2. From the fourth century onwards, we find increasingly clear differentiation
between groups of people in the Eastern Mediterranean area. In different places
and at different times, highly advanced civilizations came into being,
distinguished essentially by their languages in antiquity as. other eras,
interlingual behaviour was determined by the specific situation and within it, by
individual human decisions. On any particular occasion, there would occur an
encounter between two unaquel levels of might, two types of human beings as
bearers of dissimilar power.
3. Ones side's awareness that it possessed the greater power -belonging
to the" greater" country and people, or having the higher ethos - must
have constituted a temptation, from early on, to view other people as
being utterly inferior, and themselves as creation's crowning glory.
I Ancient Egypt
Shuster was typically the case in ancient Egypt, where the honorary
title of" man/human being" was only bestowed on it's own people,
foreign races being considered wretched barbarians. In that self
assured world on the Nile, the path led upwards from the" fully human"
Egyptian via the different hierarchies of de civil servant and priests, all
the way to pharaoh and the supreme deity in heaven.
4. The inscriptions which record the speeches delivered when foreigner were
received at court are not their actual words translated from their own
languages. Rather, words were literally put in the months of the foreigners
words of entreaty for mercy,as thought out and put into stereotypical forms by
the Egyptian. Thus basically, any expression was always that of the Egyptians
themselves. Under such circumstances no real communication could take
place when it come to talking to foreigners in everyday life, and the interpreter-
that indispensable linguist- could not act as a genuine interlingual mediator.
Starling at the end of the period of the pyramids, we have knowledge of the
title and activity of interpreters from a numbers of cases. Interpreters appear
more and more frequently in the inscriptions of Aswan Elephantine, whose
provincial ruler often bears the title" oversser of dragomans".
5. The bilingual border area of the first cataract, the province of Elephantine, was the
home not only of the interpreters who mediated between the resident Nubians and
Egyptians, but also of most leaders of famed expeditions to Sudan, which were
deemed a major challenge. Noteworthy examples include the expeditions of
Harkhuf, "Prince of Elephantine, protect of upper Egypt, unique friends of the king.
Harkhuf boasts emotionally of his own achievements. Quite how unpacific such
campaigns were is shown by the expedition of pepinakht, known as Hekaib, who,
as" Prince of Elephantine and Overseer of Dragomans", with his troops defeated
two Nubian tribes before going on to become governor of the royal capital of
Memphis.
6. We learn from another man from Aswan called Sabni that his father died
while on a trip to Nubia, and that he made another journey to bring the
body back. In his account he boasts that he did nod send" any desert
guide, interpreter or Nubian" to the difficulty region, instead going himself.
Another area in which EgyptIan interpreters appears as commercial
negotiators is, typically, the copper- mining region of the Sinai Peninsula,
home to speakers of a Semitic language. In an inscriptions about the Sinai
expedition of a Temple superintendent during the time of King Neferirka-
Re, the accompanying interpreters are listed next to miners and sailors.
7. Another area in which EgyptIan interpreters appears as commercial negotiators
is, typically, the copper- mining region of the Sinai Peninsula, home to speakers
of a Semitic language. In an inscriptions about the Sinai expedition of a Temple
superintendent during the time of King Neferirka- Re, the accompanying
interpreters are listed next to miners and sailors. Interpreters also occur in
connection with sailors on one of king Sabu-Re's large seagoin vessels, sailing
to Byblos or Punt, as depicted by this pharaoh in his pyramidal templet. At the
royal seat of Memphis, interpreters was important not only externally, on Egypt's
borders and in foreign countries, but also in the central administration.
8. The occasional linking of the titles of interpreter and doctor is undoubtedly
based on the fact that the doctor spoke to the personified demon of disease
as if addressing a wretched foreigner. At the royal seat of Memphis,
interpreters was important not only externally, on Egypt's borders and in
foreign countries, but also in the central administration. The occasional
linking of the titles of interpreter and doctor is undoubtedly based on the fact
that the doctor spoke to the personified demon of disease as if addressing a
wretched foreigner. The Egyptians did not leave further testimony about this
oldest instance of interpreting in the history of the world. However the title of
interpreter and the corresponding hieroglyph do provide some additional
stop'ayin, would appear onomatopoeically to indicate a foreign language.
9. The Egyptians did not leave further testimony about this oldest instance of
interpreting in the history of the world. However the title of interpreter and the
corresponding hieroglyph do provide some additional stop'ayin, would appear
onomatopoeically to indicate a foreign language. The interpreter was thought
of, rather disparagingly, as" the speaker of stranger tongues". the character
used shows an oddly shaped apron with strings which, from ist yellow hue,
would appear to be made not of linen, but of coarse sackcloth. This would
seem to by the relic of an ancient human form of contact. Roman authors such
as Mela, Pliny and Solinus write about the Serians, a legendary Asiatic people,
as practicing the" silent trade" also observed between other peoples of marked
cultural disparity. This" honest primitive people" exchanged their own products
for goods deposited at a secluded location.
10. While Pliny stresses that the Serians had hoarse vices and no trading
language, Eusthatius reports that they indicated prices on sackcloth. what the
Romans related about the Serians on the borders of civilization, the Egyptians
of the era of the pyramids appear to have experienced at the first Nile
Cataract. Their word misinterpreting is presumably an expression for
overcoming a lack of linguistic understanding, and their hieroglyph for
interpreter, the coarse apron, a reminder of primitive bartering. While this
evidence reflects rather simple arrangements rooted in ancient custom the
Egyptians also had more sophisticated methods for developing interlingual
communication. Herodotus reports that pharaoh Pasammetichus handed over
Egyptian boys to Hellenic settlers in the Nile Delta so that they would learn
the Greek language. These, he suggests, were the first recruits to what was
to become the class of interpreters.
11. The foreign- language educations of youth, here reported for the period of the
first regular Egyptian- Greek relations, appears to have been an old custom in
the land of the Nile. Starling in the Middle Kingdom, the sons of Nubian tribal
rules were brought together in one location to be educated as a kind of
janissary guard. Under Ramses II, young Asiatic underwent similar training in
Fayoun. Even if no especific references is made here to lenguage
instructions, it goes without saying that it would be necessary to learn the
Egyptian, this king had Egyptians acquire a foreign language- a custom which
was actually not entirely new. If the Egyptians were making efforts to master a
foreign language and script both in the fourteenth century and then again from
the seventh century onwards, their reasons for doing so in these two periods
were nonetheless very different.
12. If the Egyptians were making efforts to master a foreign language and script
both in the fourteenth century and then again from the seventh century
onwards, their reasons for doing so in these two periods were nonetheless
very different. II Greece/ Rome For the Greeks, the term" interpreter" or"
translator" meant "a person who acts like Hermes", a human being who
performs one of this god's numerous activities (including linguistic ones) .
while the Greek concept emphasizes the divine and, to a lesser extent, the
intellectually character, the Latin equivalent defines the down-to-earth
situations of the person interpretating.
13. II Greece/ Rome
For the Greeks, the term" interpreter" or" translator" meant "a person who acts
like Hermes", a human being who performs one of this god's numerous
activities (including linguistic ones) . while the Greek concept emphasizes the
divine and, to a lesser extent, the intellectually character, the Latin equivalent
defines the down-to-earth situations of the person interpretating. Irrespectve of
whether the word "interpress" is derived from "inter-partes" or" inter-pretium"
the term designates the human mediator positioned between two parties or
values, performing far more diverse activities than simply providing linguistic
mediation between parties transacting business. The basically divide character
of the hermeneus/ interprets is founded on inspiration. When it came to
practical interpreting in interlingual communication in ancient times, the
language problem varied.
14. While the Greeks were in every way on a par with the Egyptians in terms of
arrogance over the barbarians, considering their language to be the only one worthy
of human beings from early colonization all the way up to Hellenism, the Roman
Empire was mostly a bilingual state Utriusque languae, utriusque orationis facultate,
I.e. having a mastery of Greek was one of the requirements of the educated Roman
from the late republic onwards. Generally speaking, matters were quite different
among the Greeks. If at all, they studied Latin only for work in the administration of
justice and government. Thus, for the individual Roman it was normally not difficulty
to communicate with Greeks, while the Greeks, for their part, almonst always had to
rely on interpreters.
15. III The Christian late classical period
Going beyond the traditional views of Hermeneus and the prophet, the first
Christian scholar, Clemens of Alexandria, declared that god had no need of an
interpreter in order to express His will. More than theoretical considerations, what
proved significant to Christianity was the practical example of interpreting and
translating in the synagogue. Since Ezra made arrangements for the Torah to be
rendered from the Hebrew text into Aramaic (the vernacular of the time) for the
Jewish homecomers from exile, “targumim” came into being in the Holy Land.
Initially they were not to be recorded, so that as spoken translations they would
maintain their vitality. The language problem of the synagogue applied to Jesus
preaching too. When he expounded “Moses and the prophets” to the disciples,
he could only have explained the Hebrew written text in Aramaic.
16. The language problem of the synagogue applied to Jesus preaching too. When he
expounded “Moses and the prophets” to the disciples, he could only have explained
the Hebrew written text in Aramaic. Mark, the so-called “interpreter of peter,” thus
produced a free translation by recording in writing a rendering of the Lord’s words as
he heard them from Peter’s mouth, writing down in Greek what he had heard in
Aramaic. Even after the Judaeo- Christians had left the synagogues, the problem of
language in religious service cropped up time and time again. Greek became the
church’s language of worship, but from the third century on was increasingly
incomprehensible to worshippers, and so the question arose as to whether it was
possible to manage with similar “targumim,” or whether a major change of language
was required.
17. Even after the Judaeo- Christians had left the synagogues, the problem of
language in religious service cropped up time and time again. Greek became
the church’s language of worship, but from the third century on was increasingly
incomprehensible to worshippers, and so the question arose as to whether it
was possible to manage with similar “targumim,” or whether a major change of
language was required. Even after Latin generally became accepted as the
ecclesiastical language of worship, some parts of the liturgy nevertheless
remained in their Greek version, such as the “Hagios” in Gaul. Given the limits
of the Roman Empire’s Latinization in the area of worship as in daily life, the
Roman Christians, like the Coptic, Syrian, Celtic and Germanic communities,
sooner or later insisted that services be made accessible to them in their own
language.
18. Before the occurrence of drastic language changes, such as the one carried
out in Rome under Pope Damasus I, linguistic mediators were required at
religious services. Evidence of their existence is available in both the East and
the West. Epiphanius, listing the various ranks in the church hierarchy, refers to
the “exorcists and interpreters from one to the (other) language,” sandwiched
between lectors and undertakers. Their rank was, therefore, rather low.
According to the Acts of the martyrs St Prokop of Scythopolis, the latter’s
ascetic existence culminated in the activities of lector, exorcist and liturgical
interpreter; the renunciation of glory and honours is thus a characteristic of the
Christian rank of linguistic mediator. Similar to liturgical arrangements, the
person versed in languages gained in importance when it came to spreading
the faith among the heathen.
19. According to apocryphal reports, which at least reflect the variety of possibilities,
Apostle Thomas is said to have missionized among the Parthians, and Apostle
Andreas among the Scythians, which presupposes that they overcame the attended
language problems. Writing about Johannes Chrysostomus, Theodoret reports that
he appointed priests, deacons and lectors of the holy scriptures who spoke the
language of the Aryan Scythians, i.e. the Goths. “Frequently he preached himself
with the help of interpreters, who had mastery of both languages” and had others act
accordingly. At the official gatherings of the church leaders, the major councils, the
use of Latin was limited, because these synods were initially held in the Greek-
speaking part of the world, and the few guests from the West normally had a good
command of the Greek language, in which negotiations were conducted.
20. On the other hand, older fragments of council proceedings manuscripts more
strongly suggest occasional negotiations in Latin than was previously
assumed on the basis of the late Greek copies which obliterated Latin drafts.
In the East, after Justinian, discussions were held exclusively in Greek, and
the records were issued in Greek.
21. 1.- In an ancient curse to ward off disease, the demons of disease are addressed as “Asiatic,”
“Negro,” “slave,” etc.
2.- On the title of “interpreter,” see A. H. Gardiner, “The Egyptian Word for ‘Dragoman’,”
Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archeology 37 (1915): 117-25 […] A. Wiedemann found the
translation “interpreter” questionable (according to oral sources, including more recent ones such
as Labib Habachi and Henry G. Fischer).
3.- The Book of Daniel 1. 3-5 reports on the teaching of the Chaldean language to imprisoned
Jewish youths at the court of Nebuchadnezar.
NOTES
