Lec. 3 inscribing and printing tipitaka in thailand.
South East Asian art paper
1. ESSAY QUESTION
To what extent did early Southeast Asian artists transform the aesthetic style and
iconography introduced with Hinduism and Buddhism from India?
Discuss with reference to Khmer, Javanese or Pagan period art.
2. This paper will examine the similarities between the Mahabodhi Temple in Pagan, its
architecture, artworks, statues and reliefs, and that of the original Mahabodhi Temple
at Bihar in India. A brief glimpse of other temples at Pagan during this time will
provide a comparative model on which to base normative practices at the time of the
Mahabodhi temple construction at Pagan. Mural paintings from the same time period
will also reveal what effect Indic imagery had on the depiction of Buddhist scenes at
Pagan. Furthermore, a religious analysis will establish Buddhist practices in Pagan at
the height of its empire, and how these evolved as a result of Indic influences. As this
paper will fundamentally be concentrating on the aesthetic stylings of the replicated
Mahabodhi temple, from here on out the Mahabodhi temple at Bihar shall be referred
to as the ‘Bihar temple’, and the Mahabodhi temple of Pagan will be referred to as the
‘Pagan Temple’ (Fig.1). What will become most evident is that influences between
these two countries flowed both ways, and practices from one region can be seen to
influence the other, and vice versa.
Pre-Pagan Burma was made up of the Mon and the Pyu people (Fig.2). The Pyu
inhabited Burma around the 2nd
century B.C., and their kingdoms existed until the 10th
century when the Pagan Empire took hold.1
The Pyu originate from Tibet, coming to
Burma from the North.2
Arguably, the Pyu people had a strong influence on the
indigenous practices in the communities close to Pagan, most likely due to proximity.
Pagan’s cosmopolitan nature is evident in the inscriptions found there in the early 12th
century, which depict the scripts of the Mon, Pyu, Pali and Burmese languages.3
1
Thanegi M, Myan architecture, 2005, Marshall Cavendish International (Asia) Private limited, pg.12.
2
Fraser-Lu S, Burmese Crafts: Past and present, 1994, Oxford university press Kuala Lumpur, pg.10.
3
Strachan P, Pagan art and architecture, 1989, Kiscadale Publications Scotland, pg.9.
3. The artworks and architecture are also representative of the Mon, Pyu and Burmese
cultures at this time.4
The city itself was a walled community, with a 12km wall
encircling Pagan from around the 9th
century.5
Old Bagan can be considered as
representing ‘an elite core, not an urban boundary’, especially considering the fact
that there are many walled Pyu communities in the nearby vicinities of Pagan at the
time, and that the city itself was mostly made up of royalty, monks and other such
dignitaries.6
It is reasonable to deduce that although documentation of Pagan
monuments and artistic practices can be determined, that not all of these practices
trickled through to these outside communities. Rather, it is more conceivable that a
mix of current practices merged with outside influences, made up an eclectic mix of
new practices. By including Pyu inscriptions on artifacts, it is possible that the aim of
the empire was to encourage assimilation of these practices in order to create a more
homogenous society based on the practices of Buddhism. King Anawratha of the
Pagan dynasty (1044-1077) became responsible for the influence of Buddhist
practices in Pagan when he dispatched ambassadors to Thaton to acquire a copy of the
complete Theravada Buddhist texts, his desire was to convince the masses to practice
Buddhism as an alternative to the animistic beliefs they currently practiced, which he
saw as unsavoury.7
The Mon King Manuha refused to hand over the texts initially
and so the Pagan king invaded, forcibly taking the texts, along with artisans and
craftsmen.8
Reportedly, he brought 30, 000 Mon back with him.9
The Mon people
then dispersed Theravada Buddhism throughout Burma.10
4
Moore E, ‘Religious Architecture’, Myanmar style, 1998, Periplus Editions Hong Kong, pp.30-31.
5
ibid., pg.24.
6
Hudson B, Nyein L & Maung W, ‘The origins of Bagan: New dates and old inhabitants’, Asian
Perspectives, Vol.40 No.1 Spring 2001, University of Hawaii Press, pg.66. Pagan and Bagan may be
used interchangeably, but from here I shall refer to it as Pagan for ease of comprehension.
7
Thanegi, op.cit., pg.32. Anawratha is more accurately also referred to as Aniruddha.
8
ibid., pg.34. Manuha is also referred to as Makuta, (crown of kings).
9
Fraser-Lu, op.cit., pg.12.
10
Kerlogue F, Arts of Southeast Asia, 2004, Thames & Hudson London, pg.111.
4. After the 1060 conquest by Anawratha, Burma was introduced to influences of
Ceylon, which increased the cultural exchange between Pagan and South India and
their artistic traditions.11
The most notable influence of the Ceylonese, is during King
Kyanzittha’s reign (1084-1113), and is evidenced by the adoption of Ceylonese
conventions in regard to Jataka numbering systems and the subject matter of
scriptures.12
Ties between Pagan and Sri Lanka were forged as a result of King
Aniruddha rendering aid to Sri Lanka, in return he received access to Pali texts, which
influenced murals on the temple walls in Pagan.13
Due to the forces of Islam
infiltrating India during the 13th
century, and Tamil groups in Sri Lanka, Pagan came
to be known as the centre of Buddhism.14
What followed was a distinctly Burmese
culture, which became more prominent in later Pagan monarchies, most notably
during the reign of King Aluang Si-thu who succeeded Kyanzittha.15
With regard to indigenous religious practices in Pagan, the Burmese continued to
follow their beliefs in the animistic Nats, a brother and sister given offerings in
exchange for guardianship of homes and cities (Fig.3).16
Religious architecture
especially built for the Nats were wooden structures, which predated influences from
India.17
To this day the Burmese continue to worship the Nats. The fact that the
practice of animistic traditions continued, was most likely a result of the general
population retaining those practices in the closed communities outside the walled city
11
Strachan, op.cit., pg.9.
12
ibid., pg.10.
13
Huntington S.L & J.L, Leaves from the Bodhi tree: the art of Pala India (8th
– 12th
centuries) and its
international legacy, 1990, Dayton Art institute in association with the University of Washington Press
Dayton Ohio, pg.200.
14
Miksic J.M, ‘South east Asian Archaeology: Proceedings of the 7th
international conference of the
European association of South east Asian Archaeologists, Berlin Aug.31-Sept.4 1998’, Asian
perspectives, Vol.43 No.1 Spring 2004, University of Hawaii Press, pg.169.
15
Fraser-Lu, op.cit., pg.15.
16
Thanegi, op.cit., pg.31.
17
Moore, op.cit., pg.24.
5. of Pagan. Religions like Hinduism that were practiced in Pagan became ‘absorbed to
support Buddhism, not to challenge it’.18
Both Mahayana and Theravada Buddhism
were prominent at Pagan, but the distinction between the two schools of Buddhism
remained ambiguous, with aspects of both pervading Pagan imagery.19
Buddhaghosa, a 5th
century religious compiler of Buddhist texts, is thought to have
been the first to provide the Burmese with Pali texts based on Theravada Buddhism
from Sri Lanka.20
Buddhaghosa used the Mon language to translate the texts.21
Knowledge of these texts (known as the Nidanakatha) passed on to other temples in
the area, and is most evident in the Ananda temple, with narratives that are consistent
with these translations.22
As Buddhism entered South East Asia, teachings varied, but
in Burma, Theravada Buddhism was ultimately adopted as the dominant religion.
The Buddhism practiced in Sri Lanka was considered by Pagan to be the purest form
of the religion and there were pilgrimages to Sri Lanka involving the exchange of
many relics.23
Monks also travelled from Sri Lanka to Pagan in the 13th
century to
impart their knowledge.24
These teachings were based on the Pali tradition of
Theravada Buddhism, which rivalled the Pala initiated Mahayana and Tantric
Buddhism. Despite this, the Pala influence still remained artistically. The fall of Pala
in India is considered to be the main reason behind the switch from Mahayana to
Theravada Buddhism.25
18
Strachan, op.cit., pg.10.
19
Galloway C, ‘Relationship between Buddhist texts and images of the Enlightenment during the early
Bagan period’, Art and Archaeology, 2002, British Museum press London, pg.45.
20
ibid., pg.46.
21
Strachan, op.cit., pg.9.
22
Galloway, op.cit., pg.48.
23
Kerlogue, op.cit., pg.113.
24
Bautze-Picron C, The Buddhist murals of Pagan, 2003, Weatherhill Inc. North America, pg.197.
25
Huntington, op.cit., pg.199.
6. Following the Burmese repairs of the Mahabodhi temple in Bihar, and with the
persecution of the Buddhist faith in India at its height during the 11th
century, many
followers of the religion sought refuge in places like Burma.26
Because of this influx
of followers, Pagan most likely received a huge flow of artisans coming through from
which to learn the Buddhist conventions practiced in India. Assumingly this is why
the Pala imagery remained such a strong force in Pagan. Architecturally, the Pyu
temples, which existed between the 9th
-12th
century reflect the Gupta Indian style
(Fig.4).27
Early Mon structures during this period typically bore Mon inscriptions.28
Typical Burmese temple design in the 11th
century consisted of the bell shaped stupa,
similar to the Bawbawgyi Pagoda (Fig.5).29
Indigenous architectural practices could
be seen in the Pagan palace itself, which was made entirely from teak.30
The Pyu
likely adopted the Gupta style out of necessity, as the wooden structures would have
been more prone to deterioration. The Pyu may have seen very little reason to change
the Gupta styling in their closed communities outside the Pagan walls.
Around the 11th
century A.D., the king of Burma, Kyanzittha, invested in the
construction and repair of many Buddhist temples in India, including the Bihar temple
(Fig.6).31
Burmese inscriptions found at the Bihar temple point to there being two
missions there by the Burmese in the 11th
century.32
The Pagan temple itself was built
somewhere between 1210 and 1234 under the reign of King Natonmya.33
India was
under conflict from the forces of Islam, so the idea was to essentially move the base
26
Fraser-Lu, op.cit., pg.14.
27
Strachan, op.cit., pg.37.
28
Moore, op.cit., pg.30.
29
Thanegi, op.cit., pg.17.
30
Kahrs D, ‘Secular Architecture’, Myanmar style, 1998, Periplus Editions Hong Kong,Pg.59.
31
Kerlogue, op.cit., pg.113.
32
Cunningham A, Mahabodhi: The great Buddhist temple,1892, W.H. Allen & Co. London, pg.75.
33
Guy J, ‘The Mahabodhi temple: Pilgrim souvenirs of Buddhist India’ The Burlington magazine,
Vol.133 No.1059 1991, Burlington magazine publishers ltd., pg.365. Sometimes referred to as King
Nadaungmya.
7. of Buddhism from Bihar to Pagan, making it the centre of Buddhism during this
period.34
Huntington suggests that due to the constant reconstruction of the Bihar
temple, its form cannot be fully described as Pala, and so its replica also cannot be
considered as strictly Pala inspired either, but Pala features that did exist were most
likely copied over.35
Ma Thanegi indicates the Bihar temple’s architecture is
comparable to that of a Hindu temple with its pyramid shape and rows of Buddhas.36
The Kapaleeswarar Hindu temple in India with its Dravidian architecture is
comparable (Fig.7). Many divergences with Pagan architecture at the time of the
Pagan temple’s construction are evident, pointing to the desire for the building to be a
replica of the original, these include the presence of the Buddhas in their outside
niches (Fig.8). Traditionally in Pagan it was unusual to see the Buddha depicted in an
outdoor locale, or in such high a number. Buddha was generally placed under a
central stupa, but the incidence of duplicating the Buddha was increasing, however
this was usually inside the temple itself.37
The Buddhas in the outside niches at Pagan
also are relatively simply depicted and seem more akin to the Pyu type Buddha,
whereas the Buddhas in the Bihar temple exterior are quite elaborate and obviously
Pala (Fig.9). Comparing one of the main Buddhas inside each temple, the viewer
finds a distinctly different Buddha stylistically, particularly when comparing the
shape of the heads and the ear lobes of the Buddha in the Pagan temple, which reach
the shoulders (Fig.10). Pala influence in the 12th
century as far as depiction of the
Buddha was concerned, began to wane, and instead he was portrayed with a wider
face and shorter body, with sculptures of the Buddha eventually becoming few.38
This
portrayal of the large interior Buddha is perhaps evidence of this change. Whilst it is
34
Strachan, op.cit., pg.99.
35
Huntington, op.cit., pg.203.
36
Thanegi, op.cit., pg.45.
37
Strachan, op.cit., pp.99-100.
38
ibid., pg.30.
8. entirely possible that Pyu workers had a hand in crafting the outside Buddhas. One
element that seems to be original to the Pagan temple is a well, which is located on
the West side of the temple.39
Varying architectural and decorative differences appear on small stone models of the
Bihar temple, that show a distinction between Burmese and Indian practices at the
time, and these models are confirmed to have been found in both Bihar and Pagan.40
In one group of the models, the porches have a noticeably Burmese characteristic,
with their ‘tripartite cusped arch with a flame-like treatment to the surrounding
moulding’, the author points to the Nagayon temple at Pagan as having similar
properties (Fig.11).41
The rebuild by the British seems to have incorporated the
original straight across porch that is evident in some of the earlier models (Fig.12).
However, there is no evidence to indicate that this was how the temple was in fact left
during its last construction, as by all accounts the temple was in ruin. Strangely, one
photograph of the ruins shows an arch similar to the Burmese type, and if this is the
case, the Bihar temple reconstruction by the British can be seen as an act of
colonialism (Fig.13). The cusped arch does occur in later stone models of the Bihar
temple, so it is very possible that the Burmese delegations in fact had a great deal of
influence on how the Bihar temple developed. The Burmese used the cusped arches
as a mechanism to allow light and air to enter their temples more freely.42
39
Strachan, op.cit., pp.99-100.
40
Guy, loc. cit.
41
ibid., pg.364.
42
Thanegi, op.cit., pg.40.
9. Alan Trevithick suggests that the Burmese renovations significantly altered the
original design of the Bihar temple.43
However, concensus on this point cannot be
confirmed. During restoration of the Bihar temple by the British, Sir Alexander
Cunningham commented that the Burmese who were also involved with the
restoration were likely to place an ‘execrably ugly’ statue on a platform, inferring that
the British had little control over it.44
This comment begs the question as to how much
the Burmese had indeed controlled earlier restorations if their drive was so strong
during this restoration. It is possible that Pagan negotiated its influence upon the
Bihar temple in exchange for aid and their agreement in becoming the next Buddhist
capital.
Cunningham was one of the foremost scholars connected with the restoration of the
Bihar temple by the British, and though the records are dated, they are still quite
relevant. Of the Bihar temple prior to the British reconstruction, Cunningham
concludes that the Burmese were instrumental in many aspects of the restoration,
including restoration of the walls with a stucco facing, and a ‘complete renewal of the
pinnacle of the Temple’, evident by way of Burmese inscriptions in the brickwork
(Fig.14). He also suggests that they were in fact responsible for the complete
restoration of the temple but that stylistically it more or less remained the same.45
43
Trevithick A, ‘British Archaeologists, Hindu Abbots, and Burmese Buddhists: The Mahabodhi
temple at Bodh Gaya 1811-1877’, Modern Asian studies, Vol.33 No.3 1999, Cambridge University
Press, pg.649.
44
ibid., pg.652.
45
Cunningham, op.cit., pg.28.
10. Minor alterations by the Burmese in the mouldings and ornamentation of the temple
were noted, with a row of lion heads and human figures included in the dentils
(Fig.15).46
What is fascinating is that the lion heads do not appear in the same location
on the Pagan temple and the figures are dancing instead of sitting (Fig.16.).
Cunningham questions figures he found at the Toran Gateway at the Bihar temple,
saying that he could not determine where they belonged, but he notes that they were
kneeling in a position as practiced in Burma (Fig.17).47
Additionally a gilt copper
umbrella donated by the Burmese was uncovered that originally sat on top of the
temple (Fig.18).48
The umbrella seems quite different than the one currently atop the
Pagan temple (Fig.19), so perhaps this was designed in order to meld more cohesively
with the Bihar temple architecture.49
These days the Bihar temple has a different
umbrella, so one assumes the original was placed in a museum by the British (Fig.20).
Huntington refutes Cunningham’s calculations of dating, suggesting that the umbrella
found by the British was in fact dated around 1293-94, and that other inscriptions put
the restoration at around 1295 to 1298, instead of 1035 and 1079 as Cunningham
suggested. This reasoning suggests that the Pagan temple, if built after these
delegations, would have been built in the 14th
century, assuming of course that it was
built after the delegations were sent. This seems doubtful, as by then Pagan had been
infiltrated by the Mongols, and its kingdom was in the process of collapsing.
Additionally, if the Pagan temple was built prior, why would Pagan continue to
restore a temple under constant threat by Islam, when they already had their own
temple created to be the centre of Buddhism. Further, Huntington suggests that the
restoration done at the Bihar temple by Kyanzittha was more along the lines of a
46
ibid., pg.29.
47
ibid., pg.33.
48
Cunningham, op.cit., pg.56.
49
The king of Pagan may have desired a distinctly Burmese addition to the top of their own temple,
assuming of course that this current umbrella is the original.
11. ‘refurbishment’ than a complete reconstruction and doubts that Mahabodhi would
have been left in such a complete state of disrepair anyway.50
Going by these revised
dates Kyanzittha was not in power however, so these assertions don’t hold a lot of
water. Cunningham backs up his dates in commentary concerning a grand basalt
entrance added by the Burmese which he dated in the 10-11th
century, he bases it on
the time when basalt use was just becoming commonplace.51
Little evidence remains of the muralwork in Bihar temples and so it is difficult for
scholars to compare exactly the iconographic details, but the painterly aspects in
Bihar at the time can be utilised for comparison. Religious iconography in the murals
of Pagan have the aesthetic qualities of both Sri Lanka and North-East India, but style
wise, mostly Indian influences are apparent.52
A distinctly local style was eventually
formulated from these influences.53
This local style also adopted influences from
other nearby regions such as Cambodia and China.54
Burmese murals from the Pagan
period are concerned with the display of the ‘Mahayana and Tantric elements as well
as Hindu deities and Jakata tales’.55
Murals in the Lokateikpan temple that depict the
Jakatas, show no stylistic similarities with the ‘illuminated manuscripts’ of India, and
are instead made up of flattened areas of colour and strong linework (Fig.21).56
Although Buddha statues usually portrayed the earth touching mudra at Pagan, it was
quite a different story when it came to the murals that depicted Buddha, and these
most often portrayed Buddha in his action of turning the Dharma wheel.57
As noted
50
Huntington, op.cit., pg.204.
51
Cunningham, op.cit., pg.25.
52
Bautze-Picron, op.cit., pg.20.
53
ibid., pg.3.
54
ibid., pg.208.
55
Kerlogue, op.cit., pg.120.
56
Bautze-Picron, op.cit., pg.168. The Lokateikpan temple was constructed around the same time as the
Pagan temple.
57
ibid., pg.20.
12. previously, Pagan had access to Pali scriptures from as early as the 5th
century, but
despite this, Kyanzittha still chooses to adopt Pala influences in temple iconography
at Pagan, this is likely as a result of him considering Indian temple iconography as
more authentic. This is evident at the Ananda temple.58
Besides architecture and mural work, other cultural exchange existed between Burma
and India, with bronzes and terracotta from India found in Burma, and votive tablets
from Burma present at the Calcutta museum.59
Connections are seen between Pagan
imagery and metal sculptures found near the Bihar temple, again illustrating that the
exchange was reciprocal.60
Furthermore, Pagan was receiving influence from other
regions besides India at the time of the Pagan temple construction. For example,
Lacquerware produced in Burma from around the 13th
century is thought to have
come as a direct result of contact with Yunnan.61
And the Chinthe, which guard the
entrance to the Pagan temple, though usually considered distinctly Burmese62
, bear
quite a similarity to the Chinese Fu Dog (Fig.22).
Characteristics of the Buddha in Burma varied, with a notable difference in those
produced by the Pyu and those of the Pala style. The Pyu style combined a broad
physique with a round head (Fig.23), while the Pala style had ‘…pinched bodies and
sharpened facial features…’. (Fig.24)63
This Pyu style is obvious during the reign of
Anawratha.64
The face of the Mon Buddha has level features such as the nose, eyes
58
Huntington, op.cit., pp.201-205.
59
Strachan, op.cit., pg.24.
60
Huntington, op.cit., pg.201.
61
Kerlogue, op.cit., pg.165.
62
http://www.seasite.niu.edu/burmese/cooler/Chapter_3/Part4/Images/pagan_period_4.htm
63
Strachan, op.cit., pg.27.
64
McKeen Di Crocco V, ‘Arts and crafts’, Myanmar style, 1998, Periplus Editions Hong Kong,
pg.133.
13. and eyebrows, and the lips are quite thin, as is the physique of the body, these are not
evident in the Pagan temple however. It is fair to say that later depictions of the
Buddha at Pagan were greatly influenced by the stylistic conventions of their Indian
counterparts. Characteristics that are common between late Burmese and Indian
Buddhas include the presence of the ushnisha, circular coiled hair, upwards slanting
eyes and eyebrows, ears aligned above the shoulders, the fine tip of the nose resting
below the nostrils, and a thin top lip combined with a full lower lip.65
Another feature adopted by the Burmese is the earth touching mudra, bhumisparsha
mudra.66
Interestingly, this is in direct opposition to the meditative gesture usually
adopted by Sri Lankan Buddhas of Theravada Buddhism (Fig.25).67
Also common is
the Buddha seated on the double lotus resting atop a double square throne.68
The
image of the bejewelled Buddha found at Bihar was rarely imitated at Pagan.69
This is
relevant, because the bejewelled Buddha is associated with Mahayana Buddhism,
which is of the Pala tradition. As was previously mentioned the king held the Pali
texts, yet the iconography of the Pala tradition still remained at Pagan, so it seems
unusual that the bejewelled Buddha did not also carry through to Pagan. Perhaps the
Burmese with their fondness for purity, decided that a jewel covered Buddha did not
gel with their ideals. The Pala influence also resulted in the change from the nine
scenes of Buddha’s life previously portrayed in Burma, to eight scenes (Fig.26).70
Whilst there is no denying that the Pagan temple is meant as a replica of the original,
and at first glance the likeness is undeniable, what is most interesting is the cultural
65
Strachan, op.cit., pg.25.
66
Menzies J, Buddha: Radiant Awakening, 2001, Art gallery of New South Wales, pg.26.
67
Bautze-Picron, op.cit., pg.4.
68
Menzies, op.cit., pg.30.
69
Bautze-Picron, op.cit., pg.20.
70
Strachan, op.cit., pg.48.
14. exchange that came about as a result of the connection between India and Burma
during early restorations. Though Bihar was under assault from Islam, it was still
regarded by the Burmese as the birthplace of Buddhism, so a certain amount of
respect would have been given. But their desire to have some influence over the
Bihar temple would have been strong, as they were offering much in the way of aid.
As a sign of respect, those in charge of the Bihar temple would have been bound to
comply, and perhaps they were even happy to accommodate some of the more
practical elements, such as the arches, which allowed more air and light in.
The Pagan kings desired respect and admiration from their people in order to
legitimise their power, and with the construction of the Pagan temple, what better way
to gain that than to position themselves as the place that Buddhists looked to as an
authority. The artwork that filled this and other Buddhist temples (the murals, statues
and reliefs), provided the community with instructional scenes on which to base their
dedication. Images, being the simplest and most effective way to communicate their
message. Some of the kings even produced images of themselves as Bodhisattvas.
The success of the Pagan Empire is a direct result of its consolidated efforts to
provide a stable religion to the people, especially in light of the conflict experienced
in India and Sri Lanka. It is doubtful that Buddhism would have received such a
strong following in Burma without the acceptance by the Pagan Empire as a
legitimate religion.
15. BIBLIOGRAPHY
BOOKS
Bautze-Picron C, The Buddhist murals of Pagan, 2003, Weatherhill Inc. North
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Cunningham A, Mahabodhi: The great Buddhist temple,1892, W.H. Allen & Co.
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Falconer J (ed), Myanmar style, 1998, Periplus Editions Hong Kong.
Galloway C, ‘Relationship between Buddhist texts and images of the Enlightenment
during the early Bagan period’, Art and Archaeology, 2002, British Museum press
London.
Huntington S.L & J.L, Leaves from the Bodhi tree: the art of Pala India (8th
– 12th
centuries) and its international legacy, 1990, Dayton Art institute in association with
the University of Washington Press Dayton Ohio.
Kerlogue F, Arts of Southeast Asia, 2004, Thames & Hudson London.
Menzies J, Buddha: Radiant Awakening, 2001, Art gallery of New South Wales.
Strachan P, Pagan art and architecture, 1989, Kiscadale Publications Scotland.
Thanegi M, Myan architecture, 2005, Marshall Cavendish International (Asia) Private
limited.
JOURNALS
Fraser-Lu S, Burmese Crafts: Past and present, 1994, Oxford university press Kuala
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Hudson B, Nyein L & Maung W, ‘The origins of Bagan: New dates and old
inhabitants’, Asian Perspectives, Vol.40 No.1 Spring 2001, University of Hawaii
Press, pp.48-74.
Miksic J.M, ‘South east Asian Archaeology: Proceedings of the 7th
international
conference of the European association of South east Asian Archaeologists, Berlin
Aug.31-Sept.4 1998’, Asian perspectives, Vol.43 No.1 Spring 2004, University of
Hawaii Press, pp.167-172.
Myer P. R, ‘The great temple at Bodhgaya’, The art bulletin, Vol.40 No.4 1958,
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magazine, Vol.133 No.1059 1991, Burlington magazine publishers ltd., pp.356-367.
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Mahabodhi temple at Bodh Gaya 1811-1877’, Modern Asian studies, Vol.33 No.3
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http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Kapaleeswarar8.jpg
Figure 8.
http://www.ancientbagan.com/bagan-photo/bagan240.htm
18. Figure 19.
http://www.orientalarchitecture.com/myanmar/bagan/mahabodhi_gallery.php?p=mah
abodhi-paya01.jpg
Figure 20.
http://www.sacredsites.com/asia/india/images/mahabodhi-temple-500.jpg
Figure 21.
Bautze-Picron C, The Buddhist murals of Pagan, 2003, Weatherhill Inc. North
America.
Figure 22.
http://www.marcdalessio.com/wp-content/uploads/2009/05/chinthe.jpg
http://www.martialartsgear.com/dec/fudogs_files/images/14497.jpg
Figure 23.
http://74.220.200.31/sheebah/artists-
studio/artists_studio_buddha_0001_0400/as_buddha_0131.jpg
Figure 24.
http://www.asianartresource.com/mall/asianartresourcecouk/products/product-
4128622.stm
Figure 25.
http://4.bp.blogspot.com/_EKUJ89prK2w/SOcKJyTfTzI/AAAAAAAAAGA/M8m01
tHV7nM/s1600/1%2BSamadhi%2BBuddha.JPG
Figure 26.
From the South east Asian art slide test, Cathy Speck.
19. Figure 1. Mahabodhi Temple at Pagan
Figure 2. Map of the walled city of Pagan (also known as Bagan)
