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Conserving Communities
The world is essentially a two-party system. One is the party of
the global economy, and the
other is the party of local community.
By Wendell Berry
There are other unanswered questions about the global
economy, two which are paramount:
How can any nation or region justify the destruction a local
productive capacity for the sake of
foreign trade? And how can people who have demonstrated their
inability to run national
economies without inflation, usury, unemployment, and
ecological devastation now claim that
they can do a better job in running a global economy? American
agriculture has demonstrated by
its own ruination that you cannot solve economic problems just
by increasing scale, and more
over that increasing scale is almost certain to cause other
problems--ecological, social, and
cultural.
It is time for us to face the likelihood that human intelligence is
not competent to work on the
scale to which we have been tempted by our techno logical
abilities. Some such recognition is
undoubtedly implicit in American conservatives’ long-standing
objection to a big central
government. And so it has been odd to see many of these same
conservatives pushing for the
establishment of a supranational economy that would inevitably
function as a government far
bigger and more centralized than any dreamed of before. Long
experience has made it clear--as
we might say to the liberals--that to be free we must’ limit the
size of government and we must
have some sort of home rule. But it is just as clear--as we might
say to the conservatives--that it
is foolish to complain about big government if we do not do
everything we can to support strong
local communities and strong community economies.
But in helping us to confront, understand, and oppose the
principles of the global economy, the
old political alignments have become virtually use less.
Communists and capitalists are alike in
their contempt for country people, country life, and country
places. They have exploited the
countryside with equal greed and disregard. They are alike even
in their plea that it is right to
damage the present in order to make “a better future”.
The dialogue of Democrats and Republicans or of liberals and
conservatives is likewise useless
to us. Neither party is interested in farmers or in farming or in
the good care of the land or in the
quality of food. Nor are they interested in taking the best care
of our forests. The leaders of these
parties are equally subservient to the supranational
corporations. NAFTA and the new GATT’
revisions are the proofs. Moreover, the old opposition of
country and city, which was never
useful, is now more useless than ever. It is, in fact, damaging to
everybody involved, as is the
opposition of producers and consumers. These are not
differences but divisions - - divisions that
ought not to exist because they are to a considerable extent
artificial, trumped up for the sake of
illegitimate advantages. The so-called urban economy has been
just as hard on urban
communities as it has been on rural ones.
These conventional affiliations are now meaningless, useful
only to those in a position to profit
from public bewilderment. A new political scheme of opposed
parties, however, is beginning to
take form. This is essentially a two-party system, and it divides
over the fundamental issue of
community. One of these parties holds that community has no
value; the other holds that it does.
One is the party of the global economy; the other I would call
simply the party of local
community. The global party is large, though not populous,
immensely powerful and wealthy,
self- aware, purposeful, and tightly organized. The community
party is only now be- coming
aware of itself; it is widely scattered, highly diverse, small
though potentially numerous, weak
though latently powerful, and poor though by no means without
resources.
We know pretty well the make-up of the party of the global
economy, but who are the members
of the party of local community? They are people who take a
generous and neighbourly view of
self- preservation; they do not believe that they can survive and
flourish by the rule of dog-eat-
dog; they do not believe that they can succeed by defeating or
destroying or selling or using up
everything but themselves. They want to preserve the precious
things of nature and of human
culture, and pass them on to their children. They want the
world’s fields and forests to be
productive; they do not want them to be destroyed for the sake
of production. They know you
cannot be a democrat (small d) or a conservationist and at the
same time a proponent of the
supranational corporate economy. They believe--they know
from their experience--that the
neighbourhood, the local community, is the proper place and
reference of responsible work.
They see that no commonwealth or community of interest can be
defined by greed. They know
that things connect--that farming, for example, is connected to
nature, and food to farming, and
health to food—and for example, is connected to nature, and
food to farming, and health to food-
-and they want to preserve the connections. They know that a
healthy local community cannot be
replaced by a market or an entertainment industry or an
information highway. They know that,
contrary to all the unmeaning and unmeant political talk about
“job creation”, work ought not to
be merely a bone thrown to the otherwise unemployed. They
know that work ought to be
necessary; it ought to be good; it ought to be satisfying and
dignifying to the people who do it,
and genuinely useful and pleasing to the people for whom it is
done.
The party of local community, then, is a real party with a real
platform and agenda of real and
do-able work. And it has, we might add, a respectable history in
the hundreds of efforts, over
several decades, to preserve local nature or local health or to
sell local products to local
consumers. Now such efforts appear to be coming into their
own, attracting interest and energy
in a way they have not done before. People are seeing more
clearly all the time the connections
between conservation and economics. They are seeing that a
community’s health is largely
determined by the way it makes its living.
The natural membership of the community party consists of
small farmers, ranchers and market
gardeners, worried consumers, owners and employees of small
shops, stores and other small
businesses, community banks, self-employed people, religious
people, and conservationists. The
aims of this party really are only two: the preservation of
ecological diversity and integrity, and
the renewal, on sound cultural and eco logical principles, of
local economies and local
communities.
And now we must ask how a sustainable local community
(which is to say, a sustainable local
economy) might function. I am going to suggest a set of rules
that I think such a community
would have to follow. And I hasten to say that I do not
understand these rules as predictions; lam
not interested in foretelling the future. If these rules have any
validity, that is because they apply
now.
Supposing that the members of a local community wanted their
community to cohere, to flourish,
and to last, they would:
1. Always ask of any proposed change or innovation: What will
this do to our community? How
will this affect our common wealth?
2. Always include local nature-- the land, the water, the air, the
native creatures--within the
membership of the community.
3. Always ask how local needs might be supplied from local
sources, including the mutual help
of neighbours.
4. Always supply local needs first. (And only then think of
exporting their products, first to
nearby cities, and then to others.)
5. The community must under stand the ultimate unsoundness of
the industrial doctrine of
“labour saving” if that implies poor work, unemployment, or
any kind of pollution or
contamination.
6. If it is not to be merely a colony of the national or the global
economy, the community must
develop appropriately scaled value-adding industries for local
products.
7. It must also develop small-scale industries and businesses to
support the local farm and/or
forest economy.
8. It must strive to produce as much of its own energy as
possible.
9. It must strive to increase earnings (in whatever form) within
the community, and decrease
expenditures out side the community.
10. Money paid into the local economy should circulate within
the community for as long as
possible before it is paid out.
11. If it is to last, a community must be able to afford to invest
in itself; it must maintain its
properties, keep itself clean (without dirtying some other place),
care for its old people, teach its
children.
12. The old and the young must take care of one another. The
young must learn from the old, not
necessarily and not always in school. There must be no
institutionalized “child care” and “homes
for the aged”. The community knows and remembers it self by
the association of old and young.
13. Costs now conventionally hidden or “externalized” must be
accounted for. Whenever
possible they must be debited against monetary in come.
14. Community members must look into the possible uses of
local currency, community-funded
loan programmes, systems of barter, and the like.
15. They should always be aware of the economic value of
neighbourliness
--as help, insurance, and so on. They must realize that in our
time the costs of living are greatly
increased by the loss of neighbourhood, leaving people to face
their calamities alone.
16. A rural community should always be acquainted with, and
complexly connected with,
community-minded people in nearby towns and cities.
17. A sustainable rural economy will be dependent on urban
consumers loyal to local products.
Therefore, we are talking about an economy that will always be
more co-operative than
competitive.
These rules are derived from Westen political and religious
traditions, from the promptings of
ecologists and certain agriculturists and from common sense.
They may seem radical, but only
because the modern national and global economies have been
formed in almost perfect disregard
of community and ecological interests. A community economy
is not an economy in which well-
placed persons can make a “killing”. It is not a
killer economy. It is an economy whose aim is generosity and a
well distributed and safeguarded
abundance. If it seems unusual for modern people to hope and
work for such an economy, then
we must remind ourselves that a willingness to put the good of
the community ahead of profit is
hardly unprecedented among community business people and
local banks.
How might we begin to build a decentralized system of durable
local economies? Gradually, I
hope. We have had enough of violent or sudden changes
imposed by predatory interests outside
our communities. In many places, the obvious way to begin the
work I am talking about is with
the development of a local food economy. Such a start is
attractive because it does not have to be
big or costly, it requires nobody’s permission, and it can
ultimately involve everybody. It does
not require us to beg for mercy from our exploiters, or to look
up for help where we have
consistently failed to find it. By “local food economy” I mean
simply an economy in which local
consumers buy as much of their food as possible from local
producers, and in which local
producers produce as much as they can for local market.
Several conditions now favour the growth of local food
economies. On the one hand, the costs
associated with our present highly centralized food system are
going to increase. Growers in the
Central Valley of California, for example, can no longer depend
on an unlimited supply of cheap
water for irrigation. Transportation costs can only go up.
Biotechnology, variety patenting, and other agribusiness
innovations are intended, not to help
farmers or consumers, but to extend and prolong corporate
control of the food economy; they
will increase the cost of food, both economically and
ecologically.
On the other hand, consumers are increasingly worried about the
quality and purity of their food,
and so would like to buy from responsible growers close to
home. They would like to know
where their food comes from and how it is produced. They are
increasingly aware also that the
larger and more centralized the food economy becomes, the
more vulnerable it will be to natural
or economic catastrophe, to political or military disruption, and
to bad agricultural practice.
For all these reasons, and others, we need urgently to develop
local food economies wherever
they are possible. Local food economies would improve the
quality of food. They would increase
consumer influence over production (consumers, that is, would
become participatory members in
their own food economy). They would help to assure a
sustainable, dependable supply of food.
By reducing some of the costs associated with long supply lines
and large corporate suppliers
(transportation, refrigeration, advertising, etc.), they would
reduce the cost of food at the same
time that they would increase income to growers. They would
tend to improve farming practices,
and increase employment in agriculture.
Of course, no food economy can be, or ought to be, only local.
But the orientation of agriculture
to local needs, local possibilities, and local limits is simply
indispensable to the health of both
land and people, and undoubtedly to the health of democratic
liberties as well.
For many of the same reasons, we need also to develop local
forest economies, of which the aim
would be the survival and the enduring good health of both our
forests and their dependent local
communities. We need to preserve our forests, in use, in their
native diversity. As in agriculture,
we need local, small-scale, non-polluting industries to - add
value to local forest products, as
well as local supporting industries for the local forest economy.
As support for sustainable agriculture should come most
logically from consumers who
consciously wish to keep eating, so support for sustainable
forestry might logically come from
loggers, mill workers, and other employees of the forest
economy who consciously wish to keep
working. But many people have a direct interest in the good use
of our forests: farmers and
ranchers with wood- lots, all who depend on the good health of
forested watersheds, the makers
of wood products, conservationists, and so on.
What we have before us, if we want our communities to survive,
is the building of an adversary
economy, a system of local or community economies within,
and to protect against, the would-be
global economy. To do this, we must somehow learn to reverse
the flow of the siphon that has
for so long been drawing resources, money, talent, and people
out of our countryside with very
little if any return, and often with a return only of pollution,
impoverishment, and ruin. We must
figure out new ways to fund, at affordable rates, the
development of healthy local economies. We
must find ways to suggest economically-- for finally no other
suggestion will be effective-- that
the work, the talents and the interest of our young people are
needed at home.
Our whole society has much to gain from the development of
local land- based economies. They
would carry us far toward the ecological and cultural ideal of
local adaptation. They would
encourage the formation of adequate lo cal cultures (and this
would be authentic multi-
culturalism). They would introduce into agriculture and forestry
a sort of spontaneous and
natural quality control, for neither consumers nor workers
would want to see the local economy
destroy itself by abusing or exhausting its sources. And they
would complete at last the task of
freedom from colonial economics begun by our ancestors more
than 200 years ago.
Conserving Communities

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Conserving Local Communities Through Strong Economies

  • 1. Conserving Communities The world is essentially a two-party system. One is the party of the global economy, and the other is the party of local community. By Wendell Berry There are other unanswered questions about the global economy, two which are paramount: How can any nation or region justify the destruction a local productive capacity for the sake of foreign trade? And how can people who have demonstrated their inability to run national economies without inflation, usury, unemployment, and ecological devastation now claim that they can do a better job in running a global economy? American agriculture has demonstrated by its own ruination that you cannot solve economic problems just by increasing scale, and more over that increasing scale is almost certain to cause other problems--ecological, social, and cultural.
  • 2. It is time for us to face the likelihood that human intelligence is not competent to work on the scale to which we have been tempted by our techno logical abilities. Some such recognition is undoubtedly implicit in American conservatives’ long-standing objection to a big central government. And so it has been odd to see many of these same conservatives pushing for the establishment of a supranational economy that would inevitably function as a government far bigger and more centralized than any dreamed of before. Long experience has made it clear--as we might say to the liberals--that to be free we must’ limit the size of government and we must have some sort of home rule. But it is just as clear--as we might say to the conservatives--that it is foolish to complain about big government if we do not do everything we can to support strong local communities and strong community economies. But in helping us to confront, understand, and oppose the principles of the global economy, the old political alignments have become virtually use less. Communists and capitalists are alike in
  • 3. their contempt for country people, country life, and country places. They have exploited the countryside with equal greed and disregard. They are alike even in their plea that it is right to damage the present in order to make “a better future”. The dialogue of Democrats and Republicans or of liberals and conservatives is likewise useless to us. Neither party is interested in farmers or in farming or in the good care of the land or in the quality of food. Nor are they interested in taking the best care of our forests. The leaders of these parties are equally subservient to the supranational corporations. NAFTA and the new GATT’ revisions are the proofs. Moreover, the old opposition of country and city, which was never useful, is now more useless than ever. It is, in fact, damaging to everybody involved, as is the opposition of producers and consumers. These are not differences but divisions - - divisions that ought not to exist because they are to a considerable extent artificial, trumped up for the sake of
  • 4. illegitimate advantages. The so-called urban economy has been just as hard on urban communities as it has been on rural ones. These conventional affiliations are now meaningless, useful only to those in a position to profit from public bewilderment. A new political scheme of opposed parties, however, is beginning to take form. This is essentially a two-party system, and it divides over the fundamental issue of community. One of these parties holds that community has no value; the other holds that it does. One is the party of the global economy; the other I would call simply the party of local community. The global party is large, though not populous, immensely powerful and wealthy, self- aware, purposeful, and tightly organized. The community party is only now be- coming aware of itself; it is widely scattered, highly diverse, small though potentially numerous, weak though latently powerful, and poor though by no means without resources. We know pretty well the make-up of the party of the global economy, but who are the members
  • 5. of the party of local community? They are people who take a generous and neighbourly view of self- preservation; they do not believe that they can survive and flourish by the rule of dog-eat- dog; they do not believe that they can succeed by defeating or destroying or selling or using up everything but themselves. They want to preserve the precious things of nature and of human culture, and pass them on to their children. They want the world’s fields and forests to be productive; they do not want them to be destroyed for the sake of production. They know you cannot be a democrat (small d) or a conservationist and at the same time a proponent of the supranational corporate economy. They believe--they know from their experience--that the neighbourhood, the local community, is the proper place and reference of responsible work. They see that no commonwealth or community of interest can be defined by greed. They know that things connect--that farming, for example, is connected to nature, and food to farming, and health to food—and for example, is connected to nature, and food to farming, and health to food-
  • 6. -and they want to preserve the connections. They know that a healthy local community cannot be replaced by a market or an entertainment industry or an information highway. They know that, contrary to all the unmeaning and unmeant political talk about “job creation”, work ought not to be merely a bone thrown to the otherwise unemployed. They know that work ought to be necessary; it ought to be good; it ought to be satisfying and dignifying to the people who do it, and genuinely useful and pleasing to the people for whom it is done. The party of local community, then, is a real party with a real platform and agenda of real and do-able work. And it has, we might add, a respectable history in the hundreds of efforts, over several decades, to preserve local nature or local health or to sell local products to local consumers. Now such efforts appear to be coming into their own, attracting interest and energy in a way they have not done before. People are seeing more clearly all the time the connections
  • 7. between conservation and economics. They are seeing that a community’s health is largely determined by the way it makes its living. The natural membership of the community party consists of small farmers, ranchers and market gardeners, worried consumers, owners and employees of small shops, stores and other small businesses, community banks, self-employed people, religious people, and conservationists. The aims of this party really are only two: the preservation of ecological diversity and integrity, and the renewal, on sound cultural and eco logical principles, of local economies and local communities. And now we must ask how a sustainable local community (which is to say, a sustainable local economy) might function. I am going to suggest a set of rules that I think such a community would have to follow. And I hasten to say that I do not understand these rules as predictions; lam not interested in foretelling the future. If these rules have any validity, that is because they apply
  • 8. now. Supposing that the members of a local community wanted their community to cohere, to flourish, and to last, they would: 1. Always ask of any proposed change or innovation: What will this do to our community? How will this affect our common wealth? 2. Always include local nature-- the land, the water, the air, the native creatures--within the membership of the community. 3. Always ask how local needs might be supplied from local sources, including the mutual help of neighbours. 4. Always supply local needs first. (And only then think of exporting their products, first to nearby cities, and then to others.) 5. The community must under stand the ultimate unsoundness of the industrial doctrine of “labour saving” if that implies poor work, unemployment, or any kind of pollution or contamination.
  • 9. 6. If it is not to be merely a colony of the national or the global economy, the community must develop appropriately scaled value-adding industries for local products. 7. It must also develop small-scale industries and businesses to support the local farm and/or forest economy. 8. It must strive to produce as much of its own energy as possible. 9. It must strive to increase earnings (in whatever form) within the community, and decrease expenditures out side the community. 10. Money paid into the local economy should circulate within the community for as long as possible before it is paid out. 11. If it is to last, a community must be able to afford to invest in itself; it must maintain its properties, keep itself clean (without dirtying some other place), care for its old people, teach its children. 12. The old and the young must take care of one another. The
  • 10. young must learn from the old, not necessarily and not always in school. There must be no institutionalized “child care” and “homes for the aged”. The community knows and remembers it self by the association of old and young. 13. Costs now conventionally hidden or “externalized” must be accounted for. Whenever possible they must be debited against monetary in come. 14. Community members must look into the possible uses of local currency, community-funded loan programmes, systems of barter, and the like. 15. They should always be aware of the economic value of neighbourliness --as help, insurance, and so on. They must realize that in our time the costs of living are greatly increased by the loss of neighbourhood, leaving people to face their calamities alone. 16. A rural community should always be acquainted with, and complexly connected with, community-minded people in nearby towns and cities. 17. A sustainable rural economy will be dependent on urban consumers loyal to local products. Therefore, we are talking about an economy that will always be
  • 11. more co-operative than competitive. These rules are derived from Westen political and religious traditions, from the promptings of ecologists and certain agriculturists and from common sense. They may seem radical, but only because the modern national and global economies have been formed in almost perfect disregard of community and ecological interests. A community economy is not an economy in which well- placed persons can make a “killing”. It is not a killer economy. It is an economy whose aim is generosity and a well distributed and safeguarded abundance. If it seems unusual for modern people to hope and work for such an economy, then we must remind ourselves that a willingness to put the good of the community ahead of profit is hardly unprecedented among community business people and local banks. How might we begin to build a decentralized system of durable
  • 12. local economies? Gradually, I hope. We have had enough of violent or sudden changes imposed by predatory interests outside our communities. In many places, the obvious way to begin the work I am talking about is with the development of a local food economy. Such a start is attractive because it does not have to be big or costly, it requires nobody’s permission, and it can ultimately involve everybody. It does not require us to beg for mercy from our exploiters, or to look up for help where we have consistently failed to find it. By “local food economy” I mean simply an economy in which local consumers buy as much of their food as possible from local producers, and in which local producers produce as much as they can for local market. Several conditions now favour the growth of local food economies. On the one hand, the costs associated with our present highly centralized food system are going to increase. Growers in the Central Valley of California, for example, can no longer depend on an unlimited supply of cheap water for irrigation. Transportation costs can only go up.
  • 13. Biotechnology, variety patenting, and other agribusiness innovations are intended, not to help farmers or consumers, but to extend and prolong corporate control of the food economy; they will increase the cost of food, both economically and ecologically. On the other hand, consumers are increasingly worried about the quality and purity of their food, and so would like to buy from responsible growers close to home. They would like to know where their food comes from and how it is produced. They are increasingly aware also that the larger and more centralized the food economy becomes, the more vulnerable it will be to natural or economic catastrophe, to political or military disruption, and to bad agricultural practice. For all these reasons, and others, we need urgently to develop local food economies wherever they are possible. Local food economies would improve the quality of food. They would increase consumer influence over production (consumers, that is, would become participatory members in
  • 14. their own food economy). They would help to assure a sustainable, dependable supply of food. By reducing some of the costs associated with long supply lines and large corporate suppliers (transportation, refrigeration, advertising, etc.), they would reduce the cost of food at the same time that they would increase income to growers. They would tend to improve farming practices, and increase employment in agriculture. Of course, no food economy can be, or ought to be, only local. But the orientation of agriculture to local needs, local possibilities, and local limits is simply indispensable to the health of both land and people, and undoubtedly to the health of democratic liberties as well. For many of the same reasons, we need also to develop local forest economies, of which the aim would be the survival and the enduring good health of both our forests and their dependent local communities. We need to preserve our forests, in use, in their native diversity. As in agriculture,
  • 15. we need local, small-scale, non-polluting industries to - add value to local forest products, as well as local supporting industries for the local forest economy. As support for sustainable agriculture should come most logically from consumers who consciously wish to keep eating, so support for sustainable forestry might logically come from loggers, mill workers, and other employees of the forest economy who consciously wish to keep working. But many people have a direct interest in the good use of our forests: farmers and ranchers with wood- lots, all who depend on the good health of forested watersheds, the makers of wood products, conservationists, and so on. What we have before us, if we want our communities to survive, is the building of an adversary economy, a system of local or community economies within, and to protect against, the would-be global economy. To do this, we must somehow learn to reverse the flow of the siphon that has for so long been drawing resources, money, talent, and people out of our countryside with very
  • 16. little if any return, and often with a return only of pollution, impoverishment, and ruin. We must figure out new ways to fund, at affordable rates, the development of healthy local economies. We must find ways to suggest economically-- for finally no other suggestion will be effective-- that the work, the talents and the interest of our young people are needed at home. Our whole society has much to gain from the development of local land- based economies. They would carry us far toward the ecological and cultural ideal of local adaptation. They would encourage the formation of adequate lo cal cultures (and this would be authentic multi- culturalism). They would introduce into agriculture and forestry a sort of spontaneous and natural quality control, for neither consumers nor workers would want to see the local economy destroy itself by abusing or exhausting its sources. And they would complete at last the task of freedom from colonial economics begun by our ancestors more than 200 years ago.