More Related Content
Similar to Hushed Spring_ Ushering in the Third Wave of Japanese Feminism
Similar to Hushed Spring_ Ushering in the Third Wave of Japanese Feminism (20)
Hushed Spring_ Ushering in the Third Wave of Japanese Feminism
- 2. Japan is a land steeped in a rich traditional culture that permeates the daily lives of the
Japanese. One penetrable aspect of the culture is the divide between men and women.
Originating from the Tokugawa period, the beliefs of the ie seido, or family system, define the
division of power within the modern Japanese family (Tokuhiro 2009). These cultural codes of
conduct are linked to the political system; consisting of policies that are interconnected between
the governing of Japanese people and the daily lives of Japanese women. A “good” woman is
expected to marry early, have children, and devote herself to child care and management of the
household. To meet this image, many women are choosing to work for longer periods of time
before settling down into marriage in order to have a fulfilling work life before devoting
themselves to family. Recently, this system has come under increased pressure due to the trend
of postponing marriage and childbirth, which resulted in a declining birth rate in Japan. The issue
has prompted the government to encourage traditional roles for women, creating a situation that
is ideal for a collective response of opposition from the Japanese women. Focusing on the
current state of feminism for Generation X(19651980) to Generation Y(19812000) Japanese
women, this paper will present the theoretical framework of Constructivist Feminism to analyze
the historical foundations of sexism in Japan, present a theory of a cycle of subjugation, and
demonstrate that there is a climate for a third collective organizing of Japanese feminists.
Part One: Confusician Shadow: The Historical Roots of Japanese Feminism
The historical foundations of sexism in Japan began during the Tokugawa period
(16031868) and spread throughout the entire country by the Meiji period (18681912)(Tokuhiro
2009). Originally, the division of men and women was only practiced by the Samurai class,
while the farming class remained unsegregated. When the sexist beliefs became widespread, they
were codified into the Meiji Civil Code, legally giving all power to the male head of the family
(Tokuhiro 2009). At the same time, the Meiji reorganization of Japanese society more fully
incorporated Shintoism into the national identity in order to establish the emperor as the ruler of
Japan (BBC 2009). Shintoism did not allow for women to participate in religious celebrations
until after World War Two (Herbert 1967).
- 3. Post World War Two Japan was extremely different from its original form, due to the
1947 constitution which was forced onto the Japanese by the United States of America. Japan
was also bound to abolish the Meiji Civil Code and recognize the legal rights of women through
Article 24 of the constitution, which states:
Marriage shall be based only on the mutual consent of both sexes and it shall be maintained
through mutual cooperation with the equal rights of husband and wife as a basis. With regard to
choice of spouse, property rights, inheritance, choice of domicile, divorce, and other matters
pertaining to marriage and the family, laws shall be enacted from the standpoint of individual
dignity and the essential equality of the sexes (Tokuhiro 2009)
Slowly, the attitude of the Japanese towards gender seemed to change through an increase in
individuals choosing their marriage partner instead of a partner being assigned by the head of the
family (Tokuhiro 2009).
After the initial impact of the 1947 constitution was carried out, the Japanese women
remained quite silent on feminist issues. Change could only be seen through statistics but rarely
at the level of active political discourse. In the 1970s, Japanese women began to create a shift in
this behavior through an organized reaction to current issues of the time. This was first seen
through grassroots movements organized in a large number of small groups that furthered their
own feminist agenda through selfpublished newsletters, called minikomi (Tokuhiro 2009). After
1975, the movement became even more organized through national groups. One of the
influential groups of this time was the International Women’s Year Action Group(Buckley 2001)
which argued for equal employment opportunity legislation. The law was successfully passed by
the Diet in 1985 (Tokuhiro 2009). However, this law remained relatively unsuccessful because
many large firms chose to restructure their internal systems into two career tracks: “a managerial
career track” and a “clerical noncareer track” that was designated for women.(Tokuhiro 2009)
Another important feminist group was the Asian Women’s Association that formed in 1977 to
fight against the issue of “sex tours”. These tours were funded by Japanese businessmen who
went to poor Asian countries for a trip filled with stops at brothels (AsiaJapan Women’s
Association History, 2015). In addition, the Women’s Committee for the Betterment of the
Aging Society formed in 1983, gaining a large amount of support for taking on the issue of
- 4. Japan’s super aging society (Peng 2002). All of these groups formed around an important issue
in order to circumvent the Japanese belief that promoting the feminist agenda purely for the
betterment of women is a selfish practice.To continue the progress of Japanese feminism, new
movements will have the greatest success if they form around an issue of political importance in
Japan, furthering the feminist agenda along the way.
Part Two: Constructivist Feminism as a Theoretical Base
To analyze the current state of Japanese feminism a theoretical framework needs to be
applied. Constructivist feminism can be used because it focuses on the social norms behind the
current state of Japanese feminism and its interconnectedness with the Japanese political system.
To continue, it will be helpful to define feminist empiricism, which is a more precise definition
of the framework used within this paper. Feminist empiricism is defined as:
Feminist empiricism observes that states and the interstate system have been
fundamentally gendered structures of domination and interaction. Feminist empiricism asks
‘whether it is accurate to focus on states and worldwide capitalist processes and not also
examine the social attitude and structure which impart a gender to international relations.’
(Keohane 1989)
The structure of this logical framework will be used throughout the analysis of the paper. To
demonstrate the subjugation of women this paper looks at the impact of politics on a range of
Gen YX Japanese Women because they have yet to be involved in a feminist wave, they have,
or are beginning to, formulated major life choices centered around marriage and child rearing,
and many are educated with the experience and/or capability to work.
To strengthen the outcomes of this paper it is important to address some of the possible
contrasting theories and arguments. An argument could be made that the international system,
rather than the domestic political system of Japan has more of an effect on the state of Japanese
feminism. This is due to the great strides made when the United States introduced a constitution
on Japan and the realist perspective of self help. The constitution did help by forcing Japan into a
society that acknowledged women’s rights but the adaptation of such policies were not readily
taken advantage of by the Japanese people until later in history. For example, the constitution
- 6.
The modern culture in Japan is currently having a negative effect on the state of Japanese
feminism due to the political and social norms that persist from the traditional Meiji period
culture. This can be demonstrated through a cycle, envisioned for this paper, that demonstrates
the subjugation of women in Japan. The cycle begins with the influence of Samurai culture
which became popular during the Meiji period demonstrated by the spread of traditional roles for
women and the decision to make Shintoism a state religion (Tokuhiro 2009). This Shinto and
Samurai based culture influenced the Yakuza, an organized gang that traditionally maintains
order in Japan through intimidation, bribery, and the use of force (Kaplan & Dubro 2003). The
Yakuza, in turn, influence the political sphere of Japan through right wing parties that support
the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)(Kaplan & Dubro 2003), which has held the majority for
almost every year since Japan became a democracy except for 20092012 when the Democratic
Party of Japan (DPJ) took power (Kushida & Lipscy 2013). After benefiting from the power of
Yakuza, members of the Liberal Democratic Party shape the current policies affecting women in
Japan. Examples of this include the failure of the Japanese government to “comply with the
minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking”(U.S. Department of State 2014). This
issue influences the number of sex workers in Japan where prostitution is technically illegal but
still a huge industry, estimated, in 1999, at 1.2 trillion yen (about 10 billion USD or 8.8 billion
Euros)(Ebbe & Das 2007). Finally, the cycle is completed through the transfer of sex work funds
to the Yakuza who run the majority of sex shops within Japan (Kaplan & Dubro 2003).
This system gives influence and support to produce stances on the current issues in Japan,
such as the remilitarization. In Japan, the political parties are divided along their stance on
Article 9 of the constitution which is the forced pacifism of Japan by the United States (Kushida
& Lipscy 2013). The LDP wants to abolish Article 9 and remilitarize Japan. It has been able to
make significant strides in this area, thanks in part to its majority within the Japanese
government which, in part, can be attributed to the powerful support of the Yakuza.
Unfortunately the cycle of subjugation has actors that are quite ingrained within modern
Japanese society. In contrast to this strength, the current state of feminism is still quite weak.
This is due to the lack of organized feminism, and the decision of women to express their
- 7. feminist beliefs through silent actions rather than political demonstrations (Tokuhiro 2009).
These actions can be observed through the increase of the number of women in the workforce,
which increased by about 15 million from 19701997(Tokuhiro 2009), and the lowering of the
birth rate, which decreased from 1.8 in 1982 to 1.4 in 2014 (World Bank 2015). Generally, the
current women that put off marriage and child rearing are part of Generation Y and X. They have
been raised with the benefits of the first and second waves of feminism, continuing the ideals
through their life choices. However, due to societal pressure, these women eventually leave the
workforce to have children and take care of their family (Tokuhiro 2009). This is shown through
the labour pattern of Japanese females, which resembles the shape of an M, peaking twice,
Tokuhiro observes, “in the age groups of 2024 and 4549, and drops in the age group 3035.
This means that many women leave their careers for marriage or childrearing, which reflects the
reality that Japanese women still strongly conform to the conventional gender roles of women as
homemakers and child raisers” (Tokuhiro 2009).
Part Four: Spring Frost: The Freezing Over of Progress
Feminism in Japan still has a long way to go before equality between the sexes can be
reached. The current political system contributes to the subjugation of women through a lack of
supportive policies related to the protection and development of females. To bring about change,
women would need to overthrow one of the structures mentioned within the cycle of subjugation
(Yakuza, politics, and sex workers). Considering how ingrained the Yakuza is within the lives of
the Japanese people (Kaplan & Dubro 2003) and the amount of money used to support the sex
industry (Ebbe & Das 2007)., politics is the best choice for a targeted attempt by feminists to
produce change. To bring about change within the political system in Japan, the women of Japan
would need to have a more organized approach to feminism. As mentioned previously, the
feminism in Japan is very unorganized due to social norms that classify feminist groups as
selfish and against the collective good (Tokuhiro 2009). There are a plethora of issues that
Japanese women could chose to organize around. These issues include: nuclear power
- 8. postFukushima, elderly care, remilitarization of the Japanese army, and the current economic
fluctuations in the Asian stock markets.
While now is an extremely opportune time for Japanese women to organize a third wave
feminist movement, there is a lack of evidence to support that one is being formed.
Unfortunately, the evidence does support the notion that the position of women in Japan is
actually worsening. The overall ranking of Japan in the Global Gender Report produced by the
World Economic Forum places Japan at 104 on a scale of 142 countries. This has actually gotten
worse compared to 2006, when Japan was ranked at 80. In addition, the amount of money, on
average, that a woman makes is nearly half of what the average man makes (World Economic
Forum 2015). Furthermore, the number of women involved in politics in the Japanese
government has been reduced from 54 in 2009 to 38 in 2012 (Wall Street Journal 2012). After
analyzing the significant lack of participation of women within the political and business spheres
of Japanese society, one can conclude that there is not enough support from women to drive a
third wave feminist movement within Japan.
Conclusion
Using the theoretical framework of constructivist feminism, the current state of feminism
within modern Japan was explored. The resulting information revealed a cycle of subjugation
ingrained within the Japanese culture. This cycle included the political realm of Japan, which
was effected by and affected the current state of Japanese women in Generation YX. While
there was evidence to suggest that the current political climate in Japan is ideal for a third wave
feminist movement, the actual organizing of women is not yet occurring. Until a resistance to the
current system of marginalization occurs, women will continue to be seen as the primary
caregivers and not as valuable members of the economic society in Japan.
- 9.
Reference List
Anon, BBC News. BBC News.
Anon, ABOUT AJWRC. AsiaJapan Women'S Resourse Center .
Buckley, S., 2001. The Encyclopedia of Contemporary Japanese Culture, Routledge.
Buckley, S., 1997. Broken silence voices of Japanese feminism, Berkeley: University of
California Press.
Dales, L., 2009. Feminist movements in contemporary Japan, London: Routledge.
Ebbe, O.N.I. & Das, D., 2008. Global trafficking in women and children, Boca Raton, FL:
Internation Police Executive Symposium :
Anon, 2014. Economies. Global Gender Gap Report 2014.
Anon, 2015. Fertility rate, total (births per woman). Fertility Rate, Total (Births Per Woman).
Johnson , J., 2015. As U.S. eyes South China Sea patrols, will Japan play a role? | The Japan
Times. Japan Times RSS.
Kaplan, D.E. & Dubro, A., 2012. Yakuza Japan's criminal underworld 25th anniversary.,
Berkeley: University of California Press.
Keohane, R.O., 1989. International Relations Theory: Contributions of a Feminist Standpoint.
Millennium Journal of International Studies, 245–253.
- 10. Kushida, K.E. & Lipscy, P., 2013. Japan under the DPJ: the politics of transition and
governance, Shorenstein AsiaPacific Research Center.
Mackie, V.C., 2003. Feminism in modern Japan citizenship, embodiment, and sexuality,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Masuda, Y., 2012. Japan’s Growing Political Gender Gap. Wall Street Journal.
Anon, Meiji Reforms Kishida Toshiko, (18631901) Japan Primary Source. Meiji Reforms
Kishida Toshiko, (18631901) Japan Primary Source.
Peng, I., 2002. Social Care in Crisis: Gender, Demography, and Welfare State Restructuring in
Japan. Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society, 411–443.
Tokuhiro, Y., 2011. Marriage in contemporary Japan, London: Routledge.
Anon, 1996. Voices from the Japanese women's movement, Armonk, N.Y.: AmpojapanAsia
Quarterly Review.
