1. Australian Outlaws and Cultural Distinction
Kelly Burke
5/4/2015
Senior Capstone 2015 – University Honors Program

2. Burke 1
Australian Outlaws and Cultural Distinction
As a phenomenon spanning thousands of years, outlawry has firmly grasped the public
imagination in myth, song, and visual arts since the earliest civilizations. Most cultures have
some conception of the outlaw archetype, and despite unique demographic variations between
societies, these concepts are far more similar than different. Australian culture, for example, has
a very complex history with the outlaw figure, most often praising but occasionally condemning
the works of these daring renegades. While the Australian outlaw tradition certainly shares
similarities to the British tradition from which it was first derived, and the American tradition
with which it shares a common “parent,” it reaches greater heights in the public life of Australian
citizens. For example, prominent Victoria outlaw Ned Kelly has earned a position of national
import, having been dubbed “perhaps the best known Australian figure” by his sizeable fan-base
(Eggert 2007). Author Peter Carey even declared Kelly a prominent founder of the Australian
aesthetic, stating that the beloved outlaw is more similar in terms of public influence to Thomas
Jefferson than to Jesse James, who is debatably America’s most famous outlaw (Bemrose 2001).
How, then, is the concept of the outlaw and his or her symbolic value so unique within the
Australian vision, and how does this uniqueness impact Australian artists’ interpretations of this
tradition within their works?
In order to answer these questions, one must analyze the Australian outlaw tradition
through both cultural and historical lenses, as a common vein of oppression and injustice runs
through the very nation itself. This inequality bleeds through into art, poetry, and historical
texts, all expressing the same conflict between law and justice, rich and poor, powerful and
oppressed, and British and non-British. In order to fully explore the reasons behind the national
elevation of the Australian outlaw, I will compare historical events and overarching literary

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themes to specific poems glorifying the continent’s most famous outlaws, such as John Donohoe
and Ned Kelly. For historically-based works of poetry, I will focus on “The Wild Colonial Boy”
and “Kelly Country.” Contemporary Australian authors will give voice to their tradition as well;
considering that they have been intimately raised alongside the subject matter, their insights are
perhaps among the most valuable to be taken into consideration. The contemporary poem which
I analyze will be Robert Adamson’s “Sonnets to be Written from Prison.” To further highlight
the uniqueness of the Australian outlaw tradition, I will draw parallels between British and
American outlaw culture, which, as parent and sibling nations, reflect yet diverge from deeper
national consciences. All cultures have their outlaw heroes, but Australia’s foundation as a penal
colony which heavily discriminated against Irish immigrants and inmates directly corresponds to
the valuing of outlawry as a form of social protest.
THE UNIVERSAL OUTLAW
To understand the significance of what the outlaw symbolizes within an Australian
context, one must first grasp the fundamental characteristics of an “outlaw hero” in a general
sense. These traits transcend time, space, race, and gender; although the legends themselves are
significantly diverse, their central heroes’ innermost qualities remain mostly interchangeable.
Author Graham Seal identifies several traits associated with the outlaw hero tradition, which can
be almost universally affirmed. The first of these identifying markers states that “such characters
represent a struggle against a power greater than themselves and those who support them” (Seal
2011:2). To be considered truly heroic in a tradition which glorifies thieves, killers, and rebels,
one must not work purely for one’s own gain; such is the way of a coward, unworthy of
immortalization through myth and song. The death of the outlaw holds equal significance in his
or her glorification: “Almost always [the outlaws] die violently and always their legends

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celebrate them and their actions, despite the usual ambivalence of their lives” (Seal 2011:2).
These lawbreakers die as they lived - immersed in violent conflicts and refusing to go down
without a fight, affirming their vision with the finality and determination of an old-world martyr.
Perhaps the most distinctive mark of the outlaw is their characteristic struggle against the
wealthy on behalf of the poor: he or she “may arise whenever and wherever there is perceived
inequity and oppression, leading to conflict over ownership of land or access to its resources”
(Seal 2011: 3). Outlaw robbers were expected to share the rewards of their conquests with the
downtrodden and impoverished, who otherwise had no one to rely on and possessed very limited
means of supporting themselves (Seal 2011). Such generosity would, in turn, solidify the
conception of the outlaw as a champion of the people, elevating them through the tales and
gossip of the day and transforming them into something far more significant than a nuisance to
the rich from whom they stole. In return for the gallant deeds of the outlaw, the impoverished
would aide him or her, returning his or her favors with “sympathy and active support;” a
majority of the disadvantaged loyal to their local outlaws would hide them from law
enforcement, even going as far as to supply them with provisions and shelter in dire
circumstances (Seal 2011: 2-3). Whether or not the outlaws’ actions could truly be justified was
of little importance to their most faithful followers, who lauded them as defenders of the
demoralized against the consistently oppressive and wealthy ruling class. Acceptance by their
peers ultimately legitimated the outlaws’ deeds, often leading to their crimes being overlooked in
favor of the greater good by all but the rulers whom they opposed (Seal 2011).
The geneses of the outlaw are more complex, however, and often at a distance from the
society in which they originated. At the beginning of every myth, an outlaw “has been cast out
of society, either for a crime or because he has become a threat to those in power – sometimes a

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combination of both these things” (Seal 2011:4). The isolation of the outlaw is not always
uniform, as some are banished into the wild, where they must learn to function without frequent
human interaction, while others are incarcerated within society itself, sequestering them from the
general population to prevent further violent contact (Seal 2011). Presumably, this would afford
the outlaw ample amounts of time to dwell upon the systems which failed and wronged them,
thus leading to the formulation of their grand schemes to heal social ills. Indeed, most outlawry
was typically a “reaction to a long period of political, social, and economic turmoil,” which
served to plant the seeds of revolution within the future heroes (Seal 2011:5). The incidents
which lead to the expulsion of outlaws from society were often considered minor in nature, such
as an insult hurled at an outlaw’s family members; their true potency was due, in large part, to
“tensions and conflicts over land, resources, ethnicity, religion and political borders” which
magnified the particular mistreatments that the outlaws and their families suffered (Seal 2011:6).
Not all outlaws were afforded time for uninterrupted reflection, however, as many were
actively hunted down from the launch of their criminal career. Many old-world legal systems
classified criminals as non-persons who were entirely devoid of human rights; thus it was
justifiable by law for civilians and law enforcement alike to kill an outlaw on sight (Seal 2011).
Conditions as dehumanizing as these could easily inspire one to turn to illicit means of survival,
and outlaws were already no strangers to this brutal concept of justice. According to Seal,
“violence is an inevitable feature in outlaw activity” which spares no one within the outlaws’
spheres: enemies and allies suspected of informing or otherwise aiding the enemy are given swift
and often unceremonious justice, always concluding in the death of the offending party (2011:7).
Authority figures are also quick to resort to harsh methodology, as they employed imprisonment,
torture, and execution against suspected outlaw sympathizers and, when captured, the outlaws

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themselves (Seal 2011). Sanguinary action on both sides created an atmosphere of perpetual
suspicion and mistrust; as such, most outlaws were betrayed by their seemingly closest
comrades, the avoidance of personal violence on part of the traitor being one of the strongest
motivations (Seal 2011).
Certain persons are, however, protected under the outlaw code, and those rebels who
trespass against these unwritten rules fall from grace and are turned against by those
communities which they once served. Persons who were economically disadvantaged and
socially downtrodden were spared; orphans and widows were held up as those most worthy of
protection, as social structures often left them the most vulnerable and disadvantaged within the
community (Seal 2011). This code also specified that violence should only be directed against
the oppressors in power and should be applied primarily in self-defense, as these forms of
justified retribution directly contrasted the sanguinary trespasses committed by authority figures
(Seal 2011). Such grievances forced the outlaw to turn to a life of crime. The fact that the
outlaws initially seem to have little choice in the matter makes them even easier to sympathize
with, inspiring the hope that they would have lived peaceful, honest lives had they been given the
proper means.
Aside from the code, the outlaw possesses other means to shape the views of his or her
audience. For example, propaganda played an important role in the shaping of public opinion in
the tales of many outlaws, with Ned Kelly’s “Jerilderie Letter” being a prime example (Seal
2011). Other means of swaying public opinion included treating victims courteously, especially
women, whose “delicacy” necessitated that they be handled more gently and respectfully than

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their male counterparts.1 Sometimes, evading direct confrontation with authorities worked to
improve the image of the outlaw, as it illustrated him or her as both less bloodthirsty and more
intelligent than law enforcement officials (Seal 2011). No greater humiliation could be felt by
officers than to lose the prey that had been so ardently hunting, as it sent a message to the public
that societal structures were incapable of maintaining their precarious stability. Oppressors were
made to feel their grasp on control wavering, always on the brink of destruction by rouge
elements outside the system.
These common traits are easily identifiable in outlaw legends across Australia from its
foundation as a penal colony to the modern age. Despite remaining faithful to the depiction of
the archetypal outlaw, Australia’s tradition has its own unique flavor, which cannot be fully
understood without significant knowledge of the continent’s past. To further delve into the
works of Australian poetry, it is necessary to outline the environment in which the poems are set.
Thus, one must understand the impacts of colonization by prisoners of the justice system,
widespread discrimination against Irish Catholics, and the conditions under which many of these
oppressed parties lived. In the next section, I will outline a brief history of the Australian outlaw,
or “bushranger,” and the effects of their existence upon society.
BRIEF ORIGINS OF THE BUSHRANGER
In the year 1778, Australia was founded as a penal colony, with its main purpose being
the isolation of the growing population of English lawbreakers from the rest of the law-abiding
populace (Hughes 1986). A fleet of convicts known simply as the “First Fleet” was shipped
from England to the then-foreign continent, most of them against their will and a
1 An excellent historical example of this code being enforced is the case of partners Brady and McCabe: “When his
partner McCabe threatened to rape a settler’s wife, Brady shot him through the hand,flogged him mercilessly and
threw him out of the gang.” McCabe was captured and hanged ten days later (Hughes 1986: 232).

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disproportionate amount of them with Irish Catholic origins (Hughes 1986). Once these outlaws
were introduced to the settlement system, however, it was far more difficult to keep them
contained than the British Crown had initially assumed. Many criminals escaped by “taking to
the bush,” with “the most persistent absconders” coming from the Irish Catholic population
(Hughes 1986: 203). Their faith gave them hope that they would reach a promised paradise once
they escaped the state of “Purgatory” in which they had been caught, and they were willing to
face starvation, dehydration, and death at the hands of both British authorities and hostile
Aboriginals to fulfill this vision.2 As the odds of these escapees surviving in the outback were
considerably low, they were mostly left to die in the early days of the colony, especially in New
South Wales3, where space was practically unlimited and the odds of the convicts’ rediscovery
was less than likely (Hughes 1986).
Escaped convicts were a larger issue in Van Dieman’s Land4, however, as the island
settlement limited both space and resources for its people to live off of. It was in this location
that the first bushrangers originated, initially working as gangs of kangaroo hunters who would
sell the animals’ meat to supplement the limited diet of the settlers, as livestock and crops were
still acclimating to the settlement at this time (Hughes 1986). While technically remaining
outlaws, these men were a form of necessary evil, as it would have been a greater disadvantage
for law enforcement to let the settlers die of starvation in the event of crop failure than to let
small gangs of escaped convicts roam the bush. Once “food supplies grew more secure and [the
colony’s] dependence on kangaroo meat declined,” however, the bushrangers became a more
serious issue for the government, as they took to sheep thievery to replace their lost source of
2 The initial plan of escape was actually far more complex than I have illustrated it as. A complete history of these
“absconders” can be found in Robert Hughes’ The Fatal Shore (1986).
3 Modern-day Sydney (Hughes 1986).
4 Now known as Tasmania (Hughes 1986).

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income (Hughes 1986: 226). These men began to steal from larger, more industrialized farms
and “sell the mutton to free farmers for sugar, flour, tea and gunpowder,” which they could not
acquire on their own (Hughes 1986: 226).
Because of these perceived good deeds on the part of the bushrangers, small-time farmers
began to view them as Robin-Hood type figures. These farmers felt little need to hand over the
bushrangers to the authorities, as both parties profited far more from the illicit understanding
(Hughes 1986). The bushrangers’ networks expanded beyond farmers, however, and often
incorporated criminals who had not fled the official boundaries of the penal colonies. These men
and women “would bring food to bushrangers in hiding” whilst supplying them with information
about activities within the settlement, especially concerning the movements of local law
enforcement (Hughes 1986). Through this arrangement, the bushrangers were better able to
avoid potential pursuers, while the other convicts subtly defied the authority which held them
captive. This network was so effective that the number of active bushrangers grew at a steady
rate and, by 1814, then-Lieutenant-Governor Thomas Davey declared that “a court-martial could
hang anyone without reference to the criminal court in Sydney” in hopes of thinning the enemy
population and discouraging other criminals from joining the ranks of elite thieves (Hughes
1986: 228). Authorities feared that the “convict population,” then numbered at 1,900 persons,
would “rise and join the bushrangers, consigning Van Dieman’s Land to anarchy” and thus
thwart the Crown’s best attempts at colonization (Hughes 1986: 228).
During this time, one of Davey’s chief enemies was Michael Howe, perhaps the first
Australian bushranger to gain national fame (Hughes 1986). Howe and his group of bushrangers
roved throughout Van Dieman’s Land, terrorizing “landowners with a reputation for treating
convicts badly;” one such man was a “flogging magistrate” by the name of Adolarius William

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Humphrey, whose crops they burnt and whose house they sacked whilst he was away on
business (Hughes 1986: 228). Howe would always present speeches to the servants of the
landowners whom he sabotaged, comparing himself to the British highwayman Dick Turpan, a
popular figure memorialized for stealing from the rich to give to the poor (Hughes 1986).
Whether or not this comparison was entirely accurate was of little consequence to Howe5, as he
so intimidated the servants that they were inclined to believe and obey whatever he proclaimed;
it was in this manner that Howe set about recruiting new gang members to replace those taken in
by the legal system (Hughes 1986).
Howe was eventually betrayed by his Aboriginal “wife,” a woman known as “Black
Mary,” for allegedly abandoning her when the couple was ambushed and wounded by soldiers
tracking the bushranger (Hughes 1986). This bitter parting inspired Black Mary to aide law
enforcement agents by tracking Howe down. Although the search parties were unable to capture
Howe, they put such a significant amount of pressure on him that he attempted to reason with the
new Lieutenant-Governor Sorrel, who had a more lenient pardoning policy than his predecessor
(Hughes 1986). After Howe’s confession, in which he also exposed many “law abiding” citizens
as receivers of stolen livestock, he was promised a pardon yet never granted it, prompting him to
flee back into the bush (Hughes 1986). He was eventually captured by soldiers with the aide of
Muskitoo, “an Aboriginal blacktracker imported from Sydney,” and bludgeoned to death by
officers, his head severed and taken back to the settlement to be put on display as a warning to
other would-be bushrangers (Hughes 1986). An opposite effect occurred, however. Because
Howe was locally supported by servants, ex-convicts and free settlers, these persons mourned his
5 There is actually little historical evidence which supports that eitherTurpan or Howe actually benefitted anyone
other than themselves through their criminal actions. Thus many scholars have called their heroic status into
question; Hughes falls soundly on the side proclaiming them common criminals (Hughes 1986).

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death and glorified his deeds, raising him up post-mortem as a “popular hero” (Hughes 1986:
231). The mold which Howe had cast would become the prominent model for future
bushrangers, a vigilante acting on behalf of the wronged and bringing the oppressive authorities
to justice.
This tradition spread to the mainland and, “after 1825, the popular myth of the Australian
bushranger took its final form in story and folksong” (Hughes 1986: 234). Bushranging took
longer to form into a distinct tradition around the Sydney area because the colony had not
depended on bushrangers for kangaroo meat, as their provisions had been in a better state than
those on Tasmania (Hughes 1986). Once the practice had taken root, however, it posed even
more of a threat in Sydney than it did in Tasmania because there was far more open space which
could conceal the bushrangers, such as Blue Mountains6, which were located “within striking
distance of new trunk roads and farms” (Hughes 1986: 235). These bushrangers possessed such
deadly skills that Governor Brisbane formed a squadron of mounted police, whose sole purpose
was to track down and capture these outlaws (Hughes 1986). The mounted police, however,
were not well-received by the general public, even by the citizens suffering robberies perpetrated
by bushrangers: “They were apt to use violence when dealing with small Emancipist settlers
whom they routinely suspected of harboring bushrangers out of criminal sympathy” (Hughes
1986: 236). This method of justice was questionable at best and only contributed to the culture
of mistrust which gripped the settlement. These officers were also despised by “free workers,”
who were often arrested under suspicion of being bushrangers based solely on their migratory
6 Most bushrangers within this region had originally been absconders fleeing the “dreaded iron gangs,” who were
forced to mine under punishing physical conditions; many fled out of fear for their lives (Hughes 1986).

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nature (Hughes 1986).7 Given the state of corruption within law enforcement agencies, it was
only a matter of time before many people began to sway their sympathies towards the
bushrangers. Out of this culture of mistrust sprung the man who would later be evoked as the
archetypal Australian bushranger: John Donohoe.
John was “sentenced to life transportation in Dublin in 1823,” igniting the long tradition
of the Irishman as the quintessential bushranger (Hughes 1986: 237). Although he worked as a
servant for two years, he began a life of cattle robbery in 1827, but was unfortunately captured
quickly and sentenced to death by hanging (Hughes 1986). He was, however, determined to
survive, and managed to escape before he could be locked in his holding cell. Donohoe quickly
became immersed in the bushranging lifestyle, gathering a band of absconders who burglarized
the wealthy and participated in many horse-thefts (Hughes 1986). After he was killed in a shoot-
out, it was revealed through the help of an ally-turned-informant that Donohoe had supplied
thirty or more seemingly upstanding settlers with a plethora of stolen goods, exposing the dark
underside of polite society (Hughes 1986). Although his run lasted but a few short years,
Donohoe was quickly elevated to the ranks of public hero via popular ballads, newspaper
coverage, and goods bearing his image and likeness – his success was as commercial as it was
social (Hughes 1986). There were other reasons behind his rapid claim to fame, however.
Governor Darling, who was responsible for ordering the ruthless hunt of the young outlaw, was
generally disliked by the public, and it was considered prime entertainment for these people see
this man made a fool through his failed attempts to capture Donohoe (Hughes 1986).
7 The law demanded that all men traveling must have both a ticket of leave and a travel pass on his person to pro ve
that his journey was business-oriented; anyone failing to produce these documents was arrested on spot (Hughes
1986).

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Donohoe was quickly immortalized through ballads, marking the first significant shift in
the portrayal of outlaws in song. Before Donohoe’s escapades, outlaw ballads employed the
criminal figure as a form of cautionary tale, which bespoke the dangers of refusing to accept the
values of the English government system (Hughes 1986). Ballads centered around the figure of
Donohoe8 openly defied the system and bespoke the benefits of asserting one’s independence
over an unjust rule (Hughes 1986). Instead of sympathizing with the protagonists’ final laments
and urge to return to the system, the reader sympathizes with the protagonist him/herself because
he or she represents a righteous struggle. The focus is given to a very different kind of character
– one who pursues pure moral codes, even at the cost of the ostensibly superior legal system.
Once the glorification of the outlaw became widely accepted, the genre transformed its
previously taboo nature, and literary forms began to diverge from conventional norms of
portraying bushrangers. It was this shift in presentation which enabled poems such as “The Wild
Colonial Boy” and “Kelly Country” to gain such renown with the Australian audience.
AUSTRALIA’S MOST BELOVED OUTLAW – NED KELLY
Before a full analysis of the aforementioned poems can be given, one must understand
the history of Ned Kelly himself, whose life exemplifies trends of discrimination against Irish
Catholics amidst a culture in which figures such as John Donohoe had gained popular support.
Born in 1855 in Victoria, Ned Kelly was the son of Ellen Quinn and “Red” Kelly; his mother had
immigrated to Australia at a young age with her family, who became “free selector” settlers9,
while his father had been shipped to the country as a criminal charged with swine theft (McGrath
2012). Ned became engaged in criminal behavior from an early age, having faced multiple stints
8 Variations of Donohoe’s name appear throughout otherworks, all with the initials J.D.
9 Under the Robertson Land Acts,persons with little means were given small sections of land, which they were
required to farm to advance the settlement of the country (McDermott).

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in jail for horse theft and robbery by the time he was fifteen (Seal 2011). It was during one of
these brushes with the law that Ned Kelly, the small-time criminal, transformed into Ned Kelly
the bushranger. When officers were tracking Ned’s younger brother, Dan, with the intention to
arrest him for horse theft, the Kelly home was invaded sans a proper warrant and Kelly’s mother
and sister, Kate, were ostensibly harassed by one Officer Fitzpatrick, who threatened to shoot
them if they did not cooperate (McDermott 2002). Ned returned to the family home to find
Fitzpatrick in the process of arresting his brother Dan and, according to Kelly, gravely
mistreating his female relations. In his rage at what he perceived as discriminatory treatment
against his family, Ned initiated a struggle with Fitzpatrick ending in the officer being disarmed
and the Kelly brothers fleeing into the bush (McDermott 2002). A bounty was put on the
brothers’ heads and their mother was arrested and taken into custody along with her infant
daughter (Seal 2011).
The brothers formed a tight-knit band alongside several of their closest friends, also of
Irish descent, who had allegedly been treated unfairly by the police, accused of crimes without
“proper” legal proceedings (McGrath 2012). These men were deftly skilled in bush survival and
enemy evasion, and officers sent to track and apprehend them usually came up empty-handed.
This prolonged chased came to a head on the twenty-sixth of October, on which the Kelly gang
discovered a police encampment at Stringybark Creek; the ensuing armed confrontation left three
of the four officers shot to death and the remaining officer too frightened to recollect the exact
manner in which the shoot-out had transpired10 (Seal 2011).
10 It remains a matter of debate as to who actually shot first in the confrontation. The officer asserted that Kelly and
his gang unexpectedly opened fire on the encampment, while Kelly’s “Jerilderie Letter” insists that the officers shot
first (McDermott 2002).

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The government raised the bounty on Ned’s head and evoked the New South Wales
Felons Apprehension Act against him, which declared that Kelly could be shot on sight and that
persons suspected of harboring him or aiding him in some other manner could be arrested
without significant substantial proof (Seal 2011). With their lives already compromised, the
Kelly gang felt no need to back down from their criminal activity, as they were guaranteed unfair
treatment under the law. Dire conditions inspired them to commit grander crimes, which would
have a greater impact upon the public conscience. No longer were the members of the gang
petty livestock thieves given to brawling and disorderly conduct, but bank robbers and
homestead burglars who took hostages on multiple occasions (Seal 2011).
At the height of their activity, the gang planned “to derail a police train near Glenrowan
Station” in an act of ultimate defiance of a corrupt system (Seal 2011: 98). They took many
hostages, who were held at a Glenrowan hotel, but treated these persons with a surprising
amount of respect; none of the civilian hostages were harmed by the gang, who even entertained
their captives with a lively party to ease the collective boredom (Seal 2011). During this
merrymaking, Kelly delivered several speeches to his audience, crying out for social justice
which had been denied to him and fellow Irish free-selectors. Relying on his ancestor’s well-
established oral tradition, he swayed public opinion to sympathize with him and his seemingly
noble plight (Eggert 2007). It was also during this revelry that Kelly dictated his now-famous
“Jerilderie Letter” to Joe Byrne, the only literate member of his gang, and coerced one of the
hostages into having the work published in the local paper (McDermott 2002).11 These letters
build off of Kelly’s various speeches and present his ethic in a clear and concise form,
11 There is, however, ongoing debate about the true authorship of the Kelly Letters, hinged on the belief that Byrne
could have significantly altered Kelly’s original dictation. For an in-depth debate on the matter which ultimately
declares Kelly the true author,see McDermott’s “Who Said the Kelly Letters” (2002).

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elaborating on his past and the wrongs he had suffered under the Victorian legal system while
advocating large-scale social changes he deemed necessary to a prosperous Australian future.
Sadly, the great “ethicist” was not to live to see any of his goals realized.
Officers had been informed of the derailment plan ahead of time and rapidly flocked to
the scene, prompting a shootout of far greater proportions than had been witnessed at the
Stringybark Creek incident (Seal 2011). Aaron Sheritt, the suspected police informant, was shot
by Kelly’s men at the beginning of the gun fight, which would claim the lives of three gang
members and several hostages, who were shot to death by the police force (Seal 2011). Despite
the “armor”12 Kelly had fashioned out of scrap metal, he was hit in an exposed portion of his leg
and captured, being “nursed back to health” before he was “tried for murder and hanged in
Melbourne on 11 November 1880, amid considerable public outcry at his fate” (Seal 2011: 99).
His now-iconic last words rang loud and clear throughout the courtroom: “Such is life”
(McGrath 2012: 7).
While Kelly’s tale is compelling even in modernity, how is he significant enough to
solicit such enduring fame from his Australian audience? His life does not appear momentously
different from that of many famed British and American outlaws, such as Dick Turpin and Jesse
James, the latter being one of his most noteworthy contemporaries.13 In many ways, James’ life
mirrored Kelly’s. Like Kelly, James was born in a then-expanding colonial territory (Missouri)
12 There have been several artistic depictions of this unusualgear, with famed artist Sydney Nolan portraying the
most iconic variation. Nolan’s display can be viewed at the NGA alongside the actual armor itself; the collection is
incomplete, however, as the suit owned by the Police Museumwould not relinquish it for the fear of the public
“glorifying a police killer” (McGrath 2012: 20).
13 Kelly and James are, perhaps, most interesting to compare and contrast in terms of film, for although Kelly had a
film based on his life much earlier than James, James has made far more movies across the years. This is due, in
part, to a ban which was placed on outlaw films in Australia in 1911, which was not revoked until 1942 (McFarlane
2006). Australian films were also largely influenced by Hollywood Westerns,giving the “sibling” nations striking
similarities in their outlaw portrayals. For a more complete analysis, see McFarlene’s “Ned Kelly Rides Again” and
Eisenberg’s “Shooting Cinematic Outlaws.”

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and suffered great legal persecution by Union officers, as he was a Confederate and a thorough
Southern sympathizer (Jones and Wills 2009). His female relations were harassed and
imprisoned for much the same reasons as Kelly’s were, and his brother was also the subject of
legal persecution (Jones and Wills 2009). James also took to the same criminal measures as
Kelly, joining a guerrilla army which eventually developed into the James Gang; the group was
dedicated to robbing banks and hijacking trains, but was sensationalized by the papers as
successors of the highwayman tradition (Jones and Wills 2009). While James was popular in the
west, he was not received so well in the east, which was majority Union-sympathetic. The west
identified with his plight, however, as most of the population had suffered harsh treatment by
Union soldiers as a punishment for their actions in the Civil War (Jones and Wills 2009).
Although James and his people were not persecuted on an ethnic basis like the Kelly Gang, they
possessed intimate knowledge of being in the position of the downtrodden and socially wronged.
Jones and Wills perfectly sum up James’ relation with the post-war South: “He reflected the
problems of a post-war Missouri, bankrupt, corrupt and struggling. True to Western tradition,
vigilante justice seemed to be more capable than newly arrived law officials from the North. The
unfolding James legend reflected a desire for protest against the new South” (2009: 249).
Except for geographic variations, this quote could apply exactly to Kelly and his purposes
for the outlaw lifestyle. If these men were so similar, then, why is Kelly elevated to the ranks of
national hero, whilst Jesse James is more of a popular culture ideal? By analyzing David
Campbell’s “Kelly Country” in light of these historical factors, one can draw conclusions about
Kelly’s critical renown.
KELLY COUNTRY

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Campbell’s poem is divided into six separate sections, all of which are connected by
underlying themes as opposed to a strict chronological order. The first and last stanzas of
Section I (“Power’s Lookout”) are entirely void of temporal indicators; they could easily have
taken place before the birth of Kelly or decades after his execution. In fact, it is hinted that the
poem fluctuates throughout time, as the concluding stanza of Section I reads “Make love not
war./Beyond the polished tourist rail/A young man lies beside his girl” (18-20). There would be
little reason for a “tourist rail” to be in place at the time of Kelly’s crimes, as he was not fully
immortalized until after his death; it would be more socially acceptable for locations that he had
visited to be designated as tourist sites postmortem. “Make love not war” was also a popular
saying of American hippies during the 1960’s and would not yet have existed in 1800’s
Australia. This flexibility of time creates the effect of Kelly defying imprisonment within a
particular time or genre, as his presence exists within the past and the then-future.14 While James
is well-known in American culture, he tends to remain confined to the Western genre, which
evokes a specific time and place within the country’s history (Jones and Wills 2009). This
popularity within his niche has led James to become a well-known but highly limited topic,
unlike Kelly, who can be examined through the lenses of genre, social reform or Australian
aesthetics.
“Kelly Country” utilizes ample amounts of natural imagery, a common trope in
Australian poetry, as the bush was highly exotic, and even dangerous, to the first Englishmen
who explored it. In the poem, however, the typical foreign quality of the landscape is
significantly downplayed, void of words commonly applied to animals and plants in the
Australian vernacular with the exception of “bush.” This removal of the alien creates a sense of
14 Campbell’s poem was published in 1974.

19. Burke 18
familiarity within the reader. English-speaking audiences anywhere could read the poem and
only have an indication of its setting due to the naming of specific towns, creating a unique
universality which is absent in the James tradition. Depicting Australia as less foreign and more
familiar intimately ties Kelly to the land itself. He is thus transfigured from an Australian outlaw
into the spirit of Australia itself – tough and imposing but recognizable and experienced by all.
This distinctive interplay of Kelly as universal yet irrevocably Australian allows his importance
to travel outside the country while fostering national spirit within it.
Sections III and IV of the poem “The Eleven Mile Creek” and “Kelly’s Tree: Stringybark
Creek” respectfully) enforce this theme most concretely. Section III describes the Kelly
residence as “Two chimneys of apricot/At the Eleven Mile the Kellys built” (3-4), painting the
image of the family as cultivators and shapers of the land. The family quite literally transformed
the land around them and left their mark on it by constructing their dwelling place, representative
of their influence upon the public sphere. It was not just one Kelly who contributed to the famed
historical events, but was rather a chain reaction balancing on the links between relations. Kelly
was always immersed in crime, but many believe that it was the violation of his kin that
solidified his determination to reshape society (Seal 2011).
The concluding line of Section III describes the dwelling of the Kellys as “A country rich
in poverty” (15). This statement is so encompassing that it identifies the entire country as
corrupt and unbalanced, with a significant amount of the population suffering while a minority
lives in opulence. One reason for Kelly’s eager reception during his heyday, then, would be a
question of numbers: if the majority of the population would benefit from Kelly’s actions and
desired reforms, then it would make more sense for them to support him as opposed to those in
power. In America, however, the situation was not as clear-cut, as the Civil War had led to a

20. Burke 19
divide between the North and the South. This is a more equivalent division, and while the North
was responsible for punishing the South with harsh measures, there was a bigger base of
Northerners who would back this oppression. Kelly had the masses on his side, while American
masses were more divided on the reception of James (Jones and Wills 2009).
Section IV describes the shooting at Stringybark Creek through the point of view of
wildlife within the creek itself. The fact that the title contains the phrase “Kelly’s Tree” is
indicative of his tie to the land, perhaps hinting that he is more deserving of dominion than the
forces in power that actively oppress him. Kelly’s connection to the land is what allowed him to
evade capture for so long, and his skills were so developed that only Aboriginals could ever track
him through the bush (McGrath 2012). If the land is seen as belonging to and acting in
cooperation with Kelly, then Kelly’s leadership ideals are not only superior to and more
inherently Australian than the “foreign” British supporters’ methods, but are quite literally the
“natural” way for society to function. Lines 11 and 12 further enforce the landscape’s alignment
with Kelly: “The whip-bird cracks a rifle shot/And twice his mate replies in kind.” Nature is
imitating the works of Kelly, who has just shot officer Lonigan dead at the Creek. By mirroring
Kelly’s deeds, the natural world can be seen as validating the outlaw’s actions, as these birds are
spreading knowledge of what has occurred through their imitation. One can read this as a form of
heroic praise, with the true spirit of Australia rooting for Kelly.15
Section V, titled “Glenrowan,” moves away from the natural aspect of Kelly and focuses
on the brutality of those who opposed him. Once again slipping through time into a more
futuristic setting, the section describes the desolate state which the titular town has been left.
15 Interestingly enough, Ned Kelly later gained popular appeal with the Aboriginal peoples, because they viewed
him as a fellow victim of British imperialism who was not as disrespectfulto their people and their way of life.
Historical records even state that Kelly learned the art of navigating the bush from a nearby Aboriginal tribe, and
these skills made them far more fearsome to him than any white police officer (McGrath 2012).

21. Burke 20
The first verse describes the location of the burnt down hotel where Kelly hosted his last public
performance, noting that near the destruction there is “A roadsign [that] says Police” (4).
Standing so close to the locus of devastation, the sign shamelessly points towards the harshest
aggressors in the situation: those who were ideally supposed to protect the civilians’ lives. As
stated earlier, it was the police, not the Kelly gang, who were responsible for shooting the
civilians at the siege of Glenrowan, just as it was the police who sacked and burnt “Mrs. Jones’
hotel” (2).16 As time moves on, the scene does not seem to improve, as “a dump for cars” joins
the charred remains of the hotel (5). By preserving the scene as an epicenter of ruin, the poem
implies that the damage caused by the corrupt persons in power can never truly be rectified, and
will continue on throughout the years. This underlying political note is what gives Kelly
relevance to the modern audience, as they can rally around him to work for social change which
would reduce harm by authority and uplift those struggling under the current system. The
government sealed its role as unjust executioner when they hung Kelly despite popular appeal
and pleas for his life by a majority of the public.
The government, however, was not directly responsible for the death of Jesse James.
Even though they were responsible for putting a bounty on his head, it was a friend and former
confidant of James’, Robert Ford, who shot and killed the popular outlaw; he was lured by the
promise of reward, which he was mostly denied, before being murdered in vengeance by another
friend of James’ months later (Jones and Wills 2009). While ironic and perhaps tragic, James’
death has a certain finality about it: he leaves us with neither chilling last words nor a biting
manifesto. On the other hand, by associating Kelly with lasting and continuous damage, the
poem frames the struggle between oppressors and oppressed as never-ending. It continues on in
16 This action becomes considerably crueler when one notes that Mrs. Jones probably had very little choice but to
cooperate with the outlaws (McDermott 2002).

22. Burke 21
the modern half of the stanza, implying that such practices continue on with different external
presentations. By making the same issues relevant today, persons can rally around Kelly as a
hero against unjust systems, keeping his legend, and thus his social importance, alive.
The last stanza of Section VI (“If It Moves”) perhaps illustrates the corruption of
government structures most poignantly: “If I’d my way/I’d shoot or hang/All thinking
men/While they are young” (21-24). The speaker of these lines is never named, though one can
infer that it comes from an authority figure, as Kelly’s hanging has just been described. Unlike
the previous stanza set specifically during the execution, however, this stanza is not anchored in
time, leaving the exact moment it was spoken up to reader interpretation. Did the official speak
these words as Kelly was being executed, or is this an official speaking from the future? By
leaving these lines ambiguous to historicizing, Campbell invites the reader to apply the same
principle both in the past an in the future. Unless the Kellys of the world succeed in their
missions, then those in power will continue to oppress and undermine those who would oppose
them. Such subjugation has been witnessed from African warlords to Nazi Germany to the rule
of North Korea, and unless someone defies the law, history will continue to repeat itself.
While not directly presented in the poem, Kelly quite literally continues to call modern
audiences into action through the preservation of his earlier mentioned “Jerilderie Letters.” In
this manuscript, Kelly called for a vast social reform, which some scholars have even speculated
would transform the Victoria region into a republic independent of control from the British
Crown (McDermott 2002). He called for the better treatment of free selectors, those of Irish
descent, widows, orphans, and the impoverished, accusing the police force of systematically
mistreating these vulnerable groups (McDermott 2002). Kelly also sought to justify himself and
his actions through these letters, narrating the story of his life because his enemies had spread

23. Burke 22
many rumors about his family and his upbringing, most of which were not favorable for public
reception (McDermott 2002). Most of all, the letters serve as a plea for the audience to
understand the drastic actions Kelly was forced to take. As an archetypal outlaw, he would not
have resorted to murder if such a course was at all evitable; it was the system and its enforcers
which left him no choice but to lash out to save himself and his family (McDermott 2002).17
James wrote several letters to the paper asserting his innocence and expressing his political views
much like Kelly, yet his message was not quite as revolutionary. James desired for the South to
return to its pre-Civil War glory, which was a sentiment commonly held by Southerners at the
time (Jones and Wills 2009). Kelly’s radical call to begin an independent republic would have
been far more shocking to the British authorities, as they had already suffered the loss of their
former colonies in America. The “Jerilderie Letters,” perhaps, raise so much interest because
they portray a radically different vision of the ways that Australia could have progressed as a
country.
THE WILD COLONIAL BOY
Another poem which cannot be left out of any analysis on the permanence of Australian
outlaw worship is “The Wild Colonial Boy,” which was penned by an anonymous author in
1881.18 Many sources imply that Ned Kelly was familiar with some version of the tune; the
exact scope of its impact upon his later career is unknown, but it would have been a prominent
cultural phenomenon during his upbringing (Hughes 1986).19 “The Wild Colonial Boy” details
the life and capture of Jack Doolan, which is believed to be variation of the earlier discussed
17 Kelly, however, did not considerthe killing of the police force as murder, instead presenting it as both self-
defense and “killing his natural enemies” (McDermott 2002: 259).
18 Though this is just one of many versions; the poem has been reworked so many different ways it is nearly
impossible to chart all the different variations of the John Donohue tale (Hughes 1986).
19 The connection is so prevalent in modern film adaptations ofthe Kelly story,in fact, that most of them feature
Kelly singing the poem (McFarlane 2006).

24. Burke 23
John Donohue. While this poem is also widely regarded as a beloved folk song, its true impact
upon the culture is not one of content, but of portrayal. Earlier outlaw verses with a distinctly
British flavor20 served as cautionary tales, whereas “The Wild Colonial Boy” openly praises the
exploits and aesthetic of Jack Doolan. The poem begins by lauding Doolan’s lineage as
respectable: “Of poor but honest parents he was born in Castlemain/He was his father’s only
hope, his mother’s only joy,/And dearly did they love the wild Colonial boy” (2-4). Unlike the
earlier cautionary ballads, Doolan is not the product of bad stock; he is of fundamentally good
blood and is thus ultimately a moral character himself (Hughes 1986). His upbringing was warm
and loving, not serving to corrupt his character like the highwaymen of British verse. This setup
of a tightly-knit family reflects the disheartening exportation of the historical John Donohue,
who was sent to a foreign continent against his will and forever removed from his grief-stricken
parents (Hughes 1986). In light of this historical context, the powerful oppressors are framed as
the true villains early on in the poem, albeit in a subtle manner.
The next stanza is narrated from Doolan’s point of view, and it outlines the deeds which
the hero and his band will engage in: “Together we will plunder, together we will die” (6). While
such a course of action may initially appear objectionable, the poem is quick to clarify Doolan’s
true character: “We’ll wander over valleys, and gallop over plains,/And we’ll scorn to live in
slavery, bound down with iron chains” (7-8). Doolan is not a petty criminal who delights in
robbery and death, but is a young man who has been forced into outlawry by oppressive societal
norms. The iron chains probably relates to the harsh mining conditions in the Blue Mountains,
which prompted large numbers of convicts to abscond; for many, even death was a gentler
punishment than this life of inhumane labor (Hughes 1986). Many of the Irish prisoners were
20 Widely known as “border ballads.” For more information, see Soodalter (2004).

25. Burke 24
imported into the country against their will, turning them, for all intents and purposes, into literal
slaves (Hughes 1986).
Doolan is not entirely without his scruples as to who he targets, however: “He robbed
those wealthy squatters, their stock he did destroy” (11). Like a true outlaw hero, Doolan
aggrieved those whom the oppressed would perceive as “deserving” of such a punishment.
Many of the impoverished free-selectors were disadvantaged by squatters who circumvented the
legal system to procure the best swathes of land for themselves (Hughes 1986). Doolan was not
the first to rebuff the system, and his rejection becomes a form of reaction against those who
have already committed the greater evil. He was also an honorable young man, who employed a
strict code of morals when going about his crimes. For example, when he robs the corrupt Judge
MacEvoy, he does not use physical violence against the man, simply taking the desired gold and
leaving the Judge be with a warning for the future: “… and told him to beware,/That he’d never
rob a hearty chap that acted on the square” (17-18). The outlaw is thus presented as a
reformative figure, who lets the offender off with a warning in the hopes that the man will
change himself for the better. Doolan also avoids harming vulnerable populations, especially
women and children: “Never to rob a mother of her son and only joy” (19). Unlike the
cautionary ballads, Doolan does not have to wait until the brink of death to learn a valuable
lesson, as he has already come to the conclusion that he must not harm a person the same way his
beloved mother was harmed. He thus refuses to worsen the condition of society by contributing
to the cycle of violence.
Doolan’s demise is also a great deal more dignified than previous examples given in the
outlaw genre up until that point in time. He expresses no regrets at his encroaching death, and
goes down fighting, killing one of his assailants and wounding another (24-32). It is the men of

26. Burke 25
the law who are presented as the aggressors in the scenario, as they track Doolan down for the
sole purpose of capture, intruding on his territory and thus setting into motion the bloody chain
of events which followed. At the time of the first attack, Doolan is described as “A-listening to
the little birds, their pleasant laughing song” (21). In this line, Doolan is both highly vulnerable
and the picture of innocence; instead of attacking a dangerous man, the trackers are framed as
inciting violence against a peaceful, nearly childlike revolutionary. Perhaps if these men had not
been so eager to obtain “justice,” then the deaths could have been avoided and the meaningless
damage left undone. Instead of glorifying those who brought the outlaw to justice, as earlier
ballads did, this poem frames them as ruffians who seek out conflict merely on a whim. Such
characterization does not highlight social systems positively, and instead of praising the
normative value system, “The Wild Colonial Boy” admonishes it.
“The Wild Colonial Boy” is not so influentially famous for its form and content, which
have been replicated many times since the poem’s inception. Rather, it was so deeply influential
in Australian culture because of its innovation. By shifting the outlaw to the position of hero, the
poem generates a new form allowing the common person to openly speak out against an
oppressive legal system. While this shift may be something a modern, Western audience takes
for granted, it would have been significantly radical at the time, as rules were set forth by the
Crown. Historically, the Crown was considered in league with and instrumental to God’s will on
earth, and most persons in the English-speaking tradition were of a Christian descent, which they
took seriously; thus, it was unlikely that many people would consider speaking out for fear of
insulting God, even if they disagreed with the policies of the secular ruler (Hughes 1986). Such
boldness on Doolan’s part indicates a growing sense of autonomy within the oppressed
populations, many of whom doubted that the punishment doled out by the rulers was in line with

27. Burke 26
divine will at all; hence the vast number of Irish absconders who viewed their escape into a
(mostly imagined) Paradise as ultimate liberation from their overlords (Hughes 1986). It also
indicates the development of a distinctly Australian tradition, which is related to but separate
from its “parent” British tradition. The outlaw figure allows generations of future Australians to
realize their own culture as distinct, not merely an offshoot or vestige of the British tradition.
Framing the outlaw as a bringer of autonomy was even more significant in the Australian
tradition than it was in the American tradition. Because Australia was founded as a penal
colony, a majority of the persons within the land could personally relate to this new wave of
ballads. This tradition had the potential to challenge the ways in which society viewed these
convicts and the ways in which the convicts viewed themselves. By realizing that a system
which gives rise to the need for such illicit conditions must be ultimately flawed, the convicts
could begin to formulate solutions for the wider societal problems; Ned Kelly is perhaps the best
example of this shift in his “Jerilderie Letters.” America, on the other hand, was not founded by
criminals, but by law-abiding merchants and settlers for the purpose of colonization and
gathering of natural resources. Unlike Australia, one of its primary factors for inception was not
the isolation of criminals from a wider population, and the original settlers were not imported
against their will (Hughes 1986).21 Thus, America would already have a greater sense of
autonomy, which would make the figure of the outlaw inspiring but less striking.
“SONNETS TO BE WRITTEN FROM PRISON”
As “The Wild Colonial Boy” is renowned because it crystalizes a shift in major literary
traditions and a reshaping of public opinion, it is by no means the final step in this evolutionary
21 Unless one considers the slaves brought in from Africa; these people, however, were not counted as citizens and
were thus not usually factored into the demographics of colonial America.

28. Burke 27
process. The outlaw tradition in Australia is continuing to develop to this day, both
conventionally and in ways which appear to be at odds with this well-established convention. A
primary example of this shift can be witnessed in internationally famous poet Robert Adamson’s
“Sonnets to be Written from Prison,” in which an outlaw reflects on his current predicament –
incarceration. Adamson does not present his outlaw as a rowdy freedom fighter; rather, he
works through the bizarre situation of being held against one’s will and the psychological
consequences of such a way of life. These six sonnets are so remarkable due to their unique
inspiration – Adamson’s real-life incarceration (2015).
Perhaps no one is better qualified to write about an outlaw than an outlaw himself. Like
traditional outlaws, Adamson took up criminal activity at a young age, stealing the rarest Bird of
Paradise from the Taronga Zoo at the ripe age of eleven (Adamson 2015). Throughout his teens,
he was in and out of the juvenile justice system for multiple cases of burglary, and was subjected
to some of Australia’s harshest correctional facilities. Despite being brought up in the rich
outlaw culture of Australia22, he never admired these figures aside from an interest in Hollywood
movies, as his pacifist nature made many of these men and women’s brutal tendencies quite
shocking to him. Even under situations of great injustice and wrongdoing, Adamson never
advocated violent means to eliminate problems (Adamson 2015). Obviously, he is quite unlike
the traditional outlaw, which is a fascinating point to be considered later on.
The voice of the disillusioned outlaw rings clear through Adamson’s six prison sonnets.
Sonnet number one opens with “O to be “in the news” again - now as fashion runs/everything
22 Adamson’s father, who was Irish Catholic, was fond of the Ned Kelly legend and would frequently sing songs
about the renowned outlaw; even then Adamson never admired Kelly or otherfamous outlaws because their violent
lives always ended in premature death (Adamson 2015). He did, however, acknowledge that Kelly did legitimately
suffer from heavy discrimination against the Irish and even stated that had Kelly refrained from a life of
bushranging,he could have been a brilliant poet due to the beauty and complexity he exhibited in the “Jerilderie
Letters.”

29. Burke 28
would go for “prison sonnets”: I’d be on my own” (1-2). The world-weary speaker reflects on
the tendency for the news to sensationalize the deeds of outlaws, turning crimes into a means of
public entertainment and gossip. This painful sense of self-realization is voiced in the following
lines: “I could once more, go out with pale skin/From my veritable dank cell – the sufferer,
poking fun/at myself in form, with a slightly twisted tone” (3-5). These lines comment on the
potential danger of glorifying the deeds of an outlaw, even one who might seem justified by
fighting in the name of the greater good. If all crimes are normalized and become nothing more
than a spectacle, then there is no need to sequester the criminal as a danger to society. As the
watered-down version of criminal as entertainer posits, then there is no stigma to wrongdoing; it
becomes a “laughing matter” of sorts in which the speaker literally mocks himself through the
poems, and the general public laughs along.
Sonnet number two is focused on the necessary elements which foster the growth of this
unhealthy tradition. Sensationalizing crime is an ineffective method of solving the underlying
cause of the actions. The victims of the crimes are not helped to recover, even if they are pitied,
as the general public is too preoccupied wondering what the outlaw will do next. It is this media
exposure and public curiosity that feeds the outlaw craze, which cannot continue to grow without
the aforementioned factors: “Once more, almost a joke - this most serious endeavor/is too
intense: imagine a solitary typewriter? Somehow fashion runs its course -” (1-3). When
outlawry once again becomes unfashionable, then what will be left of the tradition? Only people
whose voices are still not heard, destruction that has yet to be repaired, and legal officials who
are more willing to oppress their followers for fear of a future uprising.
The corrupt justice system is mocked throughout all of the sonnets, yet the speaker never
proposes violence as a legitimate means of solving this ill. For example, sonnet number two’s

30. Burke 29
“Your Honour, please -/bring me to my senses” perfectly captures the ridiculousness of some
methods of administering justice (10-11). While the poem clearly advocates a need for reform of
the justice system, it suggests a different means: “bringing poetry and lawbreaking into serious
interplay” (6). If a dialogue is opened between the oppressor and the oppressed, then change and
compromise become possible. This type of action is a viable solution to the actual underlying
problem, which the speaker believes earlier acts of defiance against the law did not truly support.
The deeds of famous outlaws managed to bring the issues to light through an extreme form of
protest, but they ultimately did not resolve anything after the outlaws’ deaths. Even with popular
support on the side of the protestor, no negotiating was seriously carried out between the
disadvantaged and the empowered. The goal of poetry (and other communicative arts) is thus to
enlighten those in power; it persistently sends the message that the masses have something that
they need to say, and that they cannot be silenced forever. If this exchange is not taken seriously,
then criminal issues will only continue to occur and nothing will be resolved: “So the myth
continues, growing/fat and dangerous on a thousand impractical intuitions” (10).
Adamson debunks the glory of the outlaw tradition while operating within the very same
tradition, demonstrating that this ages-old form of absolving social ills needs to be phased out.
Violence, even if undertaken with the best of intentions, can only inspire further violence;
disasters will continue on repeat unless halted by a drastically different plan of action. The
sorrowful and cynical tone of the incarcerated outlaw in these six sonnets also highlights other
pitfalls within the outlaw tradition, as they focus on glorifying the rebellious ways of the outlaw
without illustrating ways in which these men and women were very much human. Making a god
out of mortals runs the risk of making them infallible objects of worship which no longer serve
their original purpose - questioning the way society works while striving to improve its

31. Burke 30
downfalls. The need for social regeneration should be at the center of the outlaw tradition, not
the mythologizing of their lives and criminal actions. This is the new social conscience that the
next generation must inhabit, as the time of violent protest has come and gone.
As a figure entrenched in the very core of human culture itself, it is unlikely that the
outlaw hero will ever completely die out. While the history of the tradition has shown
significant shifts, such as the outlaw becoming a symbol of freedom as opposed to a
representative of the necessity for repentance, the general traits of these men and women have
remained consistent. Adamson presents an outlaw who is both identical to, yet divergent from,
the illustrious outlaws of the past. These persons protest unjust systems, yet violence has been
largely taken out of the equation. We are in a state of increasing globalization, rapidly
connecting humanity in ways never before witnessed while raising new questions about power,
morality, and justice. Will the “outlaws” of the future conform to the blueprint, fighting for
liberation with violence which they believe is ultimately justified by their noble goals? Or will
these men and women follow Adamson’s way, and partake in vigorous yet nonviolent protests,
aiming to heal society by bringing the people and the government into dialogue? Perhaps it is
time for the outlaw tradition to travel a less-beaten path and once again become a symbol of
innovation and social change.
REFERENCES
Adamson, Robert. Personal interview. 17 March 2015.
Adamson, Robert. “Sonnets to be Written in Prison.” The Literature of Australia. Ed. Nicholas
Jose. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2009. 1036-38. Print.

32. Burke 31
Bemrose, John. “Dialogue with a desperado.” Maclean's 114.13 Mar. 2001: 48-50. Academic
Search Complete. Web. 3 May 3, 2015.
Campbell, David. “Kelly Country.” The Literature of Australia. Ed. Nicholas Jose. New York:
W.W. Norton & Company, 2009. 602-5. Print.
Eggert, Paul. “The Bushranger's Voice: Peter Carey's "True History of the Kelly Gang" (2000)
and Ned Kelly's "Jerilderie Letter" (1879).” College Literature 34.3 Summer2007: 120-
139. Academic Search Complete. Web. 3 May 3, 2015.
Eisenberg, Daniel. “Shooting cinematic outlaws: Ned Kelly and Jesse James as viewed through
film.” Studies in Australasian Cinema 5.2 May 2011: 145-54. Art Full Text. Web. 3 May
2015.
Hughes, Robert. The Fatal Shore. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1986. Print.
Jones, Karen R. and Wills, John. American West : Competing Visions. Edinburgh : Edinburgh
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McFarlane, Brian. “NED KELLY RIDES AGAIN … AGAIN AND AGAIN.” Screen Education
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33. Burke 32
National Museum of Australia: Jerilderie Letter. National Museum of Australia (n.p.), 2003-
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Subversive Voices. Oxford: Reimagining Ireland, 2012. eBook Collection. Web. 3 May
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Seal, Graham. Outlaw Heroes in Myth and History. London : Anthem Press, 2011. eBook
Collection. Web. 3 May 2015.
Soodalter, Ron. “Poor Boy, You’re BOUND TO DIE.” American History 48.6 Feb. 2004: 36-41.
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