night, standing guard with rifle in hand and staring melancholically at the full moon, "as if practicing witchcraft" (107). Given the story of the Der- betev werewolf, one suggestion is that Sergei Pavlovich might have been guarding against, or apprehensively anticipating, yet another appearance of the werewolf. The reader is left with the possibility that the
  • 16. latter killed him. Noting, however, the occultist coloration of the description of his behavior and the time frame, i.e., the apocalyptic early 1920s, the reader is also left with the suggestion that Sergei Pavlovich might have sensed that evil and demonic forces were about to manifest themselves. This possible reading is suggested toward the end of the work. The main portion of the novel focuses on the role of the werewolf legend in the 1990s, when the last direct descendent of Prince Derbetev, a profes- sor of history, Pavel Sergeevich, lies dying of cancer. While claiming not to believe the tales about a werewolf and treasure connected with Pylaikha and the Derbetevs, he warns Volia Chigrintsev, a distant relation, to "be- ware only of a white-necked dog" (53) and, in his last hours, in delirium, the professor seems to see a werewolf. Volia lives in Moscow, has studied history, and makes good money as an illustrator of fairy-tales. In some ways, he is a man of his time: he enjoys This content downloaded from 207.62.236.135 on Thu, 07 Dec 2017 19:01:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
  • 17. 496 Slavic and East European Journal being well paid for supplying a "cultured capitalist" (kul'turnyi kapitalist) with illustrations to the tales of Pushkin. The latter sell well in a time when people long for a return to the classics. However, he is not entirely satisfied with this well-regulated existence. A strong sense of curiosity and a need to rediscover familial roots eventually take Volia to Pylaikha, there to experi- ence life's fairytales as opposed to those he illustrates. The professor's warning as well as the stories of hidden treasure and the supernatural that Volia has heard in connection with the estate lead to a clear dichotomy in his anticipation as he heads for the village where the estate is located.10 He wonders if he will find "buried treasure, a terrible werewolf, a witch on a fiery stick or [emphasis mine] simply mushrooms, hunting and fishing" (145). In Aleshkovsky's conception of the world, however, Volia is fated to discover that reality is not a simple matter of "either/or" but a blend of the "real" and the fantastic, the rational and irrational. Volia's sojourn in the countryside leads to a renewed application of the variety of trees, grasses, insects, smells and sounds that abound in the won- drous world of nature. His visits with a friend's family remind
  • 18. him of the rural idyll that village life can be: the hut permeated with the strong smell of fragrant herbs, mushrooms, garlic, and freshly baked bread. There is a grim underside to this reality, too: alcohol is consumed in huge quantities, rob- bing people of time, energy and emotional health. Volia also discovers that myths about the supernatural and various be- liefs about countering the power of the "dark forces" are very much part of village life and mentality. The grandmother of his friend Nikolai repeats local lore about a vampire (upyr') biting the former master (Sergei Pav- lovich) of Pylaikha at night and driving him to madness. When Volia de- cides to visit the estate, she presses on him an amulet of garlic tied with herbs. Garlic, of course, "is widely credited with the power to drive away evil, whether demons, witches or vampires" (Funk & Wagnells 441). He finds himself unconsciously holding the amulet in his fist after becoming frightened at the sight of a dog with a white spot on his neck and an old man who appears suddenly and disappears just as quickly. Although Volia's reflex as an educated city man and a man of reason is to dismiss these "visions" as "delirium" (bredni) and "nonsense" (chush'), deep down he is no longer so categorically certain.
  • 19. That his intuition or subconscious in fact sensed something that was not necessarily visible is suggested in what is revealed later about the old man. The narrator comments that the latter served in the NKVD. Believing that prisoners in the gulag were all "scum and enemies of the people," he felt no remorse in "suffocating" or "strangling" them (dushil gadov 193). The use of the verb dushit' by association reminds the reader of the "vampire" that was said to have suffocated Sergei Pavlovich in the 1920s (zadushil ego ... upyr' 108). Moreover, the sudden appearance and disappearance of the old This content downloaded from 207.62.236.135 on Thu, 07 Dec 2017 19:01:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Werewolves and Vampires, Historical Questions and Symbolic Answers 497 man mimics the ability of a shape shifter to do exactly that at will (Slavianskaia mifologiia 279-280). By drawing on such associations, Alesh- kovsky suggests that the old NKVD man was, metaphorically speaking, a vampire, a demonic creature that attacks and destroys human beings.
  • 20. The portrayal of the old man shows that Aleshkovsky does not restrict his werewolf/vampire references simply to the level of folk mythology. This is even more vividly borne out in Volia's surrealistic dream one night on the old Pylaikha estate. As a man of the 1990s, Volia has had to confront various revelations about Soviet history and life. He has also moved in the society of students and professors of Soviet history. If a person's dream is displayed to him "from the thoughts of his own heart" (Bloom 91), and if a dream is "little else than a resurrection of the past" (Bergson 114), then Volia's dream can be read as his interpretation of Soviet life and an ex- tended metaphor for the course of Soviet history. In the dream Volia sees all of the village men sitting at a long table. On something that resembles a combination of a "tribunal for a Party speaker and an Egyptian chair" lies a pillow. On it sits a statue-like, "large but thin, black dog with a white neck." There is a bowl of kut'ia, or sweet rice, before him. "The dog is not looking at anyone in particular, but it is clear that he is shepherding everyone - his whole look is full of significance and malice" (182). The dog sticks his snout in the rice, while the village chair- man invites those present to eat by beginning to chew on a sharp steel bar;
  • 21. they follow his example, swallowing chains, screws, nuts and bolts; Volia chews on a rusty pipe. A hunt follows, accompanied by the dog's melan- choly and malicious howling, as he sits on a high post with a commanding view of the activities. This stream of images immediately evokes the specter of Stalin. The presence of a dog combined with a reference to an Egyptian chair brings to mind Anubis, an Egyptian deity of death represented as a dog- or jackel- headed man. In her study of Egyptian mythology, Veronica Ions (85) points out that although Anubis had various functions, "most important of all, he supervised the weighing of the soul . .. His judgment was of vital impor- tance, for it was accepted in turn by Thoth, Horus and Osiris," the major deities. By parallel association, Stalin was raised to the status of a deity for the Soviet people and his decisions not only affected the lives of millions, but were accepted unquestioningly by his associates and subordinates. Kut'ia, "a food characteristic of funeral meals" (Ivanits 8), serves as an effective symbol and potent reminder of Stalin's role in the death of mil- lions. The dog "shepherding," or guarding and carefully watching over his guests brings to mind the Stalin hailed as "Captain of the Country," "The
  • 22. Wise Helmsman," and "The Boss,"11 while the dynamics between the dog (the look full of significance and malice) and his guests parallels Stalin's love of long dinners at which he exercised total control. The peasants This content downloaded from 207.62.236.135 on Thu, 07 Dec 2017 19:01:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 498 Slavic and East European Journal chewing on metal parts can be interpreted as a reference to Stalin as "the man of steel" and his campaign of forced industrialization of the whole country. Volia's chewing a rusty pipe serves as a reference to his car acci- dent, which forced him to deal with the mafia for precious auto parts, as well as a general symbol of Russia's industrial decay. Volia's passing judg- ment on the dog as a shape shifter (oboroten') becomes an act of divination on the subconscious level on his part. But the dream also "transcends the psyche of the individual dreamer" (Bloom 123), because the reader intuits the higher truth: the werewolf in Volia's surrealistic dream is Stalin. Tell- ingly, days after his dream, Volia calls Stalin "a vampire, murderer and scoundrel" (195).
  • 23. The dream does not end here, but continues to unfold: peasants begin dancing in cranberries, making a "bloody kisel' (kissel)." The dog with the white neck drives the peasants deeper into the forest, chasing anyone who falls behind. There follows not a witches' but a dogs' sabbath. Then the dog with the white neck turns into a common mongrel who continues to run across the field after the other dogs. The "bloody kissel" and peasants being driven ever deeper into the forest can be read as a reference to Stalin's bloody regime which included dekulakization and collectivization and an extensive system of camps deep within Russia. The "dogs' sabbath" suggests the madness and political orgy that were the purges. The detail of the transformation of the black dog with the white neck into a common mongrel fits nicely the parallel image of the discredited, demythologized Stalin. And finally, the mongrel with the white neck running after the other dogs suggests that Stalin has not been exorcized from Russian life but is a still-demonic force pursuing or propel- ling others. Thus the dream has an "admonitory aura," to borrow a phrase from Bloom (98). As we can see from the care with which Aleshkovsky crafts the
  • 24. symbolic texture of his novel and especially Volia's dream, the central "question and answer" at the philosophical core of Aleshkovsky's Vladimir Chigrintsev concerns Soviet rule, and Stalin's regime in particular. How should Rus- sians assess this part of their past, now that a different era has dawned? Through Volia's interest in history and the political changes in post-Soviet Russia, and particularly the surrealistic dream that troubles his sleep, Aleshkovsky argues that, metaphorically speaking, Stalin represented a combination werewolf-vampire in Russian history. Just like the folkloric werewolf-vampire, he preyed on the living and brought death; moreover, just like the psychic werewolf-vampire in Jan Perkowski's study (55), he fed, and continues to feed, on others emotionally. It does not escape the reader's notice that Aleshkovsky insistently juxtaposes this view of Stalin and the regime he represented to that of some members of the older generation (for example, the old man Volia meets) who in the 1990s still This content downloaded from 207.62.236.135 on Thu, 07 Dec 2017 19:01:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
  • 25. Werewolves and Vampires, Historical Questions and Symbolic Answers 499 argue that Stalin was "a real father" (nastoiashchii batiushka) of the Rus- sian people. It is also noteworthy that Aleshkovsky's assessment of Stalin's rule in- cludes a warning: since both the werewolf and the vampire are types of the unclean undead against which rituals and remedies must be employed to render them powerless, Aleshkovsky suggests that Stalin's presence will haunt Russia and pose a threat until he is ritualistically eliminated or exor- cised from Russian life. That exorcism or ritual, the writer suggests, lies within the power of historians. As Volia concludes, with the passing of the older generations (represented by Professor Derbetev in the novel) who had served Stalin's cause, willingly or not, Stalin's power is losing its hold on the Russian nation, and historians are being left with "documents and a state of overpowering excitement (kaif), deeply personal excitement connected with [their] reading of the legend" (270). The "legend" is undoubtedly a reference to Stalin and his time. Aleshkovsky is suggesting that historians now have the freedom to study the cult of personality seriously, including the role of intellectuals in making Stalin a figure venerated by the masses,
  • 26. a tsar and god combined in one. Moreover, given the inclusion of references to the Pugachev Rebellion as well as to the relations between the peasants and the landowners in Vladimir Chigrintsev, historians also face the task of re- examining the roots of the Russian revolution, including the extent of histori- cal blame the tsars and the aristocracy must bear for the revolution of 1917. It is interesting to note that Volia's recognition of Stalin as a werewolf completes the cycle that began with Prince Derbetev in the 18th century. The Prince's actions led to the werewolf curse on the Derbetevs; a descen- dent, Sergei Pavlovich, after the Bolshevik revolution seemingly intuited the coming of the demonic; and Volia, in the 1990s, was able to assign a concrete identity to the demonic force that destroyed human life in Russia in the 20th century: Stalin. What began as a curse in a time when the supernatural and the fantastic was a fashionable part of the literary land- scape takes on a seriousness, a connection to real life and Russian history in the 20th century. Volia's dream also brings us to another important "question and answer" that anchors Aleshkovsky's novel: what is the nature of reality?
  • 27. Is it bound only to the visible, material world or are there other planes of reality that are part of the human experience and just as legitimate? It is true that the symbolic texture of Volia's dream has an "otherworldly aura" (24) and reveals "dimensions of experience beyond the everyday" (Barasch 17). But his dream also brings to the surface insights which resided on Volia's sub- conscious level. The revelations that are imbedded in the dream's symbol- ism come to play a transformational role in Volia's life: he can never look at Soviet history in the same way. Thus, in the significance with which he invests Volia's dream, Aleshkovsky, as many writers and thinkers before This content downloaded from 207.62.236.135 on Thu, 07 Dec 2017 19:01:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 500 Slavic and East European Journal him, suggests that dreams belong to a different level of reality that must not be dismissed. Dreams draw from an individual's everyday life, as well as the collective subconscious of a nation, and, transcending the daily, ordi- nary matrices of time and space, they reveal the hidden mysteries and
  • 28. truths locked therein. Further evidence of Aleshkovsky's definition of reality as a complex interweaving of many strands can be found in Volia's adventures in the countryside. There is reality that consists of the recognizable everyday world, accessible to human reason and normal sensory powers. There is also reality that exists beyond the range of reason and the human senses and includes different levels of existence and consciousness. Volia's experi- ences toward the end of his stay near Pylaikha reflect these different levels of reality, privileging now one, now another level of reality. To offer some examples, Volia discovers a treasure in the bricks of the Russian stove of the estate church12: packets of currency from the 18th century and the years 1924 and 1931.13 The "unclean spirits" and "witches" that people-- including the professor and his wife - saw flying out of chimneys and pipes on the estate would seem to reflect the popular belief that there is a connection between demonic forces and hidden treasure. Volia, however, suffers no harm, perhaps because there are no demonic spirits or perhaps because the money is no longer valuable or a treasure. In an unexpected twist, however, Volia encounters the ghost of the 18th century Prince Der-
  • 29. betev, dressed in old finery, who questions Boria about the harvest and hay and starts giving orders. Boria, who lives in the countryside and has accom- panied Volia on the outing, interprets the ghost's appearance to mean that Volia is now one of the select: "If the master (barin) has appeared to you, it means that he considers you one of his own" (294). Boria, it is important to note, cautions Volia not to say anything in Moscow about this apparition because "they won't believe you, and what's even worse, they'll send a commission" (294). Here, as in the writing of Aleshkovsky's contemporar- ies, such as Alla Barkholenko, Oleg Larin, and Vladimir Sokolovsky, 4 the city is presented as the domain of non-belief in anything occult. Given Volia's experiences in the countryside and on the old estate, Aleshkovsky suggests that reality is a mixture of the visible, material world and the invisible, the irrational and the supernatural. Those who place their trust only in the former (as Volia does before he visits Pylaikha), subscribe to a simplistic, impoverished view of reality. However, those who come to appreciate the latter (like Volia after his stay at Pylaikha), who accept, at least to some extent, the folk beliefs, legends and superstitions that are part of the culture and character of village life, appreciate the
  • 30. multi-layered richness of reality and the human experience. Simply put, Aleshkovsky is arguing for restoring to reality the complexity, mystery and ambiguity that Soviet ideology had tried to ignore and even eliminate. This content downloaded from 207.62.236.135 on Thu, 07 Dec 2017 19:01:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Werewolves and Vampires, Historical Questions and Symbolic Answers 501 The third important "question and answer" connected with the novel's key metaphor, the werewolf/vampire image, revolves around the writer and the creative imagination. It is significant that Volia's characterization of Stalin as a werewolf (in his dream) and a vampire (in arguments with the older generation of Stalin admirers) becomes interconnected with Profes- sor Derbetev's earlier use of the werewolf image to characterize his life. Before his death, the professor admitted to Volia that he had written "fairy tales [his] whole life and lived as in a fairy-tale" (238), an indirect admission that he tailored his studies of history to the ideological demands of the time and lived in a world that belonged to the stuff of fantasy and invention, not
  • 31. real life. Moreover, the professor suggested that he was a victim of forces beyond his control by reciting for Volia a line of poetry he associated with his youth: "Mne na plechi brosaetsia vek-vurdalak" (The werewolf century is hurling itself onto my shoulders). Although the name of Osip Man- delstam is not mentioned directly, Volia quickly identifies the poet in his mind and points out to the professor, without naming the poem, that Mandelstam had employed volkodav (wolf-hound) rather than vurdalak in that particular line of poetry. The professor defends his choice by suggest- ing that the more ominous and life-threatening image of a werewolf better encapsulates the essence of Soviet rule under Stalin. This image, the reader understands, serves as a powerful evocation of Stalin not only as someone who preyed on the living but also someone who exacted a heavy emotional toll. He is both a "folkloric" werewolf/vampire and a "psychic," one, to repeat categories from Perkowski's (55) study. Fittingly, Professor Derbetev's recitation of a line of poetry from Man- delstam, albeit with some imprecision, serves to remind the reader of a great poet who was one of Stalin's many victims. That particular line of poetry is from Mandelstam's "Za gremuchuiu doblest' griadushchikh
  • 32. vekov" ("For the sake of the future's trumpeting heroics"), a poem which, according to Anna Akhmatova (101), was unearthed by NKVD investiga- tors and shown to Mandelstam when they arrested him. The professor's insistence, however, on substituting Pushkin's vurdalak for Mandelstam's volkodav, immediately adds Pushkin to an ever expanding system of inter- connections between different writers, historical periods, and the reading public. Moreover, the interconnections do not become exhausted with the reference to Pushkin, although the professor claims that the latter "in- vented" the image of the werewolf and thus credits him with creating a literary version of the supernatural being. Pushkin's "Vurdalak," however, is one of the poems found in his cycle "Songs of the Western Slavs" ("Pesni zapadnykh slavian")15 which, as Ernest Simmons (352) explains, were "drawn from Prosper Merimee's La Guzla, an excellent forgery of Serbian songs [to which] Pushkin added a few other songs and cast in the meter of the Russian folk epic." This content downloaded from 207.62.236.135 on Thu, 07 Dec 2017 19:01:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
  • 33. 502 Slavic and East European Journal If the foregoing intertextual dynamics (Mandelstam, Pushkin, Merimee, Serbian culture) are taken into account, Aleshkovsky's artistic intention is fairly clear. He wants to draw the reader's attention to the "common arche- typal pool of mythic consciousness" (Kolakowski 8) about which Carl Jung and Mercea Eliade wrote with such conviction and eloquence. He also wants the reader to appreciate that this pool "manifests itself ... in cultur- ally designated specifics" (Kolakowski 8), as both Jung and Eliade also believed. Aleshkovsky had already illustrated this by selecting the belief in werewolves and vampires that is part of so many cultural traditions and then looking to traditional Russian folk beliefs to explain the appearance and subsequent "life" of his werewolf/vampire. Aleshkovsky can even be said to add himself to the symbiotic relation- ship and system of interconnections which he suggests exist between cre- ative minds, nationally and globally. It is not without interest that Alesh- kovsky chooses to open his novel with an episode set in Pugachev's time. The latter brings to mind the immediate association with Pushkin, a Rus- sian literary icon who is remembered, among other things, for two works
  • 34. on Pugachev's rebellion (the historical treatise The History of Pugachev, 1833, and the novel The Captain's Daughter, 1833-1836).16 Of particular importance is the Pushkinian spectral scene in the last paragraphs of Vladimir Chigrintsev. Aleshkovsky takes the key ingredients of Pushkin's famous poem "Demons" ("Besy," 1830) -based on folklore beliefs about snowstorms, witches and demonic spirits--and creates a prose variation on Pushkin's imagery. And he goes even further: he subverts the thrust of Pushkin's poem by recasting Volia's reactions to the snowstorm. The lat- ter, unlike Pushkin's barin (landowner or gentleman), is not overcome with fear, but rather experiences a "joyous unbelievable feeling of free- dom" (303). This sense of freedom comes from being away from the city and in a world of nature, where folklore, which he has come to appreciate, plays an integral part. The "purposeful reversal" (Rodari 35) of Pushkin's poetic intention serves as Aleshkovsky's playful illustration that the cre- ative artist inevitably taps into the pool of imagery and ideas created before him but, in his individual way, heeds his own Muse. Last but not least, Aleshkovsky's "questions and answers" about the "uniqueness" of the creative imagination and the image of national writers
  • 35. in a global context is pointedly illustrated in what Volia learns about an- other of Pushkin's works. Thanks to a dealer in antiques, Volia comes to appreciate the poet's "The Golden Cockerel" ("Zolotoi petushok," 1834) not simply as a uniquely Russian fairy-tale but also as an old Arab legend, "in its European variant at that," which Pushkin "sharpened, simplified and reworked according to the needs of the time" ("zaostril, uprostil i obrabotal dlia nuzhd vremeni" (259). Aleshkovsky is clearly one of those writers who, to borrow some phrases from J. Bierlein (xiv), appreciates This content downloaded from 207.62.236.135 on Thu, 07 Dec 2017 19:01:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Werewolves and Vampires, Historical Questions and Symbolic Answers 503 "the fascinating parallels that exist among the myths [and stories] of widely separated cultures." After all, he himself chooses the belief in werewolves and vampires that is part of world mythology and "explores and reworks" this belief to fit the needs of his time, a time of "questions and answers." NOTES
  • 36. *I would like to thank Helen Sullivan and the staff of the Slavic Library at the University of Illinois in Urbana-Champaign, Yaroslava Zelinsky of the Library of Congress, and my col- league Svetlana Grenier for their assistance in locating sources; my colleague Valery Petrochenkov for giving me generously of his time whenever I had questions relating to Aleshkovsky's text; Mark Lipovetsky and the two anonymous readers for their comments and advice; and Irene Masing-Delic for her suggestions and guidance. 1 I have in mind Sorokin's Serdtsa chetyrekh (1994), Tridtsataia liubov' Mariny (1994) and Goluboe salo (1999), as well as Gareev's Mul'tiproza (1992). 2 See V. G. Brougher, "The Occult in Russian Literature of the 1990s," and Brougher and Helene N. Wolff, "The Demonic in the Short Stories of Grigorii Petrov, Anatolii Kurchatkin, and Oleg Ermakov." 3 Kys', one of the writer's neologisms in the novel, is a mythological bird of prey in which people in Tolstaia's world believe and which they fear all their lives. Myth and legend holds that the people it attacks either die or never fully recover from the physical and psychic scars it leaves. The novel is filled with historical, political and literary allusions, and "kys"' may stand for the essence of various ingredients that make Russia unique. A reader familiar with Vasily Aksenov's prose will be reminded of his novella Stal'naia ptitsa
  • 37. (The Steel Bird, which first appeared in the U.S.A. in 1979 in an English translation published by Ardis Press and was included in vol. 2 of his Sobranie sochinenii v piati tomakh, Moscow, 1995) in which the main character, Popenkov, whom people call the "Steel Bird," symbolizes Stalin and his regime. 4 Slavnikova notes a connection between a wolf hound and a werewolf in the work but ignores any references to a vampire. She dismisses Volia's dream, which I believe is an important key to appreciating Aleshkovsky's novel, as a "superfluous, tiresome jumble" (181). Clearly not interested in the occultist complexion of the work, Slavnikova focuses on the novel as a chronicle of a family history that ends with Volia's discovery of a worthless treasure at Pylaikha. 5 Ivanits (121) writes that "the categories of vampire and werewolf did not merge" in Russia. Aleshkovsky merges the two categories to indicate that people in the 20th century often confuse these two types of the unclean undead because both ultimately represent a demonic force that destroys human life. For the frequent contamination of the vampire with the werewolf in the Balkans, see Jan Perkowski's engaging study, particularly Chap- ter Three, "Vampire or Werewolf?" 6 Monroe C. Beardsley, as quoted in Ricoeur (93). 7 Perkowski (54) divides the "general vampire. .. into a quarterly subset: the folklore
  • 38. vampire, the psychotic vampire, the psychic vampire, and the literary vampire." Alesh- kovsky finds his metaphor in "the folkloric vampire ... a being with imputed supernatural characteristics [Perkowski's emphasis] . . . which functions within the belief structure of a given people and varies from culture to culture." 8 The estate takes its name from the village of Pylaikha near which it is located. Pylaikha has the same stem as pyl (fervor, ardor) and pylat' (to flame, blaze). No information is This content downloaded from 207.62.236.135 on Thu, 07 Dec 2017 19:01:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 504 Slavic and East European Journal given as to when and why the village was so named although a fire in the area influencing the choice of name is a reasonable assumption. 9 The fumes are from the Russian stove. 10 The latter elements, incidentally, bring to mind Schmemann's fascinating account of the history of his family's estate, Echoes of a Native Land, especially the myths and legends about hidden treasure that became part of the legacy. 11 For a succinct but excellent description of the cult of personality as well as Stalin's
  • 39. nicknames, aliases, and official titles, see Rappaport, 58-63 and 263-267. 12 By Schmemann's account, "in the sixties, workers dismantling a chimney of the burned- down manor house found an urn full of letters and photos, presumably concealed there by the Osorgins" (6). It is intriguing to note that the histories of Aleshkovsky's Pylaikha and of Schmemann's Osorgin estate have many elements in common. There is a good possibility that Aleshkovsky is familiar with the story of the Osorgin estate and adapted it to his needs, which would be consistent with his artistic philosophy (see discussion below). 13 Lenin died in 1924. Collectivization was at its height in 1931. This was also the year that Stalin ordered the magnificent Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow to be dynamited and demolished to make way for the Palace of Soviets (which was never built). 14 See Svetilo maloe dlia osveshcheniia nochi by Alla Barkholenko; "Ekhala derevnia mimo muzhika" by Oleg Larin; and "Oblako, zolotaia polianka" by Vladimir Sokolovsky (1997), a work published some fifteen years earlier in a small provincial journal and finally noted by the critics in the 1990s, with the publication of the anthology. 15 For Pushkin's use of vurdalak, see also "Marko Iakubovich" in his "Pesni zapadnykh slavian."
  • 40. 16 In an interview conducted by Setiukova, Aleshkovsky mentions his deep interest in Pushkin and history and notes that his father, "a rather well- known historian," had a great influence on him. WORKS CITED Akhmatova, Anna. Selected Prose. My Half Century. Ed. Ronald Meyer. Ann Arbor, MI: Ardis, 1992. Aksenov, Vasilii. The Steel Bird and Other Stories. Trans. Rae Slonek, et al. Ann Arbor: Ardis, 1979. Aleshkovskii, Petr. Chaiki. Druzhba narodov 4 (1992): 9-83. Skunk: A Life. Trans. Arch Tait. Moscow: Glas, 1997. . Stargorod: Golosa iz khora. Moscow: Izdatel'stvo imeni Sabashnikovykh, 1995. Vladimir Chigrintsev. Moscow: Vagrius, 1997. Barasch, Ian. Healing Dreams. New York: Riverhead, 2000. Barkholenko, Alla. Svetilo maloe dlia osveshcheniia nochi. Ural 1; 2-4; 5-6; 1998. Bergson, Henri. Mind-Energy: Lectures and Essays. Trans. H. W. Carr. Westport: Green- wood P, 1975. Berry, Thomas E. Spiritualism in Tsarist Society and Literature. Baltimore: Edgar Allan Poe Society, 1985. Bierlein, J. F Parallel Myths. New York: Ballantine, 1994. Bloom, Harold. Omens of Millenium. The Gnosis of Angels,
  • 41. Dreams, and Resurrection. New York: Riverhead, 1996. Brougher, V. G. "The Occult in Russian Literature of the 1990s." Russian Review 56.1 (1997): 110-24. Brougher, V. G. and Helene N. Wolff. "The Demonic in the Short Stories of Grigorii Petrov, This content downloaded from 207.62.236.135 on Thu, 07 Dec 2017 19:01:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Werewolves and Vampires, Historical Questions and Symbolic Answers 505 Anatolii Kurchatkin, and Oleg Ermakov." Canadian Slavonic Papers 41.2 (1999): 143- 156. Buida, Jurii. Boris i Gleb. Znamia 1 (1997): 8-49; 2 (1997): 106-157. Dal', V. I. O poveriiakh, sueveriiakh i predrassudkakh russkogo naroda. Sankt-Peterburg: Izd. "Litera," 1994. Funk and Wagnells Standard Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology and Legend. Ed. Maria Leach. San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1984. Gareev, Zufar. Mul'tproza: povesti. Moscow: Ob"edinenie "Vses. molodezhnyi knizhnyi
  • 42. tsentr" and Knizhnaia red. "Stil'," 1992. Ions, Veronica. Egyptian Mythology. Middlesex: Hamlyn, 1968. Ivanits, Linda J. Russian Folk Belief. New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1989. Kolakowski, Leszek. The Presence of Myth. Trans. Adam Czerniawski. Chicago: U of Chi- cago P, 1989. Larin, Oleg. "Ekhala derevnia mimo muzhika." Novyi mir 8 (1997): 3-31. Lipovetsky, Mark. Russian Postmodernist Fiction: Dialogue with Chaos. New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1999. Maksimov, S. V. Nechistaia, nevedomaia i krestnaia sila. 1903. Sankt-Peterburg: TOO "Poliset," 1994. Nemzer, Andrei. Literaturnoe segodnia. 0 russkoi proze. 90-e. Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 1998. Pelevin, Viktor. Chapaev i Pustota. Moscow: Vagrius, 1996. The Yellow Arrow. Trans. Andrew Bromfield. New York: New Directions, 1996. Perkowski, Jan L. The Darkling: A Treatise on Slavic Vampirism. Columbus, OH: Slavica, 1989. Pushkin, Aleksandr. Sobranie sochinenii v shesti tomakh. Vol. 1. Moscow: "Pravda," 1969. 6
  • 43. vols. Rappaport, Helen. Joseph Stalin. A Biographical Companion. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 1999. Ricoeur, Paul. The Rule of Metaphor. Toronto: U of Toronto P, 1984. Rodari, Gianni. The Grammar of Fantasy: An Introduction to the Art of Inventing Stories. Trans. and intro. Jack Zipes. New York: Teachers and Writers Collaborative, 1996. Schmemann, Sergei. Echoes of a Russian Village: Two Centuries of a Russian Village. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1997. Setiukova, Mariia. "Skromnoe oboianie realizma." Literaturnaia gazeta 16 March 1994: 4. Simmons, Ernest J. Pushkin. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1937. Slavianskaia mifologiia: Entsiklopedicheskii slovar'. Ed. V. Ia. Petrukhin, et al. Moscow: Ellis Lak, 1995. Slavnikova, Ol'ga. "Mezhdu volkodavom i vurdalakom." Ural 10 (1996): 179-181. Sokolovsky, Vladimir. "Oblako, zolotaia polianka." Antologiia: Sovremennaia ural'skaia proza. Cheliabinsk: Izd. "Avtograf," 1997. Sorokin, Vladimir. Goluboe salo. Moscow: Izd-vo. "Ad Marginem," 1999. Serdtsa chetyrekh. Nezavisimyi literaturnyi al'manakh 5 (1994): 5-116. .Tridsataia liubov' Mariny. Moscow: Izdanie R. Elinina, 1994.
  • 44. Tolstaia, Tatiana. Kys'. Moscow: Podkova Inostranka, 2000. Zabylin, M. Russkii narod: Ego obychai, predaniia, sueveriia i poeziia. 1880. Moscow: Sovmestnoe sovetsko-kanadskoe predpriiatie "Kniga Printshop," 1990. Zelenin, D. K. Izbrannye trudy: Ocherki russkoi mifologii: Umershie neestestvennoiu smertiiu i rusalki. Moscow: Izd. "Indrik," 1995. This content downloaded from 207.62.236.135 on Thu, 07 Dec 2017 19:01:03 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Contentsimage 1image 2image 3image 4image 5image 6image 7image 8image 9image 10image 11image 12image 13image 14image 15Issue Table of ContentsSlavic and East European Journal, Vol. 45, No. 3, Autumn, 2001Front Matter [pp. 490 - 538]Gender and Power in the Balkan Return Song [pp. 403 - 430]Metacommunism: Kazantzakis, Berdyaev and "The New Middle Age" [pp. 431 - 450]Russian Minimalist Prose: Generic Antecedents to Daniil Kharms's "Sluchai" [pp. 451 - 472]The Orthodox Christian Subtext of Trifonov's Allusions to Chekhov's "The Student" in Another Life [pp. 473 - 489]Werewolves and Vampires, Historical Questions and Symbolic Answers, in Petr Aleshkovsky's "Vladimir Chigrintsev" [pp. 491 - 505]A New Perspective on Teaching Russian: Focus on the Heritage Learner [pp. 507 - 518]Teaching the Russian Heritage Learner: Socio- and Psycholinguistic Perspectives [pp. 519 - 530]Review ArticleRussian Philosophy as Ideology [pp. 531 - 537]Reviewsuntitled [pp. 539 - 541]untitled [pp. 542 - 543]untitled [pp. 543 - 545]untitled [pp. 545 - 547]untitled [pp. 547 - 548]untitled [pp. 548 - 550]untitled [pp. 550 - 551]untitled [pp. 551 - 553]untitled [pp. 553 - 554]untitled
  • 45. [pp. 554 - 556]untitled [pp. 556 - 558]untitled [pp. 558 - 560]untitled [pp. 560 - 562]untitled [pp. 562 - 564]untitled [pp. 564 - 565]untitled [pp. 565 - 566]untitled [p. 567]untitled [pp. 567 - 569]untitled [pp. 569 - 571]untitled [pp. 571 - 573]untitled [pp. 573 - 574]untitled [pp. 575 - 576]untitled [pp. 576 - 578]untitled [pp. 578 - 579]untitled [pp. 580 - 581]untitled [pp. 581 - 583]untitled [pp. 583 - 584]untitled [pp. 584 - 586]untitled [pp. 586 - 587]untitled [pp. 587 - 589]untitled [pp. 589 - 590]untitled [pp. 591 - 592]untitled [pp. 592 - 594]untitled [pp. 594 - 597]untitled [pp. 597 - 598]Back Matter [pp. 599 - 602]