1. HOW THE CONTEST RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE MEDIA AND POLITICIANS
CREATED SPIN DOCTORS
Kayla Lardner
Politics and the Media
March 3rd, 2016
Spin, now deeply ingrained in our political consciousness, developed from an adversarial
relationship between the media and politics. According to Kevin Moloney, the relationship
between media and politics can either be an exchange or a contest. This relationship centers “on

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the value of information and of favourable publicity… The exchange relationship can be
characterized as a voluntary contractual one because it mimics a market relationship in which
information supplied by government is freely swapped for publicity supplied by journalists at the
price where both sides gain equal satisfaction.”1 This open trade agreement breeds a positive
relationship between the two parties, however, “the contest relationship can be categorized as
non-market because government is not supplying information but it is hoarding it away from the
market with the journalists.”2 When one party denies the other the benefits they are due in the
exchange relationship, the other has no choice but to do the same or succumb to complete
domination.
This is what happened beginning in 1979 with what Oborne and Moloney call the rise of
the Media Class. This period, from 1979 to 1984, saw a new class of media with, “better
educated journalists than the previous generations; less deferential to politicians; and most
crucially, given to comment rather than reportage.”3 Thus, with a more adversarial media became
a more adversarial relationship between that media and the politicians. The new contest
relationship , “does not preclude severe criticism of the former by the latter, nor the more routine
monitoring of political power implied by the ‘fourth estate’ watch-dog role.”4 The power of the
media as a watchdog and a deciding factor in campaign came to a head in 1987. According to
Garnett and Lynch, “In the general elections of 1979, 1983 and 1987 Labour faced a hostile
press, and on each occasion it lost heavily.”5 This is where spin begins. Greenslade finds that,
“the underlying reason for Labour’s aggressive press strategy [is] a response to the way Neil
1
Kevin Moloney, “The rise and fall of spin: Changes of fashion in the presentation of UK
politics,” Journal of Public Affairs 12 (2001): 130.
2
Moloney, “The rise and fall of spin” 130.
3
Moloney, “The rise and fall of spin” 128.
4
Brian McNair, An Introduction to Political Communication. (London: Routledge, 2003). 136.
5
Mark Garnett and Philip Lynch, Exploring British Politics (Harlow: Pearson Education, 2012).
100.

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Kinnock was treated by the right-wing newspapers in his last years as Labour leader.”6 For years,
he was deliberately and brutally attacked by the media. “A sample of the many headlines… give
you some idea of the ferocity of the attacks: ‘Road to ruin with Kinnock’ and ‘Who do you think
you are kidding Mr Kinnock?’”7 Greenslade also quotes Alastair Campbell as “remarking years
later that the virulent attacks on Kinnock were ‘bound to have an effect on the way politics was
perceived during those years and which people are actually making up their minds.”
But Spin Doctor Campbell was not about to let another leader fall under the weight of the
Media Class. The term Spin Doctor was first used by the New York Times editorial board to
describe, “a dozen men in good suits and women in silk dresses [who] will circulate smoothly
among the reporters, spouting confident opinions. They won’t just be press agents trying to
impart a favorable spin to a routine release. They’ll be Spin Doctors.”8 Though this was the first
mention of the specific terminology, the addition that, “how well [the Spin Doctors] do their
work will be just as important as how well the candidates do theirs,” solidified the inherent
power of the new phrase.9 As the Media Class rose, growing in numbers and strength, their
training “‘to put a slant on the news rather than merely report’ [and] this search for a news ‘slant’
was the demand to which spin was the reply.”10 Thus, it is the growth of media which had
produced spin and spin doctors. McNair concludes that “media’s heightened role in the conduct
of political discourse has become apparent, the twentieth century witnessed the birth and rapid
growth of a new profession… incorporating public relations, advertising, and marketing, stand
between the politician and the media.”11
6
Roy Greenslade, “Spin the beginning,” The Guardian, June 24, 2002.
7
Greenslade, “Spin the beginning”
8
“The Debate and the Spin Doctors,” New York Times, October 21, 1984.
9
“The Debate and the Spin Doctors”
10
Moloney, “The rise and fall of spin” 128.
11
McNair, Intro to Political Communication 133.

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According to Garnett and Lynch, after the destruction of Kinnock, “Following the rise of
Tony Blair and the election of Labour to government, the most famous (and infamous) of these
became Alastair Campbell. [He] seduced, cajoled, harassed and intimidated the media from
behind the scenes into giving his leader the best possible coverage in any given circumstance.”12
Another prominent Spin Doctor, who was also “an important player in the maneuvers leading up
to [Blair as Labour leader] was Peter Mandelson, a former TV producer who had helped in
Labour’s rebranding after 1987. Mandelson was regarded as the archetype of a spin doctor.” The
pair formed an alliance, and a lasting impact on the media and the public. According to McNair,
“Together with Alastair Campbell, [Peter Mandelson] insisted slurs were rebutted and retractions
given. The right-wing media soon discovered they were being matched and criticisms of ‘New
Labour spin’ became commonplace.”13
Every step forward for New Labour meant a step or two backwards for the relationship
between the media and politicians. As professional spin doctors grew in power, the media began
to feel their influence draining. McNair notes that “Journalists [became] aware of the efforts
made to influence their coverage, and include analysis of these efforts as part of their reportage.
Political journalism as a results, is increasingly focused on matters of process rather than policy,
on the hidden meanings behind the surface appearance of political events.”14 This pushback from
the media is where spin became, not just ingrained in our cultural dictionary, but this is also
where spin gets a starkly negative connotation. Yet, despite the media’s unrest with the growth
of spin, Spin Doctors like Campbell began to grow in use and in power. Bill Jones and Philip
Norton argue that “for all its expertise, [Tony] Blair’s operation lacked subtlety. Campbell
acquired too high a profile as the demonic ‘spinner’... The association of New Labour with ‘spin’
12
McNair, Intro to Political Communication 147.
13
Bill Jones and Philip Norton, Politics UK (Harlow: Pearson Education, 2010) 147.
14
McNair, Intro to Political Communication 144.

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was compounded.”15 Garnett and Lynch take his title even further, saying that “Campbell was so
close to Blair that some people regarded him as the real ‘Deputy Prime Minister.’ Unusually,
although he was not a civil servant himself, he was given authority over officials.”16 His
increasing power further cemented the negative, all-powerful connotations of the term Spin
Doctor. This negativity created a chain reaction, building upon the negativity from the media.
Spin was not just biased, but it began to represent the untrustworthy political process, demeaning
politicians and victimizing the media. Garnett and Lynch fear that Campbell’s popularity was his
downfall, stating that, “One problem with Campbell’s approach was that over time he became a
subject of media interest in his own right, even though he made it a rule that spin doctors should
never become a part of a story. In a sense, his prominence was an important service to the
government… but his iron grip on official information led to allegations that Britain was
governed by ‘control freaks.’”17
Thus, with the inherently negative implications of Spin Doctors and the growing
animosity from the media, how effective are Spin Doctors? The purpose of the Spin Doctor and
media management is to send out the perfect message without fear of media distortion. But, this
doctoring of the message makes the messages and the politicians inauthentic. McNair cites that
spin mediated political communication “has one fundamental weakness as a form of political
communication. To the receiver of the messages it is perceived as being, if not necessarily
‘propaganda’ (in the negative sense of that term), then ‘biased’ and partial.”18 The view the
media has of spin has spilled over into the public’s consciousness, and thus, “regardless of
whether or not the audience agrees or disagrees with the message being advertised, he or she is
15
Jones and Norton, Politics UK
16
Garnett and Lynch, Exploring British Politics 103.
17
Garnett and Lynch, Exploring British Politics 104.
18
McNair, Intro to Political Communication 130.

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aware that it is a politically loaded message, reflecting the interests, ideas and values of the
sponsor. For this reason, the effectiveness of political advertising as a means of persuasion will
always be limited.”19
Truthfully, spin did work. As it rose in popularity and professionalism, Garnett and
Lynch found that“New Labour strategists had considerable success in courting the press. At the
1992 elections, only the Daily Mirror and The Guardian had been firm Labour supporters; most
other daily newspapers backed the Conservatives. By polling day in 1997, the Daily Star, The
Independent and, most significantly, The Sun had moved into the Labour camp.”20 Yet, as
Campbell rose in power and the New Labour name was marred by the negativity associated with
spin, Spin Doctors began to do more damage than good. “Ulterior motives began to be detected
behind every official announcement. Whatever their personal feelings about New Labour, many
journalists felt that their profession was under attack. It was thus a matter of professional pride to
cause the government as much trouble as possible.”21 Spin was cemented with New Labour, and,
thus, everything Labour said was double-checked for bias or falsities. “It can be argued, indeed,
that far from helping the government to fulfill a constructive mission, the obsession with ‘spin’
presented the greatest threat to its popularity. it provided a unifying target for people who had
become alienated from Labour for a variety of reasons.”22
If my argument that Spin Doctors and spin have done more harm than good by
weakening the relationship between media and politicians and between politicians and the public
is to be believed, then what is the future of spin? “It is arguable that UK politicians will instruct
their spinners to move away from an aggressive style of presentation… but how to present
19
McNair, Intro to Political Communication 130.
20
Garnett and Lynch, Exploring British Politics 101.
21
Garnett and Lynch, Exploring British Politics 104.
22
Garnett and Lynch, Exploring British Politics 104.

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[without spin]?... ‘Spin is just managing the media. You’d be daft not to,’” argues Moloney23.
Thus, there will be a decline in aggressive spin and Spin Doctors. In order to regain the trust of
the public and of the media, there has to be. That being said, in order to improve the relationship
between the media, which played a major role in breeding spin, and the politicians which placed
such a heavy emphasis on Spin Doctors, the abolition of spin needs to be accompanied by the
abolition of slant.
Bibliography:
Garnett, Mark and Philip Lynch, Exploring British Politics Harlow: Pearson Education, 2012
Greenslade, Roy, “Spin the beginning,” The Guardian, June 24, 2002.
Jones, Bill and Philip Norton, Politics UK Harlow: Pearson Education, 2010.
McNair, Brian An Introduction to Political Communication. London: Routledge, 2003.
23
Moloney, “The rise and fall of spin” 133.

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Moloney, Kevin “The rise and fall of spin: Changes of fashion in the presentation of UK
politics,” Journal of Public Affairs 12 (2001): 130.
“The Debate and the Spin Doctors,” New York Times, October 21, 1984.