Fenton+Same+Sex+Marriage+Research+Paper

Rutgers University
Portrayal of Same-Sex Marriage in the Media
Nicole Fenton
Political Science Seminar
Professor Leech
30 April 2015

Fenton 1
Introduction:
Same-sex marriage has been a salient topic in the media in recent decades. There has
been a vast variety of opinions supporting or opposing the approval of same-sex marriage in the
United States. These opinions have thus led to larger discussion of state, and eventual federal,
passage of marriage equality for all sexual orientations. Often times, these opinions fall upon
partisan lines; liberals are more accepting of same-sex marriage while conservatives are less
likely or not at all supportive of same-sex marriage. This paper looks to examine this divide in
public opinion by juxtaposing two news media sources, liberal and conservative. It poses the
following question: in a comparison of media sources, how does the portrayal of same sex
marriage differ in more liberal or more conservative news sources? In this research study,
articles from two newspapers will be compared. The two sources are the typically more liberal
newspaper, The New York Time,s and the typically more conservative newspaper, The Wall
Street Journal. Articles from within the year of 2014 will be studied by counting and coding the
number of paragraphs that can be considered to have attitudes that support or oppose gay
marriage. My research will discover if and how different media outlets portray the topic of same-
sex marriage depending on their politically affiliated skew, geographical area in the United
States, what branch or branches of government the story focuses on, and which interest groups
are quoted in the articles. The purpose of this research study is to discover how much ideological
bias, or objectivity, newspapers contain on the issue of same-sex marriage.
Literature Review:
In recent years, there have been significant moral and cultural divisions within the United
States, which has drawn the attention of politicians and the mass public. A particular cultural
question that has garnered much salience in American society is the issue of same-sex marriage.

Fenton 2
It began with the particular debates about the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) passed by
Congress under President Bill Clinton in 1996. In the years following the passage of DOMA, the
issue of same-sex marriage moved toward the periphery of the political agenda and in the minds
of the American public, until May 2004, when a decision by the Supreme Judicial Court of
Massachusetts generated considerable debate (Gaines and Garand, 2010, p. 554). After these
incidents, same-sex marriage became a considerably weighted issue to be discussed in the
national agenda and covered in the press. The next gay rights issue that was added to the national
agenda was whether The Full Faith and Credit Clause of the Constitution would require other
states to recognize same-sex Marriage in Massachusetts or other states that adopt same-sex
marriage laws in the future. The decisions by the courts in 2008 to legalize same-sex marriage,
along with the November 2008 ballot initiative on same-sex marriage in California, promise to
keep the issue of same sex marriage on the public agenda in the foreseeable future (Gaines and
Garland, p. 554).
When issues such as these are brought to the forefront of the news media, they are met
with dissentions in opinion throughout the mass public. These opinions often fall along liberal
and conservative political affiliations, especially within the Democratic and Republican parties.
Scholars have generally found that liberals, women, Democrats, urban dwellers, whites, and the
highly educated are more likely to support same-sex marriage (Craig et al. 2005). These
demographics follow more closely with liberals and the Democratic Party, who would often be
likely to read a liberal newspaper such as The New York Times. A large set of factors that
influence public opinion on same-sex marriage is the idea of morality and tenacity towards
traditional values. In response to the tests of morality and religious attitudes, scholars found that
support for gay rights and same-sex marriage is lower among those who support traditional,

Fenton 3
moral, and religious values; individuals who hold traditional and/or conservative views toward
morality, are active members in traditional Christian religious dominations, and are adherents to
more conservative religious faiths will tend to resist changes in traditional moral values and will
hence be opposed to departures from the traditional marriage form (Brewer, 2003a). People who
hold importance to core traditional values and have a strong religious affiliation more often than
not identify as conservative, or with the Republican Party. As a conservative, one would be more
than likely to read from the more conservative newspaper, The Wall Street Journal. In Gaines
and Garand’s study, they devise a mechanism to examine which members of the public support
or oppose same-sex marriage using the 2004 American National Election Studies (ANES)
Survey and data from same-sex couples in the United States Census to measure gay marriage
support from the independent variables of moral and religious attitudes, attitudes towards gay
rights and lesbians, gender roles and women’s rights, support for minority rights, symbolic
politics, geographic attributes, and demographic county level context. This data was compared to
the dependent variable of the question asked in the 2004 ANES Survey question that asks,
“Should same-sex couples be allowed to marry, or not?”, which was answered in a 3 point scale
ranging from -1 (respondent opposes same-sex marriage), 0 (respondent opposes same-sex
marriage but supports civil unions), to +1 (respondent supports same-sex marriage). In 2004, the
empirical results showed that a majority (60%) of the respondents to the 2004 ANES Survey are
opposed to same-sex marriage, one-third (34%) support same-sex marriage, while a small
number (6%) are opposed but support civil unions (Gaines and Garand, 2010, p. 554-8). These
empirical results, however are dated from 2004, and the country has passed many pieces of
legislation since than, that reflect moving away from traditional values and an opening attitudes
in support of the LGBTQ community.

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The United States is a country that is always undergoing cultural realignment. Attitudes
change over time with different age categories, cultural contexts, wars, religious denominations,
and politics. Since the 1970s, attitudes have begun shifting towards the approval of same-sex
marriage and the acceptance of the LGBTQ community. As of the 1990s, gay marriage approvals
have been on a steady rise. Although the Defense of Marriage Act still declares marriage
between one man and one woman, state laws on the issue of same-sex marriage vary
tremendously. Some states can issue marriage licenses through state legislatures, such as
Vermont and New Hampshire, as well as through state Supreme Court decisions, such as Iowa,
Massachusetts, and Connecticut (Kazyak, 2011, p. 191). Typically, the religious community has
excluded the gay community from taking part in any of their practices and traditional religions,
such as Judeo-Christian denominations that rally against the approval of same-sex marriage.
Recently, there have been shifts in social change within religion. Churches that emphasize social
justice can often provide a context to advocate for social change and rights of the sexual
minorities due to their unique position outside of state and legal realms. Furthermore, many
denominations have adopted official policies welcoming gays and lesbians and have supported
same-sex marriage, including the United Church of Christ and the Unitarian Universalist
Association, but little scholarly works have noted these denominations (Kayazak, 2011, p. 194).
Furthermore, there is widespread acceptance of the gay community in urban areas and among the
youth. The acceptance of the gay community within society is a revolutionary movement that has
altered American culture.
As a result of changing with the times, the stance on same-sex marriage has effects upon
the vote in presidential elections. Votes on same-sex marriage have mobilized support for
presidents running on the Democratic ticket who support same-sex marriage, such as Barack

Fenton 5
Obama, more so than pro-Republican social conservative. Jeremiah J. Garretson’s (2014)
research suggests that it may take more than a just a position in favor of or against the same-sex
marriage issue on the ballot to motivate voters or affect voter turnout. A voters given position
must be firm to motivate such action, especially the salient issue of same-sex marriage.
Data from the 2004, 2008, and 2012 presidential elections tested whether the priming and
mobilization of the same-sex marriage ballot has changed in response to shifts in strength of
support and the impact in which these shifts had on recent presidential elections (Garretson,
2014, p. 281). This allows attitude strength to be tested within a single issue. The results showed
that as same-sex marriage attitudes continue to strengthen among liberals and potentially weaken
among conservatives. Therefore, same-sex marriage initiatives will likely continue to advantage
liberals in the future with an increasing effect to change policy and the nation’s status quo
(Garretson, 2014, p. 290). A president’s party and political views have a large effect upon which
issues are focused on because those are the issues that can be made into law while the president
is in office. Since same-sex marriage is such a salient issue, people will elect presidents who will
pass legislation in favor or opposition of it, depending on which side of the spectrum that the
public supports. The president in turn, must focus parts of his campaign upon claiming a stance
on either side of the debate. Legislation passed about same-sex marriage will have lasting
outcomes upon American culture.
Beyond cultural shifts within the nation, framing in the media also accounts for the way
in which political knowledge is acquired and thus, the way that public opinion is shaped in
regards to the issue of same-sex marriage. Shanto Iyengar (2011) would define framing as the
process by which journalists create events, by signifying what is important and setting the story
line of events. It refers to the way in which the media, by highlighting some aspects of an event

Fenton 6
or issue and ignoring others, can influence how people think about that event or issue. (p. 253).
Framing is a bias that media outlets utilize in order to organize data about how people view
political problems; media use such types of organization to affect the opinions of politicians, the
minds of American citizens, and the public discourse. The scholar Paul Brewer (2003b) tests
political knowledge based on the way media frames in support of same-sex marriage via the
opinions that have arisen in the Supreme Court; Justice Kennedy supports the frame of equality,
which is supported by the constitutional guarantee of equal protection, and Justice Scalia
supports the opposing frame of morality, which demonstrates his belief that there is a
“reasonable effort to preserve traditional American values” (p. 174). These mechanisms help to
determine which side of the political spectrum in which the frame will fall under, liberal or
conservative. In his study, Brewer (2003b) found that the knowledgeable citizens were more
likely than the less knowledgeable to receive the anti-gay rights and supportive gay rights
frames, which shows how political knowledge is a factor in which the public values frames. The
flow of framing has influenced the manner in which newspapers present their stories, which is a
main function that this research paper is trying to discover (p. 192). Liberal newspapers, such as
The New York Times, will tend to write in a more open-minded, new age way that is open to
fleeting changes in politics and culture whereas a more conservative newspaper, such as The
Wall Street Journal, may hold steady with traditional views and adapt more slowly to changes in
culture. Cultural attitudes, such as traditional views, religion, or openness to liberalism and
framing techniques are two factors which should be examined while researching the support or
opposition to same-sex marriage in the news media. These factors can become an impetus to
both social and legal change on the federal and state level.
Hypothesis:

Fenton 7
In a comparison of media sources, how does the portrayal of same sex marriage differ in more
liberal or more conservative news sources?

Method:
The approach that were taken in this research design was the method of content analysis
to examine two newspapers in contemporary times as a case study to examine the amount of
political bias that one may encounter while reading these newspapers, particularly in regard to
the salient issue of same-sex marriage. In order to garner a holistic view of a full calendar year,
the year 2014 was chosen since it is the most recent full year of news available. The first
newspaper chosen was The Wall Street Journal, which is considered to be a typically
conservative news media sources. In contrast, the second newspaper chosen for the study was
The New York Times, which is standardly considered to have a liberal bias as a news media
source.
Using the databases, WestlawNext for The New York Times and Factiva for The Wall
Street Journal, which contain articles from the most recent years of each of the newspapers.
Articles were found using the key words in an advanced search, such as “gay”, “same-sex”, and
“marriage” or “marriage equality” while the date range was limited from January 1st
, 2014 until
January 1st
, 2015. The dates were then arranged in an order from oldest to newest. In The New
York Times search, 118 articles were related to the search. In order to eliminate selection bias and
acquire a random sample, I coded every third article. If the article that was chosen was unrelated
to the issue of same-sex marriage, I skipped down one article and coded every third article from
that point. In The Wall Street Journal search, there were 393 articles that were related to the
search; therefore I coded every thirteenth article in order to eliminate selection bias. Also, if the
article was unrelated to the same-sex marriage topic, I skipped to the next article and continued

Fenton 8
choosing every thirteenth article from that point. The overall data collected contains 60 stories in
total, with 30 stories from each newspaper.
After the articles were located, they were coded according to a codebook, which defines
each of the variables, into a spreadsheet of collected data in numerical form about the newspaper
stories according to the information in the codebook. The coding contained background
information such as a unique identification number per story, when the story was published, what
newspaper published the story, and what is the headline of the story. The first codes were
nominal codes which asked if the story was about religion, politics, culture, civil liberties, or
some other open ended topic. Next, the codes examined how many paragraphs per story support
or oppose same-sex marriage. After, there were codes about geographical location, if pro and
anti-gay rights interest groups are quoted, if the story contains broader context, if the story
contains historical background, what government branch or branches is the story related to, and
if the story focuses on an individual person. At the end of the coding spreadsheet, there was an
extra section for notes about each story. All of these codes were completed for each story and
arranged into a Microsoft Excel spreadsheet.
Finally, the coded data from the 60 newspaper stories was put into a computer-readable
format using SPSS statistical software to test the hypothesis. The analyses run were cross-
tabulation matric of frequencies to compare the frequencies that result between the publications
in The Wall Street Journal and The New York Times with the frequencies of the coded nominal
and ordinal variables. Correlations are not tested directly; analyses are made to examine whether
there is a null hypothesis, which is that there is no correlation between the frequency
distributions. The results of the Chi Square test will allow the null hypothesis to be rejected, thus
showing that there is significance between the variables and the publications.

Fenton 9
Results:
In a cross-tabulation of frequencies that compare and contrast the two publications, The New
York Times and The Wall Street Journal, one can see many differences according to liberal and
conservative framing.
Publication
WSJ NYT
Paragraphs per story that
Support Same-Sex Marriage
.0
0 para.
4
13.3%
1
3.3%
1.0
1-3 para.
5
16.6%
1
3.3%
2.0
4-6 para
14
4.7%
3
10%
3.0
7-9 para.
3
10%
4
13.3%
4.0
10+ para.
4
13.3%
21
70%
Total 30
100%
30
100%
According to the cross-tabulation of publications by the number of paragraphs per story
that support same-sex marriage, the results show that the typically liberal newspaper, The New
York Times, will show major support with 10+ paragraphs that support gay marriage 70% of the
time and will show moderate support with 7 to 9 paragraphs supporting same-sex marriage
13.3% of the time. On the other hand, the standardly conservative newspaper, The Wall Street
Journal, will show no support of same-sex marriage 13.3% of the time, limited support 16.6% of
the time, slight support 4.7% of the time, moderate support 10% of the time, and major support
13.3% of the time. This chart shows that liberal newspapers, such as The New York Times,
strongly demonstrate major and moderate support for same-sex marriage by the way that they
frame their media stories.

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Publication
WSJ NYT
Paragraphs that Oppose Same-Sex
Marriage
.0
0 para.
3
10%
8
26.7%
1.0
1-3 para.
1
3.3%
9
30.0%
2.0
4-6 para.
5
16.6%
7
23.3%
3.0
7-9 para.
8
26.7%
3
10%
4.0
10+ para
13
43.3%
3
10%
Total 30
100%
30
100%
In regards to the cross-tabulation of publications by the number of paragraphs that oppose
same-sex marriage, the results show that the conservative Wall Street Journal gives major
support for opposition to gay marriage 43.3% of the time, 26.7% of moderate support, 16.6% of
slight support, 3.3% of limited support, and 10% of no support in the stories. In contrast, The
New York Times gives majority opposition in 10% of the cases, moderate opposition in 10%,
slight opposition in 23%, limited opposition in 30%, and no opposition in 26.7%. Since the
conservative Wall Street Journal only shows major opposition to same-sex marriage less than
half of the time, this means that conservative newspapers may not as strictly biased with
opposition to same-sex marriage compared to the liberal newspapers. It often takes a more
objective opinion upon the issue of same-sex marriage and focuses on the event itself instead of
taking a political stance, which can be seen in the chart below.
Event*Publication
Count
Publication
TotalWSJ NYT

Fenton 11
Event .0 0 1 1
1.0 3 7 10
2.0 6 6 12
3.0 13 16 29
4.0 8 0 8
Total 30 30 60
Chi-Square Tests of Same-Sex Marriage Support
Value df Asymp. Sig. (2-
sided)
Pearson Chi-Square 23.287a
4 .000
Likelihood Ratio 25.379 4 .000
Linear-by-Linear Association 18.967 1 .000
N of Valid Cases 60
a. 6 cells (60.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 2.50.
Chi-Square Tests of Same-Sex Marriage Opposition
Value df
Asymp. Sig. (2-
sided)
Pearson Chi-Square 17.529a
4 .002
Linear-by-Linear Association 14.318 1 .000
N of Valid Cases 60
a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 5.00.
The results of the Chi Square test show that there is a valid correlation between the
publication and the number of paragraphs that support same-sex marriage. Since the Asymptotic
Significance in the analysis equals .000, which is below the expected frequency of 2.50, it
illustrates that the variables are statistically significant. The asymptotic significance as .000 and
.002 shows that the null hypothesis should be rejected, therefore delineating that the two
variables are dependent of each other. In this case, the correlation between the two variables did

Fenton 12
not occur by random chance, which was what the null hypothesis attempted to test. The type of
publication and the amount of paragraphs that support same-sex marriage have a correlation
between them because the Asymptotic Significance was lower than the expected frequency of
2.50. Secondly, the type of publication and the amount of political opposition have a correlation
because the Asymptotic Significance of .002 is lower than 5.00.
Another interesting discovery found within this research is the involvement of interest
groups that support or are against same-sex marriage, as demonstrated in the chart below.
The New York Times relies more heavily upon interest groups than The Wall Street Journal does.
The paper often times uses the same groups for quotes in articles or re-uses the same quotes from
article to article. The most popular groups that were supportive of the gay community were
Lambda Legal and Freedom to Marry while the most popular groups that were not supportive of
the gay community were the National Organization for Marriage, Alliance Defending Freedom,
and the Roman Catholic Church. While The Wall Street Journal relies less heavily upon interest
groups, it relies more upon the contexts in which the journalists provide and quotes from
0

2

4

6

8

10

12

Pro-‐Gay
Interest
Groups
Anti-‐Gay
Interest
Groups

WSJ

NYT

Fenton 13
government officers and public officials, such as Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, Federal
Circuit Judge Stephen Reinhardt, and Pope Francis.
Discussion:
The cross-tabulation and Chi Square tests run on The New York Times and The Wall
Street Journal confirm my hypothesis that the portrayal of same sex marriage differs in more
liberal or more conservative news sources. In liberal newspapers, there is over 70% of major
support for same-sex marriage whereas conservative newspapers often demonstrate less than half
of major opposition to same sex marriage. This may change if more articles were coded, but it
can be hypothesized that conservative newspapers are not as strongly opposed to same-sex
marriage and can report stories about it more objectively. Cultural attitudes, such as traditional
views, religious views, or liberal views and framing techniques are two factors which should be
examined while researching the support or opposition to same-sex marriage in the news outlets.
These can influence both social and legal change on the federal and state level. Media, such as
newspapers, play a part in shaping the national agenda of public opinion, which influence which
issues become bills or federal suits that are enacted into policy changes. If liberal newspapers
continue to valiantly support same-sex marriage while conservative newspapers begin to take on
a less severe stance, we may see federal actions taken in support of same-sex marriage in the
near future.
The next step that I can take in my research to continue it is to expand upon the amount
of newspaper publications and include more years in which I would code. This would offer a
broader and more significant analysis in testing the effects of media upon same-sex marriage.
The research would examine if the strength of support in liberal newspapers continue and if
opposition to same-sex marriage from the conservative viewpoint continues to diminish. A

Fenton 14
second alternative would be to alter the issue at hand, same-sex marriage, in order to test for
another salient issue. These could be the effects of abortion, gun control, digital privacy,
terrorism or crime. If I compared The Wall Street Journal and The New York Times and received
similar results, one would be able to see that these newspapers contain media bias and utilize
methods of framing, or methods of objectivity, in order to appeal to a certain cultural sector of
the nation.
The relationship between liberal and conservative newspaper publications, such as The
Wall Street Journal and The New York Times have a correlation with support and opposition of
the salient issue of same-sex marriage. Each paper frames issues to reflect their liberal or
conservative bias, although the liberal bias in The New York Times is much stronger. Cross
tabulations and Chi Square tests have been used to establish a relationship between liberal or
conservative newspaper publications and their portrayal of same-sex marriage.

Fenton 15
References:
Brewer, Paul R. 2003a. “The Shifting Foundations of Public Opinion about Gay Rights”. The
Journal of Politics. Vol. 65. Ed. 4. 1208-1220.
Brewer, Paul R. 2003b. Values, Political Knowledge, and Public Opinion about Gay Rights: A
Framing Based Account. EbscoHost. 123-201.
Craig, Stephen C., Michael D. Martinez, James G. Kane, and Jason Gainous. 2005. Core Values,
Value Conflict, and Citizens’ Ambivalence about Gay Rights. Political Research Quarterly. Vol
58. Ed. 1. 5-17.
Gaines, Susan and James Garand. 2010. “Morality, Equality, or Locality: Analyzing the
Determinants of Support for Same-sex Marriage”. Political Research Quarterly. Vol. 63. Ed. 3.
553-567.
Garretson, Jeremiah J. 2014. “Changing with the Times: The Spillover Effects of Same-Sex
Marriage Ballot Measures on Presidential Elections”. Political Research Quarterly. Vol 67. Ed.
2. 280-292.
Iyengar, Shanto. 2011. Media Politics: A Citizen’s Guide. Norton. Ch. 8. 253.
Kazyak, Emily. 2011. “Same-Sex Marriage in a Welcoming World: Rights Consciousness of
Heterosexuals in Liberal Religious Institutions”. Springer Science and Business Media. Vol 8.
192-203.
Appendix:
Religion * Publication Crosstabulation
Count
Publication Total
WSJ NYT
Religion .0 26 19 45
1.0 4 11 15
Total 30 30 60
Chi-Square Tests
Value df
Asymp.
Sig. (2-
sided)
Exact
Sig. (2-
sided)
Exact
Sig. (1-
sided)

Fenton 16
Pearson Chi-
Square
4.356a
1 .037
Continuity
Correctionb
3.200 1 .074
Likelihood
Ratio
4.490 1 .034
Fisher's Exact
Test
.072 .036
Linear-by-
Linear
Association
4.283 1 .038
N of Valid
Cases
60
a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum
expected count is 7.50.
b. Computed only for a 2x2 table
Civil Liberties*Publication
Count
Publication Total
WSJ NYT
CivLib .0 13 9 22
1.0 17 21 38
Total 30 30 60
Chi-Square Tests
Value df
Asymp.
Sig. (2-
sided)
Exact Sig.
(2-sided)
Exact Sig.
(1-sided)
Pearson Chi-
Square
1.148a
1 .284
Other*Publication
Count
Publication
TotalWSJ NYT
Other .0 22 14 36
1.0 8 15 23

Fenton 17
Total 30 29 59
Chi-Square Tests
Value df
Asymp.
Sig. (2-
sided)
Exact Sig.
(2-sided)
Exact Sig.
(1-sided)
Pearson Chi-
Square
3.892a
1 .049
Gay Support*Publication
Count
Publication
TotalWSJ NYT
GaySupport .0 4 1 5
1.0 5 1 6
2.0 14 3 17
3.0 3 4 7
4.0 4 21 25
Total 30 30 60
Chi-Square Tests
Value df
Asymp.
Sig. (2-
sided)
Pearson Chi-
Square
23.287a
4 .000
Linear-by-Linear
Association
18.967 1 .000
N of Valid Cases 60
a. 6 cells (60.0%) have expected count less than 5.
The minimum expected count is 2.50.
Anti-Gay Support*Publication
Count
Publication
TotalWSJ NYT
AntiGaySupport .0 3 8 11
1.0 1 9 10

Fenton 18
2.0 5 7 12
3.0 8 3 11
4.0 13 3 16
Total 30 30 60
Chi-Square Tests
Value df
Asymp.
Sig. (2-
sided)
Pearson Chi-
Square
17.529a
4 .002
Linear-by-Linear
Association
14.318 1 .000
N of Valid Cases 60
a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5.
The minimum expected count is 5.00.
Location * Publication Crosstabulation
Count
Publication
TotalWSJ NYT
Location .0 1 10 11
1.0 20 15 35
2.0 2 1 3
4.0 6 4 10
6.0 1 0 1
Total 30 30 60
Chi-Square Tests
Value df
Asymp.
Sig. (2-
sided)
Pearson Chi-
Square
9.811a
4 .044
Linear-by-Linear
Association
3.711 1 .054

Fenton 19
N of Valid Cases 60
The minimum expected count is .50.
Pro-Gay Interest Group* Publication
Count
Publication
TotalWSJ NYT
ProGayIG .0 24 19 43
1.0 6 10 16
Total 30 29 59
Chi-Square Tests
Value df
Asymp.
Sig. (2-
sided)
Exact Sig.
(2-sided)
Exact Sig.
(1-sided)
Pearson Chi-
Square
1.565a
1 .211
Continuity
Correctionb
.918 1 .338
Fisher's Exact Test .252 .169
Linear-by-Linear
Association
1.538 1 .215
N of Valid Cases 59
a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected
count is 7.86.
b. Computed only for a 2x2 table
Anti-Gay Interest Groups*Publication
Count
Publication
TotalWSJ NYT
AntiGayIG .0 24 19 43
1.0 6 11 17

Fenton 20
Total 30 30 60
Chi-Square Tests
Value df
Asymp.
Sig. (2-
sided)
Pearson Chi-
Square
3.328a
2 .189
Linear-by-Linear
Association
3.216 1 .073
N of Valid Cases 60
The minimum expected count is .50.
Context*Publication
Count
Publication
TotalWSJ NYT
Context .0 5 1 6
1.0 12 7 19
2.0 13 22 35
Total 30 30 60
History*Publication
Count
Publication
TotalWSJ NYT
History .0 7 2 9
1.0 14 13 27
2.0 9 15 24
Total 30 30 60
Event*Publication
Count
Publication
TotalWSJ NYT
Event .0 0 1 1

Fenton 21
1.0 3 7 10
2.0 6 6 12
3.0 13 16 29
4.0 8 0 8
Total 30 30 60
Person Named*Publication
Count
Publication
TotalWSJ NYT
PersonName .0 9 2 11
1.0 7 9 16
2.0 14 19 33
Total 30 30 60
0

2

4

6

8

10

12

Pro-‐Gay
Interest
Groups
Anti-‐Gay
Interest
Groups

WSJ

NYT

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