Educating Young People about the Constitution 200 No.docx

Educating Young People about the Constitution
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The Virginia and Kentucky
Resolutions
By James Madison and Thomas Jefferson, respectively
The Virginia Resolution:
RESOLVED, That the General Assembly of Virginia, doth uneq
uivocably express a firm
resolution to maintain and defend the Constitution of the United
States, and the Constitution of
this State, against every aggression either foreign or domestic, a
nd that they will support the
government of the United States in all measures warranted by th
e former.
That this assembly most solemnly declares a warm attachment t
o the Union of the States, to

maintain which it pledges all its powers; and that for this end, it
is their duty to watch over and
oppose every infraction of those principles which constitute the
only basis of that Union,
because a faithful observance of them, can alone secure itʹs exis
tence and the public happiness.
That this Assembly doth explicitly and peremptorily declare, tha
t it views the powers of the
federal government, as resulting from the compact, to which the
states are parties; as limited by
the plain sense and intention of the instrument constituting the c
ompact; as no further valid that
they are authorized by the grants enumerated in that compact; a
nd that in case of a deliberate,
palpable, and dangerous exercise of other powers, not granted b
y the said compact, the states
who are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound, to
interpose for arresting the
progress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective
limits, the authorities, rights
and liberties appertaining to them.
That the General Assembly doth also express its deep regret, tha
t a spirit has in sundry
instances, been manifested by the federal government, to enlarg

e its powers by forced
constructions of the constitutional charter which defines them; a
nd that implications have
appeared of a design to expound certain general phrases (which
having been copied from the
very limited grant of power, in the former articles of confederati
on were the less liable to be
misconstrued) so as to destroy the meaning and effect, of the pa
rticular enumeration which
necessarily explains and limits the general phrases; and so as to
consolidate the states by
degrees, into one sovereignty, the obvious tendency and inevita
ble consequence of which
would be, to transform the present republican system of the Unit
ed States, into an absolute, or
at best a mixed monarchy.
That the General Assembly doth particularly protest against the
palpable and alarming
infractions of the Constitution, in the two late cases of the ʺAlie

n and Sedition Actsʺ passed at
the last session of Congress; the first of which exercises a powe
r no where delegated to the
federal government, and which by uniting legislative and judicia
l powers to those of executive,
subverts the general principles of free government; as well as th
e particular organization, and
positive provisions of the federal constitution; and the other of
which acts, exercises in like
manner, a power not delegated by the constitution, but on the co
ntrary, expressly and
positively forbidden by one of the amendments thererto; a powe
r, which more than any other,
ought to produce universal alarm, because it is levelled against t
hat right of freely examining
public characters and measures, and of free communication amo
ng the people thereon, which
has ever been justly deemed, the only effectual guardian of ever
y other right.
That this state having by its Convention, which ratified the fede
ral Constitution, expressly
declared, that among other essential rights, ʺthe Liberty of Cons
cience and of the Press cannot
be cancelled, abridged, restrained, or modified by any authority

of the United States,ʺ and from
its extreme anxiety to guard these rights from every possible att
ack of sophistry or ambition,
having with other states, recommended an amendment for that p
urpose, which amendment
was, in due time, annexed to the Constitution; it would mark a r
eproachable inconsistency, and
criminal degeneracy, if an indifference were now shewn, to the
most palpable violation of one
of the Rights, thus declared and secured; and to the establishme
nt of a precedent which may be
fatal to the other.
That the good people of this commonwealth, having ever felt, an
d continuing to feel, the most
sincere affection for their brethren of the other states; the truest
anxiety for establishing and
perpetuating the union of all; and the most scrupulous fidelity t
o that constitution, which is the
pledge of mutual friendship, and the instrument of mutual happi
ness; the General Assembly
doth solemenly appeal to the like dispositions of the other states
, in confidence that they will
concur with this commonwealth in declaring, as it does hereby d
eclare, that the acts aforesaid,

are unconstitutional; and that the necessary and proper measures
will be taken by each, for co‐
operating with this state, in maintaining the Authorities, Rights,
and Liberties, referred to the
States respectively, or to the people.
That the Governor be desired, to transmit a copy of the foregoin
g Resolutions to the executive
authority of each of the other states, with a request that the sam
e may be communicated to the
Legislature thereof; and that a copy be furnished to each of the
Senators and Representatives
representing this state in the Congress of the United States.
Agreed to by the Senate, December 24, 1798.
The Kentucky Resolution:
Resolutions in General Assembly
THE representatives of the good people of this commonwealth i
n general assembly convened,

having maturely considered the answers of sundry states in the
Union, to their resolutions
passed at the last session, respecting certain unconstitutional la
ws of Congress, commonly
called the alien and sedition laws, would be faithless indeed to t
hemselves, and to those they
represent, were they silently to acquiesce in principles and doctr
ines attempted to be
maintained in all those answers, that of Virginia only excepted.
To again enter the field of
argument, and attempt more fully or forcibly to expose the unco
nstitutionality of those
obnoxious laws, would, it is apprehended be as unnecessary as u
navailing.
We cannot however but lament, that in the discussion of those i
nteresting subjects, by sundry of
the legislatures of our sister states, unfounded suggestions, and
uncandid insinuations,
derogatory of the true character and principles of the good peop
le of this commonwealth, have
been substituted in place of fair reasoning and sound argument.
Our opinions of those alarming
measures of the general government, together with our reasons f
or those opinions, were

detailed with decency and with temper, and submitted to the dis
cussion and judgment of our
fellow citizens throughout the Union. Whether the decency and t
emper have been observed in
the answers of most of those states who have denied or attempte
d to obviate the great truths
contained in those resolutions, we have now only to submit to a
candid world. Faithful to the
true principles of the federal union, unconscious of any designs
to disturb the harmony of that
Union, and anxious only to escape the fangs of despotism, the g
ood people of this
commonwealth are regardless of censure or calumniation.
Least however the silence of this commonwealth should be cons
trued into an acquiescence in
the doctrines and principles advanced and attempted to be maint
ained by the said answers, or
least those of our fellow citizens throughout the Union, who so
widely differ from us on those
important subjects, should be deluded by the expectation, that w
e shall be deterred from what
we conceive our duty; or shrink from the principles contained in
those resolutions: therefore.
RESOLVED, That this commonwealth considers the federal uni

on, upon the terms and for the
purposes specified in the late compact, as conducive to the liber
ty and happiness of the several
states: That it does now unequivocally declare its attachment to
the Union, and to that compact,
agreeable to its obvious and real intention, and will be among th
e last to seek its dissolution:
That if those who administer the general government be permitt
ed to transgress the limits fixed
by that compact, by a total disregard to the special delegations o
f power therein contained,
annihilation of the state governments, and the erection upon thei
r ruins, of a general
consolidated government, will be the inevitable consequence: T
hat the principle and
construction contended for by sundry of the state legislatures, th
at the general government is
the exclusive judge of the extent of the powers delegated to it, s
top nothing short of despotism;

since the discretion of those who adminster the government, and
not the constitution, would be
the measure of their powers: That the several states who formed
that instrument, being
sovereign and independent, have the unquestionable right to jud
ge of its infraction; and that a
nullification, by those sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts do
ne under colour of that
instrument, is the rightful remedy: That this commonwealth doe
s upon the most deliberate
reconsideration declare, that the said alien and sedition laws, ar
e in their opinion, palpable
violations of the said constitution; and however cheerfully it ma
y be disposed to surrender its
opinion to a majority of its sister states in matters of ordinary or
doubtful policy; yet, in
momentous regulations like the present, which so vitally wound
the best rights of the citizen, it
would consider a silent acquiesecence as highly criminal: That a
lthough this commonwealth as
a party to the federal compact; will bow to the laws of the Unio
n, yet it does at the same time
declare, that it will not now, nor ever hereafter, cease to oppose
in a constitutional manner,

every attempt from what quarter soever offered, to violate that c
ompact:
AND FINALLY, in order that no pretexts or arguments may be
drawn from a supposed
acquiescence on the part of this commonwealth in the constituti
onality of those laws, and be
thereby used as precedents for similar future violations of feder
al compact; this commonwealth
does now enter against them, its SOLEMN PROTEST.
Approved December 3rd, 1799.
www.ourdocuments.gov March 5, 2013
Transcript of President George Washington's Farewell Address
(1796)
Friends and Fellow Citizens:
The period for a new election of a citizen to adm inister the
executive governm ent of the United States
being not far distant, and the tim e actually arrived when your
thoughts m ust be em ployed in designating
the person who is to be clothed with that im portant trust, it
appears to m e proper, especially as it m ay
conduce to a m ore distinct expression of the public voice, that I

should now apprise you of the resolution
I have form ed, to decline being considered am ong the num ber
of those out of whom a choice is to be
m ade.
I beg you, at the sam e tim e, to do m e the justice to be assured
that this resolution has not been taken
without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to
the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to
his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service,
which silence in m y situation m ight im ply, I am
influenced by no dim inution of zeal for your future interest, no
deficiency of grateful respect for your past
kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is
com patible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to
which your suffrages have twice called m e
have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of
duty and to a deference for what appeared to
be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been m
uch earlier in m y power, consistently with
m otives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that
retirem ent from which I had been
reluctantly drawn. The strength of m y inclination to do this,
previous to the last election, had even led to

the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but m ature
reflection on the then perplexed and critical
posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanim ous
advice of persons entitled to m y
confidence, im pelled m e to abandon the idea.
I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as
internal, no longer renders the pursuit of
inclination incom patible with the sentim ent of duty or
propriety, and am persuaded, whatever partiality
m ay be retained for m y services, that, in the present circum
stances of our country, you will not disapprove
m y determ ination to retire.
The im pressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust
were explained on the proper occasion. In
the discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good
intentions, contributed towards the
organization and adm inistration of the governm ent the best
exertions of which a very fallible judgm ent
was capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of
m y qualifications, experience in m y own
eyes, perhaps still m ore in the eyes of others, has strengthened
the m otives to diffidence of m yself; and
every day the increasing weight of years adm onishes m e m ore

and m ore that the shade of retirem ent is
as necessary to m e as it will be welcom e. Satisfied that if any
circum stances have given peculiar value to
m y services, they were tem porary, I have the consolation to
believe that, while choice and prudence invite
m e to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.
In looking forward to the m om ent which is intended to term
inate the career of m y public life, m y feelings
do not perm it m e to suspend the deep acknowledgm ent of that
debt of gratitude which I owe to m y
beloved country for the m any honors it has conferred upon m e;
still m ore for the steadfast confidence
with which it has supported m e; and for the opportunities I
have thence enjoyed of m anifesting m y
inviolable attachm ent, by services faithful and persevering,
though in usefulness unequal to m y zeal. If
benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it
always be rem em bered to your praise,
and as an instructive exam ple in our annals, that under circum
stances in which the passions, agitated in
every direction, were liable to m islead, am idst appearances
som etim es dubious, vicissitudes of fortune
often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want
of success has countenanced the spirit

of criticism , the constancy of your support was the essential
prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the
plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with
this idea, I shall carry it with m e to m y
grave, as a strong incitem ent to unceasing vows that heaven m
ay continue to you the choicest tokens of
its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection m ay be
perpetual; that the free Constitution, which
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is the work of your hands, m ay be sacredly m aintained; that its
adm inistration in every departm ent m ay
be stam ped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the
happiness of the people of these States, under the
auspices of liberty, m ay be m ade com plete by so careful a
preservation and so prudent a use of this
blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recom m ending it
to the applause, the affection, and adoption
of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare,
which cannot end but with m y life, and the
apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge m e, on
an occasion like the present, to offer to

your solem n contem plation, and to recom m end to your
frequent review, som e sentim ents which are the
result of m uch reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and
which appear to m e all-im portant to the
perm anency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered
to you with the m ore freedom , as you can
only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend,
who can possibly have no personal
m otive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragem
ent to it, your indulgent reception of m y
sentim ents on a form er and not dissim ilar occasion.
Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligam ent of your
hearts, no recom m endation of m ine is
necessary to fortify or confirm the attachm ent.
The unity of governm ent which constitutes you one people is
also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a
m ain pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the
support of your tranquility at hom e, your peace
abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty
which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to
foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters,
m uch pains will be taken, m any artifices
em ployed to weaken in your m inds the conviction of this truth;

as this is the point in your political fortress
against which the batteries of internal and external enem ies
will be m ost constantly and actively (though
often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite m om
ent that you should properly estim ate the
im m ense value of your national union to your collective and
individual happiness; that you should
cherish a cordial, habitual, and im m ovable attachm ent to it;
accustom ing yourselves to think and speak
of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity;
watching for its preservation with jealous
anxiety; discountenancing whatever m ay suggest even a
suspicion that it can in any event be
abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of
every attem pt to alienate any portion of
our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which
now link together the various parts.
For this you have every inducem ent of sym pathy and interest.
Citizens, by birth or choice, of a com m on
country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections.
The nam e of Am erican, which belongs to
you in your national capacity, m ust always exalt the just pride
of patriotism m ore than any appellation
derived from local discrim inations. With slight shades of

difference, you have the sam e religion,
m anners, habits, and political principles. You have in a com m
on cause fought and trium phed together;
the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint
counsels, and joint efforts of com m on
dangers, sufferings, and successes.
But these considerations, however powerfully they address them
selves to your sensibility, are greatly
outweighed by those which apply m ore im m ediately to your
interest. Here every portion of our country
finds the m ost com m anding m otives for carefully guarding
and preserving the union of the whole.
The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South,
protected by the equal laws of a com m on
governm ent, finds in the productions of the latter great
additional resources of m aritim e and com m ercial
enterprise and precious m aterials of m anufacturing industry.
The South, in the sam e intercourse,
benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow
and its com m erce expand. Turning partly
into its own channels the seam en of the North, it finds its
particular navigation invigorated; and, while it
contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the
general m ass of the national navigation, it

looks forward to the protection of a m aritim e strength, to
which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a
like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the
progressive im provem ent of interior
com m unications by land and water, will m ore and m ore find
a valuable vent for the com m odities which it
brings from abroad, or m anufactures at hom e. The West
derives from the East supplies requisite to its
growth and com fort, and, what is perhaps of still greater
consequence, it m ust of necessity owe the
secure enjoym ent of indispensable outlets for its own
productions to the weight, influence, and the future
m aritim e strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed
by an indissoluble com m unity of interest as
one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this
essential advantage, whether derived from
its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural
connection with any foreign power, m ust be
intrinsically precarious.
While, then, every part of our country thus feels an im m ediate
and particular interest in union, all the parts
com bined cannot fail to find in the united m ass of m eans and

efforts greater strength, greater resource,
proportionably greater security from external danger, a less
frequent interruption of their peace by foreign
nations; and, what is of inestim able value, they m ust derive
from union an exem ption from those broils
and wars between them selves, which so frequently afflict
neighboring countries not tied together by the
sam e governm ents, which their own rival ships alone would be
sufficient to produce, but which opposite
foreign alliances, attachm ents, and intrigues would stim ulate
and em bitter. Hence, likewise, they will
avoid the necessity of those overgrown m ilitary establishm ents
which, under any form of governm ent, are
inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as
particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this
sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a m ain
prop of your liberty, and that the love of the
one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive language to every
reflecting and virtuous m ind, and exhibit the
continuance of the Union as a prim ary object of patriotic
desire. Is there a doubt whether a com m on
governm ent can em brace so large a sphere? Let experience
solve it. To listen to m ere speculation in

such a case were crim inal. We are authorized to hope that a
proper organization of the whole with the
auxiliary agency of governm ents for the respective
subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the
experim ent. It is well worth a fair and full experim ent. With
such powerful and obvious m otives to union,
affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not
have dem onstrated its im practicability, there
will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in
any quarter m ay endeavor to weaken its
bands.
In contem plating the causes which m ay disturb our Union, it
occurs as m atter of serious concern that
any ground should have been furnished for characterizing
parties by geographical discrim inations,
Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing
m en m ay endeavor to excite a belief
that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One
of the expedients of party to acquire
influence within particular districts is to m isrepresent the
opinions and aim s of other districts. You
cannot shield yourselves too m uch against the jealousies and
heartburnings which spring from these

m isrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other
those who ought to be bound together by
fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our Western country have
lately had a useful lesson on this head;
they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the
unanim ous ratification by the Senate, of the
treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event,
throughout the United States, a decisive
proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated am ong
them of a policy in the General
Governm ent and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their
interests in regard to the Mississippi; they have
been witnesses to the form ation of two treaties, that with Great
Britain, and that with Spain, which secure
to them everything they could desire, in respect to our foreign
relations, towards confirm ing their
prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the
preservation of these advantages on the Union by
which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to
those advisers, if such there are, who
would sever them from their brethren and connect them with
aliens?
To the efficacy and perm anency of your Union, a governm ent
for the whole is indispensable. No alliance,

however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute;
they m ust inevitably experience the
infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all tim es
have experienced. Sensible of this
m om entous truth, you have im proved upon your first essay, by
the adoption of a constitution of
governm ent better calculated than your form er for an intim ate
union, and for the efficacious m anagem ent
of your com m on concerns. This governm ent, the offspring of
our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed,
adopted upon full investigation and m ature deliberation, com
pletely free in its principles, in the
distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and
containing within itself a provision for its own
am endm ent, has a just claim to your confidence and your
support. Respect for its authority, com pliance
with its laws, acquiescence in its m easures, are duties enjoined
by the fundam ental m axim s of true
liberty. The basis of our political system s is the right of the
people to m ake and to alter their constitutions
of governm ent. But the Constitution which at any tim e exists,
till changed by an explicit and authentic act
of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very
idea of the power and the right of the people

to establish governm ent presupposes the duty of every
individual to obey the established governm ent.
All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all com binations
and associations, under whatever
plausible character, with the real design to direct, control,
counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and
action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this
fundam ental principle, and of fatal tendency.
They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and
extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the
delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a sm all
but artful and enterprising m inority of the
com m unity; and, according to the alternate trium phs of
different parties, to m ake the public
adm inistration the m irror of the ill-concerted and incongruous
projects of faction, rather than the organ of
consistent and wholesom e plans digested by com m on counsels
and m odified by m utual interests.
However com binations or associations of the above description
m ay now and then answer popular
ends, they are likely, in the course of tim e and things, to becom
e potent engines, by which cunning,
am bitious, and unprincipled m en will be enabled to subvert the

power of the people and to usurp for
them selves the reins of governm ent, destroying afterwards the
very engines which have lifted them to
unjust dom inion.
Towards the preservation of your governm ent, and the perm
anency of your present happy state, it is
requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular
oppositions to its acknowledged authority,
but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon
its principles, however specious the
pretexts. One m ethod of assault m ay be to effect, in the form s
of the Constitution, alterations which will
im pair the energy of the system , and thus to underm ine what
cannot be directly overthrown. In all the
changes to which you m ay be invited, rem em ber that tim e
and habit are at least as necessary to fix the
true character of governm ents as of other hum an institutions;
that experience is the surest standard by
which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a
country; that facility in changes, upon the
credit of m ere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual
change, from the endless variety of
hypothesis and opinion; and rem em ber, especially, that for the
efficient m anagem ent of your com m on

interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a governm ent of as
m uch vigor as is consistent with the
perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will
find in such a governm ent, with powers
properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is,
indeed, little else than a nam e, where the
governm ent is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of
faction, to confine each m em ber of the society
within the lim its prescribed by the laws, and to m aintain all in
the secure and tranquil enjoym ent of the
rights of person and property.
I have already intim ated to you the danger of parties in the
State, with particular reference to the founding
of them on geographical discrim inations. Let m e now take a m
ore com prehensive view, and warn you in
the m ost solem n m anner against the baneful effects of the
spirit of party generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature,
having its root in the strongest passions of the
hum an m ind. It exists under different shapes in all governm
ents, m ore or less stifled, controlled, or
repressed; but, in those of the popular form , it is seen in its
greatest rankness, and is truly their worst

enem y.
The alternate dom ination of one faction over another,
sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party
dissension, which in different ages and countries has
perpetrated the m ost horrid enorm ities, is itself a
frightful despotism . But this leads at length to a m ore form al
and perm anent despotism . The disorders
and m iseries which result gradually incline the m inds of m en
to seek security and repose in the
absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of
som e prevailing faction, m ore able or
m ore fortunate than his com petitors, turns this disposition to
the purposes of his own elevation, on the
ruins of public liberty.
Without looking forward to an extrem ity of this kind (which
nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of
sight), the com m on and continual m ischiefs of the spirit of
party are sufficient to m ake it the interest and
duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the
public adm inistration. It agitates the
com m unity with ill-founded jealousies and false alarm s,
kindles the anim osity of one part against

another, fom ents occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens
the door to foreign influence and corruption,
which finds a facilitated access to the governm ent itself
through the channels of party passions. Thus the
policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy
and will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful
checks upon the adm inistration of the
governm ent and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This
within certain lim its is probably true; and in
governm ents of a m onarchical cast, patriotism m ay look with
indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit
of party. But in those of the popular character, in governm ents
purely elective, it is a spirit not to be
encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will
always be enough of that spirit for every
salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the
effort ought to be by force of public
opinion, to m itigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched,
it dem ands a uniform vigilance to prevent
its bursting into a flam e, lest, instead of warm ing, it should
consum e.
It is im portant, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free

country should inspire caution in those
entrusted with its adm inistration, to confine them selves within
their respective constitutional spheres,
avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one departm ent to
encroach upon another. The spirit of
encroachm ent tends to consolidate the powers of all the
departm ents in one, and thus to create,
whatever the form of governm ent, a real despotism . A just
estim ate of that love of power, and proneness
to abuse it, which predom inates in the hum an heart, is
sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position.
The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political
power, by dividing and distributing it into
different depositaries, and constituting each the guardian of the
public weal against invasions by the
others, has been evinced by experim ents ancient and m odern;
som e of them in our country and under
our own eyes. To preserve them m ust be as necessary as to
institute them . If, in the opinion of the
people, the distribution or m odification of the constitutional
powers be in any particular wrong, let it be
corrected by an am endm ent in the way which the Constitution
designates. But let there be no change by
usurpation; for though this, in one instance, m ay be the instrum

ent of good, it is the custom ary weapon
by which free governm ents are destroyed. The precedent m ust
always greatly overbalance in perm anent
evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any
tim e yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political
prosperity, religion and m orality are
indispensable supports. In vain would that m an claim the
tribute of patriotism , who should labor to
subvert these great pillars of hum an happiness, these firm est
props of the duties of m en and citizens.
The m ere politician, equally with the pious m an, ought to
respect and to cherish them . A volum e could
not trace all their connections with private and public felicity.
Let it sim ply be asked: Where is the security
for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious
obligation desert the oaths which are the
instrum ents of investigation in courts of justice ? And let us
with caution indulge the supposition that
m orality can be m aintained without religion. Whatever m ay be
conceded to the influence of refined
education on m inds of peculiar structure, reason and experience
both forbid us to expect that national
m orality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

It is substantially true that virtue or m orality is a necessary
spring of popular governm ent. The rule,
indeed, extends with m ore or less force to every species of free
governm ent. Who that is a sincere friend
to it can look with indifference upon attem pts to shake the
foundation of the fabric?
Prom ote then, as an object of prim ary im portance, institutions
for the general diffusion of knowledge. In
proportion as the structure of a governm ent gives force to
public opinion, it is essential that public
opinion should be enlightened.
As a very im portant source of strength and security, cherish
public credit. One m ethod of preserving it is
to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense
by cultivating peace, but rem em bering
also that tim ely disbursem ents to prepare for danger frequently
prevent m uch greater disbursem ents to
repel it, avoiding likewise the accum ulation of debt, not only
by shunning occasions of expense, but by
vigorous exertion in tim e of peace to discharge the debts which
unavoidable wars m ay have occasioned,
not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we
ourselves ought to bear. The execution of

these m axim s belongs to your representatives, but it is
necessary that public opinion should co-operate.
To facilitate to them the perform ance of their duty, it is
essential that you should practically bear in m ind
that towards the paym ent of debts there m ust be revenue; that
to have revenue there m ust be taxes; that
no taxes can be devised which are not m ore or less
inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic
em barrassm ent, inseparable from the selection of the proper
objects (which is always a choice of
difficulties), ought to be a decisive m otive for a candid
construction of the conduct of the governm ent in
m aking it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the m easures for
obtaining revenue, which the public
exigencies m ay at any tim e dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate
peace and harm ony with all. Religion and
m orality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy
does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a
free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to
give to m ankind the m agnanim ous and too
novel exam ple of a people always guided by an exalted justice
and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in

the course of tim e and things, the fruits of such a plan would
richly repay any tem porary advantages
which m ight be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be that
Providence has not connected the
perm anent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? The experim ent,
at least, is recom m ended by every
sentim ent which ennobles hum an nature. Alas! is it rendered
im possible by its vices?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is m ore essential than
that perm anent, inveterate antipathies
against particular nations, and passionate attachm ents for
others, should be excluded; and that, in place
of them , just and am icable feelings towards all should be
cultivated. The nation which indulges towards
another a habitual hatred or a habitual fondness is in som e
degree a slave. It is a slave to its anim osity
or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray
from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one
nation against another disposes each m ore readily to offer
insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes
of um brage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental
or trifling occasions of dispute occur.
Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenom ed, and bloody
contests. The nation, prom pted by ill-will

and resentm ent, som etim es im pels to war the governm ent,
contrary to the best calculations of policy.
The governm ent som etim es participates in the national
propensity, and adopts through passion what
reason would reject; at other tim es it m akes the anim osity of
the nation subservient to projects of hostility
instigated by pride, am bition, and other sinister and pernicious
m otives. The peace often, som etim es
perhaps the liberty, of nations, has been the victim .
So likewise, a passionate attachm ent of one nation for another
produces a variety of evils. Sym pathy for
the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an im aginary
com m on interest in cases where no real
com m on interest exists, and infusing into one the enm ities of
the other, betrays the form er into a
participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without
adequate inducem ent or justification. It leads
also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to
others which is apt doubly to injure the
nation m aking the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with
what ought to have been retained, and by
exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the
parties from whom equal privileges are

withheld. And it gives to am bitious, corrupted, or deluded
citizens (who devote them selves to the favorite
nation), facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own
country, without odium , som etim es even
with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous
sense of obligation, a com m endable
deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good,
the base or foolish com pliances of
am bition, corruption, or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innum erable ways, such
attachm ents are particularly alarm ing to the
truly enlightened and independent patriot. How m any
opportunities do they afford to tam per with
dom estic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to m islead
public opinion, to influence or awe the
public councils? Such an attachm ent of a sm all or weak
towards a great and powerful nation doom s the
form er to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you
to believe m e, fellow-citizens) the jealousy
of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and
experience prove that foreign influence
is one of the m ost baneful foes of republican governm ent. But
that jealousy to be useful m ust be

im partial; else it becom es the instrum ent of the very influence
to be avoided, instead of a defense
against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and
excessive dislike of another cause those whom
they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil
and even second the arts of influence on
the other. Real patriots who m ay resist the intrigues of the
favorite are liable to becom e suspected and
odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and
confidence of the people, to surrender their
interests.
The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is
in extending our com m ercial relations, to
have with them as little political connection as possible. So far
as we have already form ed
engagem ents, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith.
Here let us stop. Europe has a set of prim ary
interests which to us have none; or a very rem ote relation.
Hence she m ust be engaged in frequent
controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our
concerns. Hence, therefore, it m ust be
unwise in us to im plicate ourselves by artificial ties in the
ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the

ordinary com binations and collisions of her friendships or enm
ities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to
pursue a different course. If we rem ain one
people under an efficient governm ent. the period is not far off
when we m ay defy m aterial injury from
external annoyance; when we m ay take such an attitude as will
cause the neutrality we m ay at any tim e
resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent
nations, under the im possibility of m aking
acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us
provocation; when we m ay choose peace or
war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit
our own to stand upon foreign ground?
Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of
Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the
toils of European am bition, rivalship, interest, hum or or
caprice?
It is our true policy to steer clear of perm anent alliances with
any portion of the foreign world; so far, I
m ean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let m e not be
understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to

existing engagem ents. I hold the m axim no less applicable to
public than to private affairs, that honesty
is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those
engagem ents be observed in their genuine
sense. But, in m y opinion, it is unnecessary and would be
unwise to extend them .
Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishm
ents on a respectable defensive posture,
we m ay safely trust to tem porary alliances for extraordinary
em ergencies.
Harm ony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recom m
ended by policy, hum anity, and interest. But
even our com m ercial policy should hold an equal and im
partial hand; neither seeking nor granting
exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of
things; diffusing and diversifying by
gentle m eans the stream s of com m erce, but forcing nothing;
establishing (with powers so disposed, in
order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our m
erchants, and to enable the governm ent
to support them ) conventional rules of intercourse, the best that
present circum stances and m utual
opinion will perm it, but tem porary, and liable to be from tim
e to tim e abandoned or varied, as experience

and circum stances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that
it is folly in one nation to look for
disinterested favors from another; that it m ust pay with a
portion of its independence for whatever it m ay
accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it m ay
place itself in the condition of having given
equivalents for nom inal favors, and yet of being reproached
with ingratitude for not giving m ore. There
can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real
favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion,
which experience m ust cure, which a just pride ought to
discard.
In offering to you, m y countrym en, these counsels of an old
and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they
will m ake the strong and lasting im pression I could wish; that
they will control the usual current of the
passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which
has hitherto m arked the destiny of
nations. But, if I m ay even flatter m yself that they m ay be
productive of som e partial benefit, som e
occasional good; that they m ay now and then recur to m oderate
the fury of party spirit, to warn against the
m ischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the im postures
of pretended patriotism ; this hope will be a

full recom pense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which
they have been dictated.
How far in the discharge of m y official duties I have been
guided by the principles which have been
delineated, the public records and other evidences of m y
conduct m ust witness to you and to the world.
To m yself, the assurance of m y own conscience is, that I have
at least believed m yself to be guided by
them .
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, m y proclam
ation of the twenty-second of April, I793, is the
index of m y plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by
that of your representatives in both houses
of Congress, the spirit of that m easure has continually
governed m e, uninfluenced by any attem pts to
deter or divert m e from it.
After deliberate exam ination, with the aid of the best lights I
could obtain, I was well satisfied that our
country, under all the circum stances of the case, had a right to
take, and was bound in duty and interest
to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determ ined, as far
as should depend upon m e, to m aintain it,
with m oderation, perseverance, and firm ness.

The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct,
it is not necessary on this occasion to
detail. I will only observe that, according to m y understanding
of the m atter, that right, so far from being
denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually adm
itted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct m ay be inferred, without
anything m ore, from the obligation which
justice and hum anity im pose on every nation, in cases in which
it is free to act, to m aintain inviolate the
relations of peace and am ity towards other nations.
The inducem ents of interest for observing that conduct will
best be referred to your own reflections and
experience. With m e a predom inant m otive has been to
endeavor to gain tim e to our country to settle and
m ature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without
interruption to that degree of strength and
consistency which is necessary to give it, hum anly speaking,
the com m and of its own fortunes.
Though, in reviewing the incidents of m y adm inistration, I am
unconscious of intentional error, I am
nevertheless too sensible of m y defects not to think it probable

that I m ay have com m itted m any errors.
Whatever they m ay be, I fervently beseech the Alm ighty to
avert or m itigate the evils to which they m ay
tend. I shall also carry with m e the hope that m y country will
never cease to view them with indulgence;
and that, after forty five years of m y life dedicated to its
service with an upright zeal, the faults of
incom petent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as m yself
m ust soon be to the m ansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated
by that fervent love towards it, which is so
natural to a m an who views in it the native soil of him self and
his progenitors for several generations, I
anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I prom
ise m yself to realize, without alloy, the
sweet enjoym ent of partaking, in the m idst of m y fellow-
citizens, the benign influence of good laws under
a free governm ent, the ever-favorite object of m y heart, and
the happy reward, as I trust, of our m utual
cares, labors, and dangers.
United States
19th Septem ber, 1796
Geo. Washington

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Thomas Jefferson
FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS IN THE WASHINGTON, D.C.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 4, 1801
Chief Justice John Marshall administered the first executive
oath of office ever taken in the new federal
city in the new Senate Chamber (now the Old Supreme Court
Chamber) of the partially built Capitol
building. The outcome of the election of 1800 had been in doubt
until late February because Thomas
Jefferson and Aaron Burr, the two leading candidates, each had
received 73 electoral votes.
Consequently, the House of Representatives met in a special
session to resolve the impasse, pursuant to
the terms spelled out in the Constitution. After 30 hours of
debate and balloting, Mr. Jefferson emerged
as the President and Mr. Burr the Vice President. President John

Adams, who had run unsuccessfully for
a second term, left Washington on the day of the inauguration
without attending the ceremony.
Friends and Fellow-Citizens:
Called upon to undertake the duties of the first executive office
of our country, I avail myself of the
presence of that portion of my fellow-citizens which is here
assembled to express my grateful thanks for
the favor with which they have been pleased to look toward me,
to declare a sincere consciousness that
the task is above my talents, and that I approach it with those
anxious and awful presentiments which the
greatness of the charge and the weakness of my powers so justly
inspire. A rising nation, spread over a
wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with the rich
productions of their industry, engaged in
commerce with nations who feel power and forget right,
advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach
of mortal eye--when I contemplate these transcendent objects,
and see the honor, the happiness, and the
hopes of this beloved country committed to the issue, and the
auspices of this day, I shrink from the
contemplation, and humble myself before the magnitude of the
undertaking. Utterly, indeed, should I
despair did not the presence of many whom I here see remind
me that in the other high authorities
provided by our Constitution I shall find resources of wisdom,
of virtue, and of zeal on which to rely
under all difficulties. To you, then, gentlemen, who are charged
with the sovereign functions of legislation,
and to those associated with you, I look with encouragement for
that guidance and support which may
enable us to steer with safety the vessel in which we are all
embarked amidst the conflicting elements of a

troubled world.
During the contest of opinion through which we have passed the
animation of discussions and of exertions
has sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on strangers
unused to think freely and to speak and
to write what they think; but this being now decided by the
voice of the nation, announced according to
the rules of the Constitution, all will, of course, arrange
themselves under the will of the law, and unite in
common efforts for the common good. All, too, will bear in
mind this sacred principle, that though the will
of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will to be rightful
must be reasonable; that the minority
possess their equal rights, which equal law must protect, and to
violate would be oppression. Let us,
then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one mind. Let us
restore to social intercourse that harmony
and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but
dreary things. And let us reflect that, having
banished from our land that religious intolerance under which
mankind so long bled and suffered, we have
yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as
despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter
and bloody persecutions. During the throes and convulsions of
the ancient world, during the agonizing
spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter
his long- lost liberty, it was not wonderful
that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant
and peaceful shore; that this should be more
Page 1
felt and feared by some and less by others, and should divide

opinions as to measures of safety. But
every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We
have called by different names brethren of
the same principle. We are all Republicans, we are all
Federalists. If there be any among us who would
wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form, let
them stand undisturbed as monuments of
the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where
reason is left free to combat it. I know,
indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government
can not be strong, that this Government
is not strong enough; but would the honest patriot, in the full
tide of successful experiment, abandon a
government which has so far kept us free and firm on the
theoretic and visionary fear that this
Government, the world's best hope, may by possibility want
energy to preserve itself? I trust not. I
believe this, on the contrary, the strongest Government on earth.
I believe it the only one where every
man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law,
and would meet invasions of the public
order as his own personal concern. Sometimes it is said that
man can not be trusted with the government
of himself. Can he, then, be trusted with the government of
others? Or have we found angels in the forms
of kings to govern him? Let history answer this question.
Let us, then, with courage and confidence pursue our own
Federal and Republican principles, our
attachment to union and representative government. Kindly
separated by nature and a wide ocean from
the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-
minded to endure the degradations of the
others; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our
descendants to the thousandth and
thousandth generation; entertaining a due sense of our equal

right to the use of our own faculties, to the
acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from
our fellow-citizens, resulting not from
birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightened
by a benign religion, professed, indeed,
and practiced in various forms, yet all of them inculcating
honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the
love of man; acknowledging and adoring an overruling
Providence, which by all its dispensations proves
that it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater
happiness hereafter--with all these blessings,
what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous
people? Still one thing more,
fellow-citizens--a wise and frugal Government, which shall
restrain men from injuring one another, shall
leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of
industry and improvement, and shall not take
from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum
of good government, and this is
necessary to close the circle of our felicities.
About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties which
comprehend everything dear and valuable
to you, it is proper you should understand what I deem the
essential principles of our Government, and
consequently those which ought to shape its Administration. I
will compress them within the narrowest
compass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all
its limitations. Equal and exact justice to
all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political;
peace, commerce, and honest friendship
with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of
the State governments in all their rights, as
the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns
and the surest bulwarks against
antirepublican tendencies; the preservation of the General

Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as
the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a
jealous care of the right of election by the
people--a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped
by the sword of revolution where
peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute acquiescence in
the decisions of the majority, the vital
principle of republics, from which is no appeal but to force, the
vital principle and immediate parent of
despotism; a well disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace
and for the first moments of war, till
regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the
military authority; economy in the public
expense, that labor may be lightly burthened; the honest
payment of our debts and sacred preservation of
the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce
as its handmaid; the diffusion of
information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the
public reason; freedom of religion; freedom of
the press, and freedom of person under the protection of the
habeas corpus, and trial by juries impartially
selected. These principles form the bright constellation which
has gone before us and guided our steps
through an age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of
our sages and blood of our heroes have
Page 2
been devoted to their attainment. They should be the creed of
our political faith, the text of civic
instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those
we trust; and should we wander from
them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace
our steps and to regain the road which

alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety.
I repair, then, fellow-citizens, to the post you have assigned me.
With experience enough in subordinate
offices to have seen the difficulties of this the greatest of all, I
have learnt to expect that it will rarely fall to
the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with the
reputation and the favor which bring him into it.
Without pretensions to that high confidence you reposed in our
first and greatest revolutionary character,
whose preeminent services had entitled him to the first place in
his country's love and destined for him the
fairest page in the volume of faithful history, I ask so much
confidence only as may give firmness and
effect to the legal administration of your affairs. I shall often go
wrong through defect of judgment. When
right, I shall often be thought wrong by those whose positions
will not command a view of the whole
ground. I ask your indulgence for my own errors, which will
never be intentional, and your support
against the errors of others, who may condemn what they would
not if seen in all its parts. The
approbation implied by your suffrage is a great consolation to
me for the past, and my future solicitude
will be to retain the good opinion of those who have bestowed it
in advance, to conciliate that of others
by doing them all the good in my power, and to be instrumental
to the happiness and freedom of all.
Relying, then, on the patronage of your good will, I advance
with obedience to the work, ready to retire
from it whenever you become sensible how much better choice
it is in your power to make. And may
that Infinite Power which rules the destinies of the universe
lead our councils to what is best, and give
them a favorable issue for your peace and prosperity.

Thomas Jefferson's First Inaugural AddressThomas Jefferson
[278](971){192}
Alexander Hamilton
REPORT ON MANUFACTURES
DECEMBER 5, 1791
[Page numbers from Selected Writings…]
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Contact [email protected] with question, comments, corrections.
Communicated to the House of Representatives, December 5,
1791
[To the Speaker of the House of Representatives:]
The Secretary of the Treasury in obedience to the order of
the
House of Representatives, of the 15th day of January 1790, has
applied his attention, at as early a period as his other
duties
would permit, to the subject of Manufactures; and particularly
to
the means of promoting such as will tend to render the
United
States, independent on foreign nations, for military and
other
essential supplies. And he thereupon respectfully submits
the

following Report:
The expediency of encouraging manufactures in the United
States, which was not long since deemed very
questionable,
appears at this time to be pretty generally admitted. The
embarrassments, which have obstructed the progress of our
external trade, {193} have led to serious reflections on
the
necessity of enlarging the sphere of our domestic commerce: the
restrictive regulations, which in foreign markets abrige the
vent
of the increasing surplus of our Agricultural produce,
serve to
beget an earnest desire, that a more extensive demand for
that
surplus may be created at home: And the complete
success,
which has rewarded manufacturing enterprise, in some
valuable
branches, conspiring with the promising symptoms, which
attend
some less mature essays, in others, justify a hope, that
the
obstacles to the growth of this species of industry are
less
formidable than they were (972) apprehended to be; and that it
is
not difficult to find, in its further extension; a full
indemnification for any external disadvantages, which are or
may
be experienced, as well as an accession of resources, favourable
to national independence and safety.
There still are, nevertheless, respectable patrons of opinions,
unfriendly to the encouragement of manufactures. The following
are, substantially, the arguments, by which these opinions

are
defended.
“In every country (say those who entertain them) Agriculture
is the most beneficial and productive object of human
industry.
This position, generally, if not universally true, applies
with
peculiar emphasis to the United States, on account of
their
immense tracts of fertile territory, uninhabited and
unimproved.
Nothing can afford so [279] advantageous an employment
for
capital and labour, as the conversion of this extensive
wilderness
into cultivated farms. Nothing equally with this, can contribute
to
the population, strength and real riches of the country."
"To endeavor by the extraordinary patronage of Government,
to accelerate the growth of manufactures, is in fact, to endeavor,
by force and art, to transfer the natural current of industry, from
a
more, to a less beneficial channel. Whatever has such a
tendency
must necessarily be unwise. Indeed it can hardly ever be wise in
a
government, to attempt to give a direction to the industry of its
citizens. This under the quick-sighted guidance of private
interest, will, if left to itself, infallibly find its own way to
the
most profitable employment; and it is by {194} such
employment, that the public prosperity will be most
effectually
promoted. To leave industry to itself, therefore, is, in
almost

every case, the soundest as well as the simplest policy.”
“This policy is not only recommended to the United States,
by
considerations which affect all nations, it is, in a manner,
dictated
to them by the imperious force of a very peculiar situation. The
smallness of their population compared with their territory --
the
constant allurements to emigration from the settled to the
unsettled parts of the country -- the facility, with which the less
independent condition of an artisan can be exchanged for
the
more independent condition of a farmer, these and similar
causes
conspire to produce, and for a length of time must continue
to
occasion, a scarcity of hands for manufacturing occupation, and
dearness of labor generally. To these disadvantages for the
prosecution of manufactures, a deficiency of pecuniary
capital
being added, the prospect of a successful competition with
the
manufactures of Europe must be regarded as little less
than
desperate. Extensive manufactures can only be the offspring of
a
redundant, at least of a full population. Till the latter
shall
characterise the situation of this country, 'tis vain to hope for
the
former.”
“If contrary to the natural course of things, an unseasonable
and premature spring can be given to certain fabrics, by
heavy
duties, prohibitions, bounties, or by other forced expedients;
this

will only be to sacrifice the interests of the community (973)
to
those of particular classes. Besides the misdirection of labour, a
virtual monopoly will be given to the persons employed on such
fabrics; and an enhancement of price, the inevitable
consequence
of every monopoly, must be defrayed at the expence of the other
parts of the society. It is far preferable, that those persons
should
be engaged in the cultivation of the earth, and that we
should
procure, in exchange for its productions, the commodities,
with
which foreigners are able to supply us in greater perfection, and
upon better terms.” [280]
This mode of reasoning is founded upon facts and principles,
which have certainly respectable pretensions. If it had governed
the conduct of nations, more generally than it has done,
there
{195} is room to suppose, that it might have carried them faster
to prosperity and greatness, than they have attained, by
the
pursuit of maxims too widely opposite. Most general
theories,
however, admit of numerous exceptions, and there are few,
if
any, of the political kind, which do not blend a
considerable
portion of error, with the truths they inculcate.
In order to an accurate judgement how far that which has
been
just stated ought to be deemed liable to a similar imputation, it
is
necessary to advert carefully to the considerations, which
plead
in favour of manufactures, and which appear to recommend the

special and positive encouragement of them; in certain cases,
and
under certain reasonable limitations.
It ought readily to be conceded, that the cultivation of
the
earth as the primary and most certain source of national supply -
-
as the immediate and chief source of subsistence to man -- as
the
principal source of those materials which constitute the
nutriment
of other kinds of labor -- as including a state most favourable to
the freedom and independence of the human mind -- one,
perhaps, most conducive to the multiplication of the
human
species -- has intrinsically a strong claim to pre-eminence over
every other kind of industry.
But, that it has a title to any thing like an exclusive
predilection, in any country, ought to be admitted with
great
caution. That it is even more productive than every other branch
of Industry requires more evidence, than has yet been given
in
mailto:[email protected]
support of the position. That its real interests, precious
and
important as without the help of exaggeration, they truly are,
will
be advanced, rather than injured by the due encouragement
of
manufactures, may, it is believed, be satisfactorily
demonstrated.
And it is also believed that the expediency of such

encouragement in a general view may be shewn to be
recommended by the most cogent and persuasive motives
of
national policy.
It has been maintained, that Agriculture is, not only, the
most
productive, but the only productive species of industry.
The
reality of this suggestion in either aspect, has, however, not
been
verified by any accurate detail of facts and calculations; and the
general arguments, which are adduced to prove it, are
rather
subtil and paradoxical, than solid or convincing. {196}
Those which maintain its exclusive productiveness are to
this
effect: (974)
Labour, bestowed upon the cultivation of land produces
enough, [281] not only to replace all the necessary
expences
incurred in the business, and to maintain the persons who
are
employed in it, but to afford together with the ordinary profit on
the stock or capital of the Farmer, a nett surplus, or rent for the
landlord or proprietor of the soil. But the labor of Artificers
does
nothing more, than replace the Stock which employs them
(or
which furnishes materials tools and wages) and yield the
ordinary profit upon that Stock. It yields nothing
equivalent to
the rent of land. Neither does it add any thing to the total
value
of the whole annual produce of the land and labour of
the
country. The additional value given to those parts of the

produce
of land, which are wrought into manufactures, is counter-
balanced by the value of those other parts of that produce,
which
are consumed by the manufacturers. It can therefore only be by
saving, or parsimony not by the positive productiveness of
their
labour, that the classes of Artificers can in any degree augment
the revenue of the Society.
To this it has been answered --
1 “That inasmuch as it is acknowledged, that manufacturing
labour reproduces a value equal to that which is expended
or
consumed in carrying it on, and continues in existence the
original Stock or capital employed -- it ought on that
account
alone, to escape being considered as wholly unproductive: That
though it should be admitted, as alleged, that the consumption
of
the produce of the soil, by the classes of Artificers or
Manufacturers, is exactly equal to the value added by their
labour
to the materials upon which it is exerted; yet it would not
thence
follow, that it added nothing to the Revenue of the Society, or
to
the aggregate value of the annual produce of its land and labour.
If the consumption for any given period amounted to a given
sum
and the increased value of the produce manufactured, in the
same
period, to a like sum, the total amount of the consumption
and
production during that period, would be equal to the two sums,
and consequently double the value of the agricultural
{197}produce consumed. And though the increment of

value
produced by the classes of Artificers should at no time exceed
the
value of the produce of the land consumed by them, yet
there
would be at every moment, in consequence of their
labour, a
greater value of goods in the market than would exist
independent of it.”
2 -- “That the position, that Artificers can augment the
revenue of a Society, only by parsimony, is true, in no
other
sense, than in one, which is equally applicable to Husbandmen
or
Cultivators. It may be alike affirmed of all these classes, that
the
fund acquired by their labor and destined for their support is
not,
in an ordinary way, more than equal to it. And hence it
will
follow, that augmentations of the wealth or capital of the
community (except in the instances of some extraordinary
[282]
dexterity or skill can only proceed, with respect to any of them,
from the savings of the more thrifty and parsimonious."
3 -- “That the annual produce of the land and labour of a
country can only be encreased, in two ways -- by some
improvement in the productive (975) powers of the useful
labour,
which actually exists within it, or by some increase in the
quantity of such labour: That with regard to the first, the labour
of Artificers being capable of greater subdivision and
simplicity
of operation, than that of Cultivators, it is susceptible, in
a

proportionably greater degree, of improvement in its productive
powers, whether to be derived from an accession of Skill, or
from
the application of ingenious machinery; in which
particular,
therefore, the labour employed in the culture of land can
pretend
to no advantage over that engaged in manufactures: That
with
regard to an augmentation of the quantity of useful labour, this,
excluding adventitious circumstances, must depend
essentially
upon an increase of capital, which again must depend upon the
savings made out of the revenues of those, who furnish
or
manage that, which is at any time employed, whether in
Agriculture, or in Manufactures, or in any other way.”
But while the exclusive productiveness of Agricultural
labour
has been thus denied and refuted, the superiority of its
productiveness has been conceded without hesitation. As
this
concession {198} involves a point of considerable magnitude, in
relation to maxims of public administration, the grounds
on
which it rests are worthy of a distinct and particular
examination.
One of the arguments made use of, in support of the idea
may
be pronounced both quaint and superficial. It amounts to this --
That in the productions of the soil, nature co-operates with man;
and that the effect of their joint labour must be greater than that
of the labour of man alone.
This however, is far from being a necessary inference. It is
very conceivable, that the labor of man alone laid out
upon a

work, requiring great skill and art to bring it to perfection, may
be more productive, in value, than the labour of nature and
man
combined, when directed towards more simple operations
and
objects: And when it is recollected to what an extent the Agency
of nature, in the application of the mechanical powers, is made
auxiliary to the prosecution of manufactures, the
suggestion,
which has been noticed, loses even the appearance of
plausibility.
It might also be observed, with a contrary view, that
the
labour employed in Agriculture is in a great measure periodical
and occasional, depending on seasons, liable to various and long
intermissions; while that occupied in many manufactures is
constant and [283] regular, extending through the year,
embracing in some instances night as well as day. It is
also
probable, that there are among the cultivators of land
more
examples of remissness, than among artificers. The farmer, from
the peculiar fertility of his land, or some other favorable
circumstance, may frequently obtain a livelihood, even
with a
considerable degree of carelessness in the mode of
cultivation;
but the artisan can with difficulty effect the same object,
without
exerting himself pretty equally with all those, who are engaged
in
the same pursuit. And if it may likewise be assumed as a fact,
that
manufactures open a wider field to exertions of ingenuity
than
agriculture, it would not be a strained (976) conjecture, that

the
labour employed in the former, being at once more
constant,
more uniform and more ingenious, than that which is employed
in the latter, will be found at the same time more
productive.
{199}
But it is not meant to lay stress on observations of this
nature
they ought only to serve as a counterbalance to those of a
similar
complexion. Circumstances so vague and general, as well as so
abstract, can afford little instruction in a matter of this kind.
Another, and that which seems to be the principal argument
offered for the superior productiveness of Agricultural
labour,
turns upon the allegation, that labour employed in manufactures
yields nothing equivalent to the rent of land; or to that
nett
surplus, as it is called, which accrues to the proprietor of the
soil.
But this distinction, important as it has been deemed,
appears
rather verbal than substantial.
It is easily discernible, that what in the first instance is
divided
into two parts under the denominations of the ordinary profit
of
the Stock of the farmer and rent to the landlord, is in the second
instance united under the general appellation of the
ordinary
profit on the Stock of the Undertaker; and that this
formal or

verbal distribution constitutes the whole difference in the
two
cases. It seems to have been overlooked, that the land is itself a
Stock or capital, advanced or lent by its owner to the occupier
or
tenant, and that the rent he receives is only the ordinary profit
of
a certain Stock in land, not managed by the proprietor himself,
but by another to whom he lends or lets it, and who on his part
advances a second capital to stock & improve the land,
upon
which he also receives the usual profit. The rent of the landlord
and the profit of the farmer are therefore nothing more than the
ordinary profits of two capitals belonging to two different
persons, and united in the cultivation of a farm: As in the other
case, the surplus which arises upon any manufactory, after
replacing the expences of carrying it on, answers to the ordinary
profits of one or more capitals engaged in the prosecution of
such
manufactory. It is said one [284] or more capitals; because
in
fact, the same thing which is contemplated, in the case of
the
farm, sometimes happens in that of a manufactory. There is one,
who furnishes a part of the capital, or lends a part of the money,
by which it is carried on, and another, who carries {200} it
on
with the addition of his own capital. Out of the surplus,
which
remains, after defraying expences, an interest is paid to
the
money lender for the portion of the capital furnished by
him,
which exactly agrees with the rent paid to the landlord; and the
residue of that surplus constitutes the profit of the undertaker or
manufacturer, and agrees with what is denominated the ordinary

profits on the Stock of the farmer. Both together make
the
ordinary profits of two capitals [employed in a manufactory; as
in
the other case the rent of the landlord and the revenue of
the
farmer compose the ordinary profits of two Capitals] employed
in
the cultivation of a farm.
The rent therefore accruing to the proprietor of the land, far
from being a criterion of exclusive productiveness, as has
been
argued, is no criterion even of superior (977) productiveness.
The
question must still be, whether the surplus, after defraying
expences, of a given capital, employed in the purchase
and
improvement of a piece of land, is greater or less, than that of a
like capital employed in the prosecution of a manufactory:
or
whether the whole value produced from a given capital and
a
given quantity of labour, employed in one way, be greater or
less,
than the whole value produced from an equal capital and
an
equal quantity of labour employed in the other way: or
rather,
perhaps whether the business of Agriculture or that of
Manufactures will yield the greatest product, according to
a
compound ratio of the quantity of the Capital and the quantity
of
labour, which are employed in the one or in the other.
The solution of either of these questions is not easy;
it

involves numerous and complicated details, depending on
an
accurate knowledge of the objects to be compared. It is
not
known that the comparison has ever yet been made upon
sufficient data properly ascertained and analised. To be
able to
make it on the present occasion with satisfactory precision
would
demand more previous enquiry and investigation, than there has
been hitherto either leisure or opportunity to accomplish.
Some essays however have been made towards acquiring the
requisite information; which have rather served to throw
doubt
upon, than to confirm the Hypothesis, under examination:
But
{201} it ought to be acknowledged, that they have been too
little
diversified, and are too imperfect, to authorise a definitive
conclusion either way; leading rather to probable conjecture
than
to certain deduction. They render it probable, that there
are
various branches of manufactures, in which [285] a given
Capital will yield a greater total product, and a
considerably
greater nett product, than an equal capital invested in the
purchase and improvement of lands; and that there are also
some
branches, in which both the gross and the nett produce
will
exceed that of Agricultural industry; according to a
compound
ratio of capital and labour: But it is on this last point, that there
appears to be the greatest room for doubt. It is far less difficult

to
infer generally, that the nett produce of Capital engaged in
manufacturing enterprises is greater than that of Capital
engaged
in Agriculture.
In stating these results, the purchase and improvement
of
lands, under previous cultivation are alone contemplated.
The
comparison is more in favour of Agriculture, when it is
made
with reference to the settlement of new and waste lands; but an
argument drawn from so temporary a circumstance could have
no
weight in determining the general question concerning the
permanent relative productiveness of the two species of
industry.
How far it ought to influence the policy of the United States, on
the score of particular situation, will be adverted to in
another
place.
The foregoing suggestions are not designed to inculcate an
opinion that manufacturing industry is more productive than
that of Agriculture. They are intended rather to shew that
the
reverse of this proposition is not ascertained; that the
general
arguments which are brought to establish it are not satisfactory;
and consequently that a supposition of the superior
productiveness of Tillage ought to be no obstacle to listening to
any substantial inducements to the encouragement of
manufactures, which may be otherwise perceived to exist,
through an apprehension, that they may have a tendency to
divert
labour from a more to a less profitable employment.
It is extremely probable, that on a full and accurate

devellopment of the matter, on the ground of fact and
calculation,
it would be discovered that there is no material difference
between the aggregate productiveness of the one, and (978)
of
the other kind of industry; and that the propriety of the
encouragements, which may in any case be proposed to be given
to either ought to be determined upon considerations irrelative
to
any comparison of that nature.
II But without contending for the superior productiveness
of Manufacturing Industry, it may conduce to a better judgment
of the policy, which ought to be pursued respecting its
encouragement, {202} to contemplate the subject, under
some
additional aspects, tending not only to confirm the idea, that
this
kind of industry has been improperly represented as
unproductive
in itself; but [to] evince in addition that the establishment
and
diffusion of manufactures have the effect of rendering the
total
mass of useful and productive labor in a community,
[286]
greater than it would otherwise be. In prosecuting this
discussion, it may be necessary briefly to resume and
review
some of the topics, which have been already touched.
To affirm, that the labour of the Manufacturer is
unproductive,
because he consumes as much of the produce of land, as he adds

value to the raw materials which he manufactures, is not
better
founded, than it would be to affirm, that the labour of the
farmer,
which furnishes materials to the manufacturer, is
unproductive,
because he consumes an equal value of manufactured
articles.
Each furnishes a certain portion of the produce of his labor to
the
other, and each destroys a correspondent portion of the produce
of the labour of the other. In the mean time, the maintenance of
two Citizens, instead of one, is going on; the State has
two
members instead of one; and they together consume twice
the
value of what is produced from the land.
If instead of a farmer and artificer, there were a farmer only,
he would be under the necessity of devoting a part of his labour
to the fabrication of cloathing and other articles, which he
would
procure of the artificer, in the case of there being such a person;
and of course he would be able to devote less labor to
the
cultivation of his farm; and would draw from it a proportionably
less product. The whole quantity of production, in this state
of
things, in provisions, raw materials and manufactures,
would
certainly not exceed in value the amount of what would
be
produced in provisions and raw materials only, if there were an
artificer as well as a farmer.
Again -- if there were both an artificer and a farmer, the
latter
would be left at liberty to pursue exclusively the cultivation of

his
farm. A greater quantity of provisions and raw materials would
of
course be produced -- equal at least -- as has been
already
observed, to the whole amount of the provisions, raw
materials
{203} and manufactures, which would exist on a contrary
supposition. The artificer, at the same time would be going on
in
the production of manufactured commodities; to an amount
sufficient not only to repay the farmer, in those commodities,
for
the provisions and materials which were procured from him, but
to furnish the Artificer himself with a supply of similar
commodities for his own use. Thus then, there would be
two
quantities or values in existence, instead of one; and the
revenue
and consumption (979) would be double in one case, what
it
would be in the other.
If in place of both these suppositions, there were supposed
to
be two farmers, and no artificer, each of whom applied a part of
his labour to the culture of land, and another part to the
fabrication of Manufactures -- in this case, the portion of
the
labour of both bestowed upon land would produce the
same
quantity of provisions [287] and raw materials only, as would
be produced by the intire sum of the labour of one applied in the
same manner, and the portion of the labour of both
bestowed
upon manufactures, would produce the same quantity of
manufactures only, as would be produced by the intire sum of

the
labour of one applied in the same manner. Hence the produce of
the labour of the two farmers would not be greater than
the
produce of the labour of the farmer and artificer; and
hence, it
results, that the labour of the artificer is as possitively
productive
as that of the farmer, and, as positively, augments the revenue
of
the Society.
The labour of the Artificer replaces to the farmer that
portion
of his labour, with which he provides the materials of exchange
with the Artificer, and which he would otherwise have
been
compelled to apply to manufactures: and while the Artificer
thus
enables the farmer to enlarge his stock of Agricultural industry,
a
portion of which he purchases for his own use, he also supplies
himself with the manufactured articles of which he stands
in
need. He does still more -- Besides this equivalent which
he
gives for the portion of Agricultural labour consumed by
him,
and this supply of manufactured commodities for his own
consumption -- he furnishes still a surplus, which
compensates
for the use of the Capital advanced either by himself or
some
other person, for carrying on the business. This is the
ordinary
profit of the {204} stock employed in the manufactory, and is,

in
every sense, as effective an addition to the income of the
Society,
as the rent of land.
The produce of the labour of the Artificer consequently, may
be regarded as composed of three parts; one by which the
provisions for his subsistence and the materials for his work are
purchased of the farmer, one by which he supplies himself with
manufactured necessaries, and a third which constitutes the
profit
on the Stock employed. The two last portions seem to have been
overlooked in the system, which represents manufacturing
industry as barren and unproductive.
In the course of the preceding illustrations, the products of
equal quantities of the labour of the farmer and artificer
have
been treated as if equal to each other. But this is not to
be
understood as intending to assert any such precise equality. It is
merely a manner of expression adopted for the sake of
simplicity
and perspicuity. Whether the value of the produce of the labour
of the farmer be somewhat more or less, than that of the
artificer,
is not material to the main scope of the argument, which
hitherto
has only aimed at shewing, that the one, as well as the
other,
occasions a possitive augmentation of the total produce
and
revenue of the Society.
[288]{204} (980) It is now proper to proceed a step further,
and to enumerate the principal circumstances, from which it
may
be inferred -- That manufacturing establishments not only

occasion a possitive augmentation of the Produce and Revenue
of
the Society, but that they contribute essentially to rendering
them
greater than they could possibly be, without such
establishments.
These circumstances are --
1. The division of Labour.
2. An extension of the use of Machinery.
3. Additional employment to classes of the community not
ordinarily engaged in the business.
4. The promoting of emigration from foreign Countries.
5. The furnishing greater scope for the diversity of talents
and
dispositions which discriminate men from each other.
6. The affording a more ample and various field for
enterprise.
{205}
7. The creating in some instances a new, and securing in all,
a
more certain and steady demand for the surplus produce of
the
soil.
Each of these circumstances has a considerable
influence
upon the total mass of industrious effort in a community.
Together, they add to it a degree of energy and effect, which are
not easily conceived. Some comments upon each of them, in the
order in which they have been stated, may serve to explain their
importance.
1. As to the Division of Labour.
It has justly been observed, that there is scarcely any thing
of
greater moment in the economy of a nation, than the
proper

division of labour. The separation of occupations causes each to
be carried to a much greater perfection, than it could
possible
acquire, if they were blended. This arises principally from three
circumstances.
lst -- The greater skill and dexterity naturally resulting from
a
constant and undivided application to a single object. It is
evident, that these properties must increase, in proportion to the
separation and simplification of objects and the steadiness of
the
attention devoted to each; and must be less, in proportion to the
complication of objects, and the number among which the
attention is distracted.
2nd. The economy of time -- by avoiding the loss of
it,
incident to a frequent transition from one operation to another
of
a different nature. This depends on various circumstances -- the
transition itself -- the orderly disposition of the
impliments,
machines and materials employed in the operation to be
relinquished -- the preparatory steps to the commencement of
a
new one -- the interruption of the impulse, which the mind of
the
workman acquires, from being engaged in a particular operation
-- the distractions hesitations and reluctances, [289]
which
attend the passage from one kind of business to another.
3rd. An extension of the use of Machinery. A man occupied
on a single object will have it more in his power, and
will be

more naturally led to exert his imagination in devising methods
{206}to facilitate and abrige labour, than if he were perplexed
by
a variety of independent and dissimilar opera- (981) tions.
Besides this, the fabrication of Machines, in numerous
instances,
becoming itself a distinct trade, the Artist who follows it, has
all
the advantages which have been enumerated, for improvement
in
his particular art; and in both ways the invention and
application
of machinery are extended.
And from these causes united, the mere separation of
the
occupation of the cultivator, from that of the Artificer, has
the
effect of augmenting the productive powers of labour, and
with
them, the total mass of the produce or revenue of a Country. In
this single view of the subject, therefore, the utility of
Artificers
or Manufacturers, towards promoting an increase of
productive
industry, is apparent.
2. As to an extension of the use of Machinery a point which
though partly anticipated requires to be placed in one or
two
additional lights.
The employment of Machinery forms an item of great
importance in the general mass of national industry. ‘Tis
an
artificial force brought in aid of the natural force of man; and,
to
all the purposes of labour, is an increase of hands; an accession

of strength, unencumbered too by the expence of maintaining
the
laborer. May it not therefore be fairly inferred, that those
occupations, which give greatest scope to the use of this
auxiliary, contribute most to the general Stock of
industrious
effort, and, in consequence, to the general product of industry?
It shall be taken for granted, and the truth of the
position
referred to observation, that manufacturing pursuits are
susceptible in a greater degree of the application of
machinery,
than those of Agriculture. If so all the difference is lost
to a
community, which, instead of manufacturing for itself,
procures
the fabrics requisite to its supply from other Countries.
The
substitution of foreign for domestic manufactures is a transfer
to
foreign nations of the advantages accruing from the employment
of Machinery, in the modes in which it is capable of
being
employed, with most utility and to the greatest extent. {207}
The Cotton Mill invented in England, within the last twenty
years, is a signal illustration of the general proposition, which
has
been just advanced. In consequence of it, all the different
processes for spining Cotton are performed by means of
Machines, which are [290] ut in motion by water, and
attended
chiefly by women and Children; [and by a smaller] number
of
[persons, in the whole, than are] requisite in the ordinary mode
of
spinning. And it is an advantage of great moment that the

operations of this mill continue with convenience, during
the
night, as well as through the day. The prodigious affect of such
a
Machine is easily conceived. To this invention is to be
attributed
essentially the immense progress, which has been so
suddenly
made in Great Britain in the various fabrics of Cotton.
3. As to the additional employment of classes of the
community, not ordinarily engaged in the particular business.
This is not among the least valuable of the means, by which
manufacturing institutions con- (982) tribute to augment
the
general stock of industry and production. In places where
those
institutions prevail, besides the persons regularly engaged
in
them, they afford occasional and extra employment to
industrious
individuals and families, who are willing to devote the
leisure
resulting from the intermissions of their ordinary pursuits
to
collateral labours, as a resource of multiplying their
acquisitions
or [their] enjoyments. The husbandman himself experiences
a
new source of profit and support from the encreased industry of
his wife and daughters; invited and stimulated by the demands
of
the neighboring manufactories.
Besides this advantage of occasional employment to classes
having different occupations, there is another of a nature allied

to
it [and] of a similar tendency. This is -- the employment
of
persons who would otherwise be idle (and in many cases
a
burthen on the community), either from the byass of
temper,
habit, infirmity of body, or some other cause, indisposing,
or
disqualifying them for the toils of the Country. It is
worthy of
particular remark, that, in general, women and Children
are
rendered more {208} useful and the latter more early useful
by
manufacturing establishments, than they would otherwise be. Of
the number of persons employed in the Cotton Manufactories of
Great Britain, it is computed that 4/7 nearly are women
and
children; of whom the greatest proportion are children and many
of them of a very tender age.
And thus it appears to be one of the attributes of
manufactures, and one of no small consequence, to give
occasion
to the exertion of a greater quantity of Industry, even by the
same
number of persons, where they happen to prevail, than
would
exist, if there were no such establishments.
4. As to the promoting of emigration from foreign Countries.
Men reluctantly quit one course of occupation and livelihood
for another, unless invited to it by very apparent and proximate
advantages. Many, who would go from one country to another,
if

they had [291] a prospect of continuing with more benefit the
callings, to which they have been educated, will often not
be
tempted to change their situation, by the hope of doing better,
in
some other way. Manufacturers, who listening to the
powerful
invitations of a better price for their fabrics, or their labour,
of
greater cheapness of provisions and raw materials, of an
exemption from the chief part of the taxes burthens and
restraints,
which they endure in the old world, of greater personal
independence and consequence, under the operation of a
more
equal government, and of what is far more precious than
mere
religious toleration -- a perfect equality of religious
privileges;
would probably flock from Europe to the United States to
pursue
their own trades or professions, if they were once made sensible
of the advantages they would enjoy, and were inspired with
an
assurance of encouragement and employment, will, with
difficulty, be induced to transplant themselves, with a
view to
becoming Cultivators of Land.
If it be true then, that it is the interest of the United States to
open every possible avenue to (983) emigration from abroad,
it
affords a weighty argument for the encouragement of
manufactures; {209} which for the reasons just assigned,
will
have the strongest tendency to multiply the inducements to it.

Here is perceived an important resource, not only for
extending the population, and with it the useful and
productive
labour of the country, but likewise for the prosecution of
manufactures, without deducting from the number of hands,
which might otherwise be drawn to tillage; and even for
the
indemnification of Agriculture for such as might happen to
be
diverted from it. Many, whom Manufacturing views would
induce to emigrate, would afterwards yield to the
temptations,
which the particular situation of this Country holds out to
Agricultural pursuits. And while Agriculture would in
other
respects derive many signal and unmingled advantages, from the
growth of manufactures, it is a problem whether it would gain
or
lose, as to the article of the number of persons employed
in
carrying it on.
5. As to the furnishing greater scope for the diversity of talents
and dispositions, which discriminate men from each other.
This is a much more powerful mean of augmenting the fund
of
national Industry than may at first sight appear. It is a
just
observation, that minds of the strongest and most active powers
for their proper objects fall below mediocrity and labour
without
effect, if confined to uncongenial pursuits. And it is thence to

be
inferred, that the results of human exertion may be
immensely
increased by diversifying its objects. When all the different
kinds
of industry obtain in a community, each individual can find his
proper element, and can call [292] into activity the whole
vigour
of his nature. And the community is benefitted by the services
of
its respective members, in the manner, in which each can serve
it
with most effect.
If there be anything in a remark often to be met with --
namely
that there is, in the genius of the people of this country, a
peculiar
aptitude for mechanic improvements, it would operate as a
forcible reason for giving opportunities to the exercise of
that
species of talent, by the propagation of manufactures. {210}
6. As to the affording a more ample
and various field for enterprise.
This also is of greater consequence in the general scale of
national exertion, than might perhaps on a superficial view
be
supposed, and has effects not altogether dissimilar from those
of
the circumstance last noticed. To cherish and stimulate the
activity of the human mind, by multiplying the objects of
enterprise, is not among the least considerable of the
expedients,
by which the wealth of a nation may be promoted. Even things
in

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