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Forest Related Conﬂicts in South-East Cameroon: Causes and Policy Options
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Forest Related Conflicts in South-East Cameroon: Causes and Policy Options
Author(s): R.A. Samndong and A. Vatn
Source: International Forestry Review, 14(2):213-226. 2012.
Published By: Commonwealth Forestry Association
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International Forestry Review Vol.14(2), 2012 213
Forest related conflicts in South-East Cameroon: causes
and policy options
R.A. SAMNDONG and A. VATN
Department of International Environment and Development Studies, Norwegian University of Life Science. P.O. Box 5003, 1432 Ås, Norway
Email: raymond.samndong@umb.no and arild.vatn@umb.no
SUMMARY
This study identifies causes of forest-related conflicts in the Equatorial rainforest of South-East Cameroon, based on field studies in three
villages where industrial logging concessions have been granted. Local access to forests has been severely reduced and customary rights
restricted as an effect of the national forest zoning plan. Hence, local livelihoods have been negatively affected. Corruption is moreover rampant.
This has resulted in a solid majority among local people expressing negative attitudes toward logging companies and the state. Local
inhabitants regard NGOs to have a significant potential to ameliorate their relationship with logging companies, while secured user rights
was identified as the most significant avenue to improve their relationship with the state. Securing community rights to land and forest
resources – including access and use rights to permanent forests/concession areas – come forward as essential for conflict resolution and
ensuing local economic and social development.
Keywords: Forest law, commercial logging, conflicts, governance, rural livelihoods, rainforests of Cameroon
Conflits liés à la forêt dans le Sud-Est du Cameroun: causes et les options politiques
R.A. SAMNDONG et A. VATN
Cette étude identifie les causes de conflits liés à la forêt dans la forêt tropicale équatoriale du Sud-Est du Cameroun, basée sur des études de
terrain conduites dans trois villages où des concessions forestières industrielles ont été accordées. L’accès local aux forêts a été fortement
réduite et les droits coutumiers restreints en conséquence au plan de zonage forestier national. Par conséquent, les moyens de subsistance locaux
ont été négativement affectés. Par ailleurs, la corruption apparaît comme endémique. Il en a résulté parmi les populations locales une forte
majorité qui exprime des attitudes négatives à l’égard des sociétés d’exploitation forestière et de l’Etat. Les populations locales considèrent que
les ONG ont un potentiel important pour améliorer leurs relations avec les sociétés forestières, tandis que des droits garantis aux usagers ont
été identifiés comme le plus important moyen d’améliorer leur relation avec l’état. Garantir les droits de la communauté locale aux ressources
foncières et forestières, y compris l’accès et l’utilisation des droits pour les forêts permanentes ou zones de concession – apparait comme
essentiel à la résolution des conflits et au développement économique et social local.
Conflictos relacionados con el bosque en Camerún suroriental: causas y opciones políticas
R.A. SAMNDONG y A. VATN
Este estudio identifica las causas de conflictos relacionados con el bosque en la pluviselva ecuatorial del sureste de Camerún, por medio de
estudios de campo realizados en tres pueblos donde han sido aprobadas concesiones de aprovechamiento. El acceso de las comunidades locales
al bosque se ha visto reducido severamente y los derechos comunales consuetudinarios han sido restringidos como resultado de un plan nacio-
nal de zonificación de áreas forestales. En consecuencia, los medios de subsistencia locales se han visto afectados negativamente. La corrupción
esta a su vez proliferando, lo cual ha provocado que la gran mayoría de la población local muestre actitudes negativas hacia las compañías
madereras y el estado. Significativamente hablando, los vecinos perciben en las ONG un gran potencial para mejorar su relación con las
compañías madereras, mientras que asegurar los derechos de los usuarios fue la vía identificada para mejorar su relación con el estado. El
asegurar los derechos de la comunidad a la tierra y los recursos forestales – inclusive el acceso y los derechos de uso permanentes a los bosques
y concesiones forestales– parecen ser esenciales para la resolución de conflictos y el subsiguiente desarrollo económico y social.

214 R.A. Samndong and A. Vatn
INTRODUCTION
Conflicts over natural resources, including forests, have a
long history in Sub-SaharanAfrica (Walker and Daniels 1997,
Hoare 2007, Gritten and Mola-Yudego 2011). According to
Kaimowitz (2002) and De Koning et al. (2008), the level of
dispute has even expanded over the last decades. Most of
these conflicts are stemming from poor governance and
uneven access to resources (Thomson and Kanaan 2003,
Jarvie et al. 2003). These conditions have resulted in competi-
tion between groups for access to and control over forest
resources. The resulting conflicts have moreover been
difficult to resolve (Kaimowitz 2003, Yasmi et al. 2006).
The presence of such conflicts is especially high in coun-
tries were the livelihood needs of local communities compete
with the interests of national and international companies
operating with or without state concessions (Hardin 2002,
Ndoye and Chupezi 2004, Karsenty et al. 2008).According to
Collier (2006), such conflicts arise from grievances and
inequitable access to benefit streams, compounded by socio-
economic, political and ecological factors with profound
impact on livelihoods and social relations (see also Colchester
et al. 2006). Conflicts may not necessarily be violent. It is
actually more typical that they are of a non-violent kind.
Moreover, most forest-related conflicts are fairly localized
and involve local actors, international logging companies,
conservation organizations and the state (Yasmi 2007, De
Koning et al. 2008). Such conflicts concern disputes between
forest concessionaires and local communities over decision-
making, access to forest products, and benefit sharing. In
situations where forest-based livelihoods are threatened due
to severe inequality concerning access to resources, forest-
related conflicts may evolve into long-lasting struggles
between forest users over actual and legal access. Such strug-
gles are usually induced by the penetration of global economic
forces (timber trade) at the local level, against a backdrop of
incompatibility between state law and rights as perceived by
local communities (Yasmi 2004, De Koning et al. 2008).
In Cameroon, the main pressing issue facing the forestry
sector is how to reconcile the interest of the state in timber
exploitation with the interests and needs of forest-dependent
communities (Gerber and Veuthey 2006, Lescuyer 2007,
Samndong 2009). With increased demand for wood products,
primarily from the Asian economy (China), the state has
issued logging concessions that compete with and undermine
the interests of local forest users (Lescuyer 2003, Nguiffo and
Djeukam 2008).
The changes concerning access to forest resources follow-
ing from the implementation of the national zoning plan
provision of the 1994 forest law of Cameroon have resulted in
conflicts between forest-dependent communities and logging
companies, disrupting the existing local communal and
social structures and increased socio-political and economic
instability in the forest regions of Cameroon (Oyono 2005,
Assembe 2009). These conflicts are rooted in the post-
colonial land and resource policies, where all land was placed
under state ownership, overruling pre-existing customary ten-
ure arrangement of lands (Leach and Fairhead 2001, Graziani
and Burnham 2001, Hardin 2002, Diaw 2005, Wily 2011).
While one of the aims behind the 1994 law was to increase
local participation and facilitate poverty reduction, the de
facto effect of the law has – as we shall see – been to further
marginalize the position of forest people. This is so despite
the presence of many NGOs working to support and empower
the local communities in forest management.
In this paper we are concerned with the conflict of interest
between forest dependent communities, the state and logging
companies as associated with the practical implementation of
the 1994 forest law. We restrict our analysis more specifically
to three villages in Lumié sub-division South-East Cameroon
and ask the following questions:
1. What are the impacts of forest legislation and logging on
forest-based livelihoods? Which conflicts of interest has
it created?
2. How do local forest users perceive the conflict and what
characterizes the relationships toward the logging
companies and the state?
3. What could, according to the views of local forest users,
ameliorate their relationship with other forest users and
reduce the level of conflict?
In responding to these questions we offer first a brief over-
view of core aspects of the 1994 forestry law and its imple-
mentation. Second, we present an overview of the study area,
the material and methods used. The third and main part of
the paper is focused at analysing and discussing our findings
related to the above research questions. The paper closes with
a short conclusion.
THE 1994 FORESTRY LAW OF CAMEROON AND ITS
IMPLEMENTATION
To facilitate the understanding of the conflicts of interest
between local communities, the logging companies and the
state, we will start by offering a brief overview of the present
forest legislation with relevance to our paper. From its
establishment in 1960, the Cameroonian state continued the
colonial strategy of state hegemony over forest land – hence,
all forests were declared state forests (Oyono et al. 2006).
However, usufruct rights permitted anybody to clear and
cultivate the land in state forests. Hence, ‘customary law’
prevailed de facto while increased issuing of forest conces-
sions to logging companies resulted in a growing number of
conflicts.
The legal framework was inconsistent and not well suited
to handle the increasing pressure on the Cameroonian forests.
Hence, a reform process was initiated resulting in the 1994
forest law. According to stated aims it was formulated both to
facilitate forestry’s role in economic growth and to increase
community participation. The system of state property rights
over forests was continued. Although the 1994 law reinforced
the conception of the state as ultimate owner of Cameroon’s
national forest estate, the law created, for the first time, the
possibility for local communities and municipalities to gain

Forest related conflicts in South-East Cameroon: Causes and policy options 215
control over forest resources in their neighbourhood, through
establishing community and council forests (Burnham 2000,
Brown and Schreckenberg 2001, Djeumo 2001, Bigombe
2003, Oyono 2005).
A core element in the new forest policy was zoning.
Hence, a national forest management plan (commonly
referred to as the ‘Plan de Zonage’) was produced under
Canadian supervision. Despite the emphasis on participation
in the law, there was no involvement of the rural population
and other local stakeholders. The plan was produced on the
basis of interpretation of air photos and satellite imagery,
with no ground inventory. The key issue was the creation of a
‘Permanent Forest Estate’, exclusively reserved for commer-
cial logging or forest conservation activities, despite their
long-standing usage by local village populations. Parallel
there was the creation of a ‘Non-Permanent Forest Estate’ in
the form of narrow corridors of secondary forest along the
roads in which diverse forest usages were permitted, includ-
ing agriculture, community forestry and artisanal logging
(Pénelon et al. 1998, Hoare 2006, Lescuyer 2007).
When the Plan de Zonage was created, it was stated that it
was provisional, with the possibility that it could be subject to
detailed modifications resulting from confrontations with the
reality on the ground. No local adjustments have, however,
been made. It is questionable whether such modifications will
ever be systematically implemented as the plan is already
being used to promote the interests of powerful actors in com-
mercial logging (Graziani and Burnham 2001, Ngiuffo 2007b,
Wily 2011).
This national zoning plan portrays a particular construc-
tion on how forest should be managed. This concept is preva-
lent in the forest administration in Sub-Saharan Africa and is
at variance with local populations’ perception of their forest
area. This divergence in the representation and classification
of the forest and associated modes of exploitation is a major
constraint in achieving sustainable forest management not
only in Cameroon, but in Central Africa more at large (Diaw
and Oyono 1998, Karsenty and Marie 1998, Mayer and Bass
2004, Nasi et al. 2006, Counsell 2007, Wily 2011, Lescuyer
et al. 2012). Given its bias against the concerns and interests
of the rural populations, the implementation and enforcement
of this national zoning plan has witnessed resistance and
pressure from communities in the humid forest zone of South-
East Cameroon (Bigombe and Dabire 2003, Lescuyer 2007,
Samndong 2009).
The national zoning plan remains a debated issue in
Cameroon. The stakes are high as we have found in the pres-
ent case study especially in situations where the agricultural
practices of the local population and the collection of NTFPs
are restricted in what local communities still consider to be
their forests.
MATERIAL AND METHODS
The study area
The data for the local level analyses were collected in three
villages (Eschiambor, Bapile and Djenou) located in the
Lomié sub-division in South-East Cameroon. The Lomié
sub-division is situated between latitude 03°09′ to 03°15′ N
and longitude 13°37′ to 13°45′ E (see Figure 1). These
villages are located on the eastern side of the Dja Reserve,
a UNESCO world heritage site. These villages were chosen
because they possess the characteristics necessary according
to the research objectives. All villages border logging conces-
sion areas – awarded to Pallisco – and have experienced some
forms of conflicts with the logging company. Furthermore,
the choice of villages was influenced by the accessibility at
the time of the field research.
With a population of around 17,000 inhabitants on its
13,600 km2
, the Lomié subdivision has one of the lowest pop-
ulation densities in Cameroon (1.2 persons/km2
). The Nzime,
a Bantu-speaking people, is the largest group, while the Baka
Pygmies, for whom we do not have accurate demographic
figures, are also found in the area in significant numbers. In
our study area these populations, together with some immi-
grants, are being sandwiched between the Pallisco logging
concessions – the light grey areas in the map (Figure 1) – and
the Dja Reserve – the darker grey area to the left. This leaves
them with narrow corridors of secondary forest along the
roads – the white areas – to undertake their livelihood activi-
ties as indicated by the white coloured areas. Furthermore,
there are ongoing mining prospections in this region which
might further constrain the livelihood activities of the local
population.
The climate of the Lomié area is sub-equatorial with two
dry seasons (mid-November to end of March, and mid-July to
end of August) alternating with two wet ones. Mean annual
rainfall ranges between 1,500 and 1,700 mm, with a mean
temperature of 23-25° C throughout the year. The area is
characterized by a subsistence-oriented economy based
on extensive agricultural practices, and complemented, to
various degrees, with hunting and fishing as well as collection
of forest products. The Nzime are heavily involved in agricul-
ture – both cash-crop and subsistence production, while the
Baka are much less involved in any form of agricultural
activities of their own, as most of their cultivated food is
obtained through labour services and other exchanges with
the Nzime.
While the economy is very much based on self-sufficiency,
the commercialization of bush meat and raphia wine, the sale
of cooked food, distilled alcohol or cultivars, the trading of
basic household products, as well as selling unskilled labour
to logging and mining companies all contribute substantially
to the economy of many households. Finally, for individuals
owning chainsaws, the production and sale of timber is
an important secondary income-generating activity (see
Samndong 2009).
Methods
For the purpose of this study, different data collection tech-
niques were employed. We obtained information through
household questionnaire surveys, focus-group discussions,
key informant interviews and field observations. These
instruments were used in all three villages including the Baka

1) The Dja reserve is situated to the west in this map – the dark grey area. The light grey areas are concession areas. The white areas are
community forests. See the analysis section for definitions. The map of Cameroon in the lower left corner indicates the geographic location
of the study area.
FIGURE 1 Map of the study area1)
camps within these villages. The villages have a linear type of
settlement, located along the main road to Lomié and are not
very accessible during the rainy seasons.
The surveys were conducted from November 2007 to
January 2008. A total of 84 questionnaires were administered
to households including 29 Baka households. Altogether, we
randomly selected 30 household in Eschiambor, 28 in Djenou
and 26 in Bapile, representing altogether 48% of the house-
holds in the three villages. Information about local peoples’
livelihood activities, their access to and use of forest resources
was collected together with information about their relation-
ships and attitudes toward other forest users concerning
access to and use of forest resources. The questionnaire is
available in Samndong (2009).
Concerning the focus-group discussions, the aim was to
gather data on community history and local institutions.
The discussions also gave better insights about the various
interests in the community, relationships to other forest users
and existing conflicts. The focus-group discussions were
organized in the form of a deliberative forum including both
men and women and the Bakas. The women were very active
in the focus-group discussions in Baplie and Djenou, but to a
much lesser degree in Eschiambor. This could be an effect of
the fact that it was here that the boundary conflict with the
Pallisco Company was most intense at the time of the field-
work and that this, according to their culture, involved the
men more than the women. The Baka were not very active at
the village focus-group discussions. They are marginalized
by the Nzime group (Bigombe 2002b), hence, we organized
separate focus-group discussions at different Baka camps to
get their voice on the issues. Information about the village
profile, livelihood situation, local power relation, existing
conflicts and villagers relationship and perception toward
other forest users from key informants like village chiefs
and elders, officials of the community forest management
committee, some government officers, NGOs and some
researchers were gathered through semi-structured interviews.
In addition, field observation was used concerning the
availability and quality of infrastructure such as roads,
schools, health care and community projects, traditional use

of resources, illegal activities/poaching. The logged portions
of the forest concession and operation sites of the logging
companies were visited, and observations of damage to trees
used also for NTFP caused by logging were noted. We also
visited the area where there was conflict on the boundary of
the Pallisco Company concession and the community forest
area at Eschiambor.
ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSIONS
Impacts of commercial logging on forest-based
livelihoods and the created conflicts of interest
According to data from the household survey, the presence
of the logging concession has greatly limited local peoples’
access to non-timber forest products and hunting. About
60 percent of the households revealed that the presence of
the logging concessions limits their access to NTFPs (see
Table 1). Access to NTFPs within the logging concessions
is restricted due to the concessional rights of the logging
company. Moreover, the logging company argues that most of
the NTFPs are food for some wildlife species especially the
moabi fruit, and collecting them could reduce the population
of these wildlife species1
. Most of the NTFPs near the
villages have been over-exploited, so the local people have
become more dependent on resources in the concession areas
or the Dja reserve.
Presently, for example, the three most important NTFPs
for the local people – bush mango (Irvingia gabonensis),
moabi (Baillonella toxisperma), and eru (Gnetum africanum)
– have come under restrictions issued by the logging company,
the wildlife authority and the Ecofac program guards.2
This is
motivated by the effect on wildlife. Collection of Eru is now
restricted by the forest and wildlife authority. There is a large
market for Eru in urban areas, and large-scale extractions
TABLE 1 Household responses on factors limiting access to
NTFPs in the study area
Responses
Bapile
(N=26)
Djenou
(N=28)
Eschi-
ambor
(N=29)
Total
(%)
Logging concession 17 16 16 59.0
Forest legislation 5 6 3 16.9
Increased population 1 0 2 3.6
Protected area 2 0 0 2.4
Other 8 6 8 26.5
1
The company may not be genuinely interested in this issue, but their position is supported by the wildlife authority in the region – see later
in the text. It is reason to believe that the logging company voices this argument as a way to ensure full control of the area where they have
concessions.
2
Ecofac stands for ‘Forest Ecosystem of Central Africa’. It is a regional EU funded program to manage the Dja Biosphere Reserve in
Cameroon.
of this product require a permit from the wildlife and forest
authority. These restrictions have created substantial conflicts
of interest in the study area (see also Ndoye and Awono 2007,
Hoare 2007, Oyono 2004, Nguiffo and Djeukam 2008). The
local inhabitants maintain that they need to sell some of these
forest products in order to purchase other household goods,
which cannot be collected from the forest.
Access to hunting is also an important source of conflicts
of interest in the study area. The household survey indicated
the presence of the logging concessions as a major constraint
to hunting, since hunting in the logging concession areas is
prohibited (see Table 2). The forest legislation restricts hunt-
ing of certain wildlife species and hunting for commercial
purposes, but made provision for some categories of animals
that could be hunted for subsistence (Egbe 2001, Elkan and
Crowley 2001, Samndong 2005).
The presence of the logging concessions and the restric-
tion by the forest legislation has created tension and given rise
to a series of confrontations between the local people and
the forest and wildlife authorities in the area (see also Brown
and Ekoko 2001, Lescuyer 2007, Nguiffo 2007b, Cerutti and
Tacconi 2006). The importance of bush meat trade to the
households’ economy has led to increased illegal hunting
around the protected area and within the logging concessions
(Elkan and Crowley 2001, Nasi and van Vliet 2009). This
activity, as we observed in the field, is exacerbated by com-
mercial logging as it opens the forest to the influx of poachers
and bush-meat traders from the cities, who sometimes supply
firearms to the local people to promote the hunting activity
and assist in transporting the game to the nearby towns.
During the field work, it also became clear from field obser-
vation and semi-structured interviews that some government
officials support illegal hunting and bush-meat trade for their
own personal gains.
The focus group discussions shed further light on the con-
flict. In these meetings, three impacts of commercial logging
TABLE 2 Household responses on factors limiting access to
hunting in the study area
Responses
Bapile
(N=26)
Djenou
(N=28)
Eschi-
ambor
(N=29)
Total
(%)
Logging concessions 22 22 18 74.7
Forest legislation 21 22 17 72.3
Protected area 13 8 11 38.6
Increased population 10 9 6 30.1
Other 6 6 4 19.3

how the Baka perceive the logging companies. The logging
activity also has an indirect impact on the local people through
increased pressure on available forest resources caused by
immigrants and skilled external poachers. The establishment
of logging roads into the concession areas plays a crucial role
in this, providing outsiders with better access to relatively
unexploited areas of wildlife in the forest. The competition
with the local population results especially in over-exploita-
tion of bush meat in the study area. Moreover, information
gathered from the focus-group discussions revealed that the
poachers from the urban areas have strong alliances with the
drivers of the logging companies, making it easier for them to
transport their game. It is, however, prohibited to transport
bush meat with the vehicles of the logging companies. Never-
theless, the corrupt practice that exists involving poachers,
drivers, Ecofac guards and wildlife authorities in the region
are of great importance.
We were also informed about increased crime rates,
alcoholism, health problems and prostitution caused by
exposure of the society by the logging companies. Together
with the forest conflict, this has greatly disrupted the social
and cultural identity of the local people, most specifically the
Baka.
Local forest users’ perception of the conflict and their
relationships toward the logging companies and the
state
Conflicts arising from the relationship between the local
people and the logging companies
The household survey confirmed that most local people have
a negative relationship toward the logging companies – 88%
of the sample (see Figure 2).
On this issue there was a significant difference between
the ethnic groups (Baka and Nzime) (X2
= 6.11, p = 0.01,
df = 1). It should be noted that all the Baka interviewed
on forest-based livelihoods were most emphasized; reduced
abundance of tree resources that are important to rural
livelihoods, destroyed non-timber forest products, and finally
impacts on the social and cultural values of the study area.
The exploitation of certain timber species such as the maobi
(Baillonella toxisperma), bubinga (Guibourtia tessmannii)
and sapelli (Entandrophragma cylindricum) compete with
local interests. These timber species has high cultural, social
and economic value to the local people – especially to the
Baka in the region (see also Bigombe 2002b, Betti 2004,
Lewis 2007, Angerand 2007, Veuthey and Gerber 2010). We
were told by the Baka that the maobi plays a significant role
in their ritual dance (jengi). During hunting the Baka also use
the moabi tree as markers to guide them through the forest.
The bark of the tree is used to produce a concoction by the
Baka, with which they cover their bodies during hunting so
that they can go undetected through the forest. Above all, the
moabi is well known and appreciated by the local people for
the oil produced from the seeds, which is the most popular
cooking oil in the region. The sapelli tree is a good breeding
ground for caterpillars that serve the Baka women with
protein during low season of hunting. On the other hand, the
Pallisco Company is interested in the exploitation of moabi as
the quality of its wood is highly regarded in Europe. Accord-
ing to the local people, the moabi tree is very scarce around
their villages as they must trek for about 15-30 km to find the
closest moabi tree.
The felling of trees impair on the availability of non-
timber forest products. This is particularly felt by the Baka, as
their livelihood depends solely on the forests. In the focus
group discussions, we noticed moreover differences between
how the Baka men and women saw the conflict, illustrating
variations concerning which resources each utilize.
The men noted issues around hunting as the main
challenge. They complained that the noise made by the
logging machinery had repercussions for the availability of
large game. Furthermore, pathways and points of orientation
were destroyed as well as areas where honey bees were found
and localities where wildlife used to hide. Only a few Baka
men managed to get a job from the logging company and their
employment has usually been short-lived and underpaid as
compared to the Nzime employed. The Baka women, on the
other hand, emphasized the damage done to valuable NTFPs,
especially fruit trees, kernels, caterpillars and medicinal barks
and leaves. The logging activity had also greatly affected their
opportunities to maintain traditional and cultural values.
The life of every Baka is linked to the forest, with their
sacred places rich in valuable timber species being intruded
upon or even destroyed by the logging companies. Some uses
of these sacred places include keeping a new born who is
destined to become a great and influential hunter within the
sacred place for three to four nights to be fed and blessed by
the ancestors. As documented by Ngima (2001) and Kohler
(2005), the clan and individual totem animals laid down by
their ancestors are still respected by most – e.g., they do not
eat their totem. We could observe that logging interferes with
these cultural practices and reduces the cultural significance
of the forest, producing a negative relationship and affecting
FIGURE 2 Relationship between the local people and the
logging companies in the study area – household responses

confirmed a negative relationship with the logging compa-
nies, while almost 20 percent of the Nzime confirmed a
positive relationship. These latter responses all came from
people employed in the logging companies, thus receiving
direct benefits. The impact of logging activity on peoples’
livelihoods – on NTFPs, lack of employment in the logging
company and restricted user rights within the logging conces-
sions, were the main reasons behind the negative relationship
found in the survey (see Table 3).
The focus-group discussions confirmed the strong nega-
tive relationship toward the logging companies. The local
people believe that their rights and access to forest resources
has been greatly reduced or altered by the logging companies,
and they have difficulties negotiating and claiming their rights
since they believe the state heavily favours the company. This
strong negative relationship has developed into local-level
tensions between the residents and the logging company in
the study area. These conflicting interests can be analysed
from two different angles as revealed in the focus-group
discussions.
First, we have conflicts associated with unclear boundar-
ies between the concessions and the community forest and
agroforestry areas. These conflicts were noted during our
field work in the Eschiambor village where there – as men-
tioned – was a strong conflict with Pallisco. This boundary
problem is the result of improper zone planning by the state.
Second, there are conflicts associated with restricted
access to and use of forest resources within the concession
areas. To increase participation, the forest legislation provi-
sions require the logging companies – when establishing their
forest management plan – to take into account the interests of
the local population and to carry out socio-economic studies
to accommodate and negotiate with them regarding their use
rights within the forest (Government of Cameroon 1994).
From the focus-group discussion, it was revealed that these
consultations and negotiations have proven to be neither
inclusive nor productive. They are perceived as a constraint
on the logging companies (more costly) rather than a means
to benefit the local population. Similar findings have been
documented by Lescuyer (2003), and Bigombe and Dabire,
(2003) in other parts of the rainforest of Cameroon.
TABLE 3 Reasons local people gave for the negative relationship with the logging companies in the study area
Reasons for negative relationship Bapile (N=26)
Djenou
(N=28)
Eschiambor
(N=29)
Total
(%)
Impact of logging activity on peoples’ livelihoods 22 25 26 86.9
No employment 21 24 20 77.4
Restricted user rights within the concession area 19 23 19 72.6
Limited access to forest resources 19 20 17 66.7
No compensation for effects of logging 15 16 11 50.0
The local people revealed to us that these negotiations
usually take place during village meetings where the villagers
gather together with the logging company personnel and
administrative authorities. In most cases the discussions about
the social infrastructures, access and user rights come at the
end of the meeting. The meeting is usually to inform the local
people about the presence of the logging concessions around
their community. Whatever the local people say is not very
important, since the forest has already been allocated to the
logging company through the concession. The local people no
longer have the power to negotiate access to resources. Most
meetings are perceived by the local people as set up merely to
reach an agreement on how the gifts provided by the logging
company will be shared. From the focus-group discussions,
it seems obvious that there is a sort of informal agreement
between the logging company and the administrative authori-
ties which prevents the local people from expressing their
views in the meetings. The administrators represent the state,
and local people believe they have the power to impose their
views. This unequal power relation between the local people
and the logging company and the state has a strong negative
effect on the locals, since they have very little leverage to
influence the activities of the logging company or the state.
Other studies of the rainforest of the Congo Basin have
demonstrated similar results (Nguiffo 1998, CED et al. 2003,
Lewis and Nelson 2006, Counsell et al. 2007).
Conflicts arising from the relationship between the state
and the local people
The local people have a negative perception also toward the
state. The household survey revealed that almost 80% of the
local people had a negative attitude toward the state, while
only about 20% had a positive relationship (Figure 3).
The positive relationship seems to stem from the fact that
some of the respondents have family relatives working with
the state holding prominent positions and also politicians
with the CPDM3
, the ruling party of Cameroon. This political
position gives them some power of patronage at the local
level.
There was further a strong difference in the relationships
with the state across the ethnic groups, where 30 percent
of the Nzime had a positive relationship while only about
3
CPDM: Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement

3 percent of the Baka stated similarly (X2
= 8.49, p = 0.01,
df = 2). This difference seems due to the fact that the Baka do
not have relatives working with the state or in the CPDM
party. Secondly, all state affairs at the local level are controlled
by the Nzime, since the Baka are not educated and have much
less experience with the external society compared to the
Nzime.
The negative relationships with the state was especially
explained by limited access to the forest and its resources,
limited user rights within the forest, and the corrupt practice
of forest officials in the region – see Table 4.
The reasons people gave for their negative relationship
with the state were quite uniform across the two ethnic groups
(see Figure 4). However, there are differences. Limited access
to forests, limited use rights and corruption is emphasized
stronger by the Baka. The Nzime are on the other hand
emphasizing inadequate law enforcement stronger than the
Baka (X2
= 0.764, F = 3.405, df = 4, p = 0.013). It was also
clear that there is uneven distribution between the ethnic
groups concerning the annual forestry fees4
and the para-
fiscal community compensation5
. This inequality regarding
forest royalty has been indicated by other researchers in this
region (Bigombe 2002a, Bigombe 2003, Oyono et al. 2006,
Assembe 2006, Lescuyer et al. 2008, Morrison et al. 2009).
During the focus-group discussions it became clear that
before the introduction of the forest law of 1994, people
had no problem with the state, since there was little or no
commercial logging in the area. According to them, access to
forest resources and customary law governing their uses
of forest resources were exercised without any problems.
The situation is now substantially changed. The government
allocates logging concessions without adequately consulting
the local people and without proper monitoring of how the
logging activity is actually carried out. From the focus-group
discussions and field observations, we identified that the
unclear rights situation was the basic reason for the conflicts
of interest that has emerged from the poor relationship
between the locals and the state. Local people observed that
what they consider their use rights to forest resources were
not respected. Behind this fact lies a conflicting perception of
what the rights are (legal pluralism), where the state law (new
forestry law) and the customary practices of the local people
(norms and unwritten laws) clash (Wily 2011).
The coexistence of a statute law colonially inspired as
‘modern’law and the multitude of unwritten ‘laws’and norms
known as ’customary law’ creates a complex situation
(Graziani and Burnham 2001, Wily 2011). As previously
emphasized, the state is the sole owner of all the lands and the
forest resources. The law grant local people some use rights
and provide provisions for the local people to participate in
forest management through community forests and access
and benefit sharing mechanism of forest royalties (Oyono
et al. 2006, Jum et al. 2007). On the other hand, the ‘custom-
ary law’ – the communal property rights to land and forest
resources – seems undermined by the new forest law through
the zoning mechanism (see also Diaw 2005, Nguiffo 2007a).
FIGURE 3 Relationship between the local people and the
state in the study area – household responses
TABLE 4 Reasons local people gave for having a negative relationship with the state
Reasons for negative relationship
Bapile
(N=26)
Djenou
(N=28)
Eschiambor
(N=29)
Total
(%)
Limited access to forest resources 19 20 25 77.1
Limited user rights within the forest 17 20 19 67.5
Corruption 18 20 21 58.5
Inadequate law enforcement 7 9 14 36.1
No compensation for lost access to forest resources 11 6 11 33.7
Lack of ownership in the forest 9 4 13 31.3
4
Forestry royalties are payments made to the state by logging companies of which certain percentages are distributed to the local govern-
ment
5
Taxes that are paid by logging companies per cubic meter logged in the social responsibility contract with the communities.

Furthermore, the local people have little information about
this law since they were not involved in the decision-making
process (Ekoko 1999, Ekoko et al. 2003, Essama-Nssah and
Gochowski 2000). What they considered as their territories
recognized under customary law are now being transformed
into permanent forest estate to be used for commercial log-
ging and conservation activities through the implementation
of the national zoning plan. So, it is apparent with evidence
from the field that the 1994 law is given precedence over the
customary law as it does not take into account the way the
local people have used the forest traditionally in the national
zoning plan. This new distribution of land use has relocated
local peoples’activities to forest areas which are not as rich as
what is now called permanent forests. Hence, the government
prioritizes logging to ensure the aim of economic growth. The
situation established even provides weakened incentives for
the local people to conserve the forest, as they are deprived of
their responsibility as users.
While there is lost access to resources due to zoning, there
are also problems related to inadequate law enforcement and
corrupt practices – as noticed in the field and in focus-group
discussions. This stems from lack of commitment and coordi-
nation by government officials and policy makers to effec-
tively enforce and implement the elements of the law that are
made to protect local interests (Global Forest Watch 2000,
Assembe 2009).
With the potential of receiving bribes from logging
companies as indicated in the focus group discussions and
semi-structured interviews, most of these forest officials
favour the logging companies to the detriment of the local
people especially when negotiating the limits of the conces-
sion versus agricultural lands. This type of corrupt practices
is very rampant in Cameroon as most of the politicians,
bureaucrats and government officials exert direct power and
manage their power resources for their own benefit (Cleuren
2001, Siebock 2002). This behaviour has been noted by a
popular saying in Cameroon that “the goat grazes where it is
tied” (Forest Monitor 2001:14).
The complexity of the centralized administrative system
in Cameroon – implying that many sectors are involved in the
making of the forest policy – has further fuelled the corrupt
practice in the forestry sector and ineffective implementation
of the forest law, exacerbating the conflict of interest between
the local people and the state. As emphasized in the focus-
group discussions, the logging companies pay bribes at all
levels to keep their business going, hence disregarding the
livelihood of the forest-dependent communities. Since the
implementation of the new forest law undermines the custom-
ary rights of the local people, they are ’forced’ to operate in
ways that are technically illegal to secure their livelihood.
Most often, as noticed in the field, these illegal activities are
proliferating, since most of the external illegal operators and
traders are protected through their connections with powerful
political elites and military officials (client–patron relation-
ship). This illustrates another popular Cameroonian saying
“unless you have a brother at the top of the plum tree you
can’t eat black plum” (Cleuren 2001:145).
A summary characterization of the conflict
The above reveals that the conflict is based on competing
views about what the rights situation is and which resource
user should have priority. The conflict materializes first of all
in disagreements between the communities and the logging
company over access to forest resources. Certainly, the way
the local communities are treated by the company could
improve maybe through the FSC certification process. The
fundamental basis for the conflict lies, nevertheless, in the
legal framework and how it is implemented. As such we are
confronted with what Cheka (2007) calls a structural conflict,
where the conflict is embedded in the way the law is designed
(see also Ezziene de Blas et al. 2011). The state seems to
FIGURE 4 Reasons for the negative relationship with the state in the study area – household responses – differentiated by ethnic
groups

clearly acknowledge that logging and traditional uses are not
compatible. As it gives priority to logging, it leaves it next to
the logging companies to handle the conflicts appearing on
the ground. This creates a confusion where the local commu-
nities are deprived – at least in practice – from engaging in the
fundamental issue – that of defining and protecting their rights
to forest livelihoods.
Local communities seem therefore ‘trapped’ between the
company and state officials. They cannot attack the company
for deficiencies in the law, nor for the concessions it has
legally acquired according to this law. This is so, despite the
fact that it is the company that ‘makes the law come through’
on the ground. They cannot complain to local officials about
the practices of the logging company as they do not operate as
independent guardians of a law where local interests are
anyway weakly protected. We observe a kind of devolution of
responsibility that may be deliberate, and that seems possible
only because local communities are deprived of crucial infor-
mation, are weakly organized and have few possibilities to
pressurize the central government.
Proposed solutions by local people to ameliorate their
relation with other forest users
What then do the local people think could be a way to reduce
the present conflicts of interest? The survey demonstrated that
a large majority – 87% – of the households identified the role
of the NGOs (both national and international) in the area as
the main agents that could facilitate a reduction in the con-
flicts between the local people and the logging company – see
Table 5.
In relation to this, one should acknowledge the present
role of NGOs in the area. Their main preoccupation, as
observed in the field, is to support and empower the local
population in the development of community forests. They
have also to some extent been engaged in supporting the
communities in ensuring access to forest resources by acting
as a mediator between them and the logging company. They
have also been instrumental in creating a forum for dialogue
between the communities and the logging company to discuss
their grievances and propose solutions (see also Lewis 2007,
Lescuyer 2007).
Concerning the traditional institutions (traditional
council) in the area, we observed that they have also played a
significant role in resolving some of the conflicts, although
their effectiveness varies within the communities studied.
The focus group discussions revealed that negotiations led
by the state to ameliorate the situation and resolve the
conflicts have not been very effective in the area, as the local
people bear in mind that the state in most situations favours
the logging companies. Both ethnic groups favoured that
NGOs ameliorated their relationships with the logging
company. They believe that the NGOs are better at protecting
their interests. There were, however, also some differences
between the ethnic groups. None of the Baka wanted the state
to engage in improving their relationship with the logging
companies as they believe that the state favours the logging
company. The Nzime were more positive toward this solution,
as they also were more positive toward using traditional insti-
tutions. From field observation we also noticed that the
Nzime traditional institutions are more respected by outsider
as compared to that of the Baka.
To ameliorate the local peoples’ relationship toward the
state, secured user rights to the forests was proposed by the
local people as the clearly most favourable solution – see
Table 6. This concerns foremost use rights to permanent
forests/concession areas, as their rights in community lands
are quite secure, while time limited.
The prioritizing of proposed solutions did not vary much
between the ethnic groups (Figure 5). Alternative source of
income was not very important to the Baka compared to the
Nzime. This is because the Baka lifestyle is embedded in
the forest and they find it very difficult to adapt to raising
livestock, plantation agriculture and other income-generating
activity. Dialogue with the logging companies was not con-
sidered to be a solution by the Baka compared to the Nzime.
TABLE 5 Local people’s responses on the solutions to
ameliorate their relationship with the logging companies in
the study area
Solutions
Bapile
(N=26)
Djenou
(N=28)
Eschi-
ambor
(N=29)
Total
(%)
Negotiation by NGOs 22 25 26 86.9
Traditional institutions 5 10 20 41.7
The government 4 6 7 20.2
TABLE 6 Proposed solutions to ameliorate the negative relationship between the local people and the state – household
responses
Proposed solutions to the negative relationship with the state
Bapile
(N=26)
Djenou
(N=28)
Eschiambor
(N=29)
Total
(%)
Regulate and secure user rights 25 26 25 91.6
Alternative source of income 8 9 15 38.6
Compensation 12 6 12 36.1
Dialogue with the logging companies 6 8 6 24.1

Our study emphasizes that expanding and securing use
rights to local communities is a core step to better meet their
needs. The legitimacy and sustainability of a policy frame-
work that marginalizes these communities and offer income
mainly to external interests is questionable. Rather than
fostering such a dual economy, focus should be on supporting
local participation and create opportunities for local socio-
economic development.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The authors would wish to thank four anonymous reviewers,
Espen Wæhle and Kristin Rosendal for offering very valuable
comments to earlier drafts of this paper. Nevertheless, the
final product is the full responsibility of the authors.
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