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Smoke or Signals? American Popular Culture and the Challenge
to Hegemonic Images of American Indians in Native American
Film
John Mihelich
Wicazo Sa Review, Volume 16, Number 2, Fall 2001, pp. 129-
137 (Article)
Published by University of Minnesota Press
DOI: 10.1353/wic.2001.0029
For additional information about this article
Access provided by
Temple University (19 Jan 2014 11:02 GMT)
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/wic/summary/v016/16.2mihelich.ht
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http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/wic/summary/v016/16.2mihelich.ht
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American popular culture has historically been an arena where
hegemonic structures and ideas could be challenged and where
the sta-
tus quo could be questioned, often through humor and satire.
Continu-
ing this tradition in one of the most refreshing recent
contributions
to American popular culture, Smoke Signals, Sherman Alexie
challenges
hegemonic and stereotypical images of American Indians
through por-
traying a complex, humanizing, and contemporary image of
American
Indians. In doing so, he addresses, in an interview with
Cineaste, what he
avows is the “greatest challenge” to contemporary American
Indians—
the issue of sovereignty (West and West 1998). Sovereignty
generally
refers to autonomy and control over one’s destiny. As such, it
involves
representation and the power to create and determine how
groups, and
individuals within those groups, are represented. Since popular
culture
is, by definition, “popular” and widely consumed, it is a
powerful agent
in shaping these representative images. However, the power of
any
one image of popular culture is weakened in part because of the
sheer
magnitude of competing popular elements. Images are further
diluted
because they are often casually consumed as entertainment and
because
the contents of popular culture are so broad, varied, and
transitional.
This essay emanates from my genuine appreciation for the
efforts of
Alexie and my curiosity about the effects of popular culture and
the po-
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Smoke or Signals?
American Popular Culture and the Challenge
to Hegemonic Images of American Indians
in Native American Film
J o h n M i h e l i c h
tential of Smoke Signals to counter hegemonic representations
of Indians.
To explore this potential, I asked a series of questions of my
students in
an introduction to sociology class and conducted an exploratory
ex-
periment with a colleague’s children. In the following, I discuss
both
the power of popular culture to shape perceptions, through
inciting
novel ideas in a film like Smoke Signals, and the transient
effects of any
one film. As such, I point to the importance of this use and
appropria-
tion of popular culture and also to the limitations of popular
culture
that necessitate actions on the part of people who shape culture
in gen-
eral, directed toward elaborating and institutionalizing the
projects
initiated by artists acting within the medium of popular culture.
I asked the students in two sociology classes to list the stereo-
types that they or others hold concerning American Indians. The
lists
included a dichotomous range of all-too-familiar American
Indian
stereotypes. The students listed the negative stereotypes:
“savage,” “un-
educated,” “poor,” “drunken,” “angry,” “aggressive,” “stupid,”
“inferior,” and
“lazy,” among others. The more positive stereotypes included
“proud,”
“noble,” “spiritual,” “deeply religious,” “wise,” “nature-
loving,” “tradition,”
and others. None of the stereotypes gave any indication of
perceptions
of Indians as “ordinary” Americans, although a few students
argued in
the commentary that, despite these stereotypes, many Indians
are “or-
dinary” Americans. Clearly, Indians are understood by this
predomi-
nantly white and non-Indian student population as something
“other”
than themselves—except, of course, those Indians whom they
know
personally.
These stereotypes are reinforced by the images created by popu-
lar films spanning classic westerns and contemporary films of
the Ameri-
can West. The images range from the warrior and the shamanic
rep-
resentation to the ignorant drunken depiction. The warrior
image
includes the all-too-common savage warrior, usually shown in
stereo-
typical Plains form, and the heroic and noble warrior/ hunter,
depicted
as stoic, in touch with nature, and peace loving but willing to
fight
when necessary. The shaman profile represents a deeply
religious and
mysterious character. These images are most often
contextualized in
some historic past with the major theme in the lives of the
Indians
being the confrontation with encroaching peoples of European
de-
scent. The warrior/ hunter, the religious leader, and the
confrontations
with whites were undoubtedly important aspects of much of the
expe-
rience of American Indians historically, and even the savage
warrior
image probably resonates to some degree with actual experience
with-
in tribes as they perceived their enemies—whether Indian or
white.
The image of drunkenness, too, has its parallels in historical
and con-
temporary Indian experience as Indians, as well as a plethora of
other
Americans, struggle with alcohol problems. However, all of
these im-
ages are reductive. The portrayals, or perhaps the lack of
alternative
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portrayals, reduce the meta-image of American Indians in
popular cul-
ture to a finite and constrained set of experiences and
potentials.
Alexie challenges, partially through humor and satire, these
stereotypes and images as he presents the lives of the main
charac-
ters in Smoke Signals situated within a contemporary context.
The tradi-
tional warrior or shaman is not found in the film, but the image
of
drunkenness plays a prominent role because alcohol abuse is
part of the
subject matter and integral to the story line. Alexie’s
protagonists are
two young, fatherless Coeur d’Alene men from the reservation,
Victor
Joseph and Thomas Builds-the-Fire. Victor is a tough, confident
but
sullen jock, and Thomas is a “storytelling geek” (Alexie, quoted
in West
and West 1998, 29). While they are not close friends in the
beginning
of the story, the two are inseparably linked by circumstance
beyond
their tribal affiliation or the fact that they are American youth.
Victor’s
father, Arnold, saved the infant Thomas from a Fourth of July
house
fire that killed Thomas’s parents. Several years after the fire,
Arnold’s
wife, Arlene, awoke from an alcohol-induced slumber to find
young
Victor smashing his father’s beer supply against the tailgate of
his pick-
up truck. On that day, she determined to stop the alcohol
consump-
tion and demanded that Arnold do the same. However, the
alcohol-
tormented Arnold disappeared from the reservation both in
response
to the ultimatum of prohibition from his wife and as an escape
from the
haunting of his role in starting the fateful Fourth of July fire.
Thomas’s
attempts to cultivate a friendship are consistently rebuffed by
the cool
Victor until circumstance once again intervenes. Several years
after
Arnold’s disappearance, Victor and Arlene receive news of the
death
of Arnold and a request that one of them travel to New Mexico
to re-
cover his remains. Without enough money to make the trip,
Victor is
forced to accept financial help from Thomas under the condition
that
he take Thomas with him. Thus, with a short ride in a car
driving in re-
verse and two bus tickets, they initiate the road trip that
provides the
context for the pursuit of friendship, identity, and meaning
around
which the story of Smoke Signals revolves.
The film has many dimensions, and the characters of Victor and
Thomas and the images of American Indians they promote in the
film
cannot be reduced to one interpretation. One of the
contributions of
Alexie’s artistry in Smoke Signals is his ability to portray
complex charac-
ters who happen to be American Indians. In their personae and
their
struggles, Alexie simultaneously develops characters with both
specific
Indian qualities and more common American aspects. In doing
so, he
promotes a more complete human image of contemporary
American
Indians to a popular American audience. This significant
contribution
is achieved through a rather simple formula: the major
protagonists
portray contemporary American Indians in a specific world that
is at
once American and Indian.
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First and most obviously, the film is exclusively focused on
Indian
characters embedded in an Indian cultural context. The
protagonists in
Smoke Signals are associated with the specific cultural elements
of the
contemporary Coeur d’Alene. For example, the film features the
Coeur
d’Alene reservation with its landscape, people, dress, hairstyles,
and
form of the English language, and incorporates elements of
traditional
music, food (fry bread), and family. The audience comes to
know a
little about the contemporary American Indian world the
characters
live in, as interpreted by Alexie, because that world is depicted.
The humanizing efforts of the film and its appeal to a
mainstream
American audience do not end with the illustration of
contemporary
American Indian life. Along with being an informative, tragic,
and hu-
morous story, Smoke Signals appeals to a mainstream audience
because it
addresses familiar human conditions. In conjunction with the
Coeur
d’Alene Indian cultural specifics lie a general American
character and
common personal dilemmas that parallel the experience of the
larger
American audience. Victor and Thomas in many ways reflect
some very
recognizable stereotypes in American culture, the jock and the
geek,
with which most Americans can relate. The protagonists
encounter
dilemmas of life including the discovery of one’s identity, the
battle
with alcohol or other addictions, the struggles of poverty, the
expe-
rience of abandonment or neglect from one’s father/parents, the
de-
velopment of lasting friendships, and even the exploration of a
road
trip. These experiences, whatever the cultural trappings,
resonate with
the experience of people within and outside the Indian
community.
Through the vehicle of this film and its Indian characters, the
audience
can engage their parallel personal dilemmas. Herein lies the
second
part of Alexie’s formula for image creation: he brings to life a
“familiar”
character with which the popular audience can identify. If the
audience
can identify with the characters and their dilemmas, the film
potential-
ly has a broad appeal, as Smoke Signals does, and thus can
communicate
with a large popular audience. This Alexie was determined to
do. The
simultaneous portrayal of experience unique to American
Indians, with
its specific cultural context, and experiences recognizable to a
more
widespread popular audience is one of the major strengths of
the hu-
manizing efforts of the film.
Whatever the attraction, one of the potential effects of the film
on a mainstream audience involves its confrontation with the
images
the audience previously held of American Indians. A novel
image is set
forth as the characters become very human and very American
without
shedding their distinction as members of a particular cultural
group—
remaining very Indian. The audience comes to know the
characters in
cultural trappings that might, at first glance, make them alien to
the
mainstream audience. The audience’s relationship to the
characters is
transformed to one of familiarity as they become real and
complex
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through the unfolding representation. If this occurs, then the
process
of bringing to life the full humanity of each character
potentially has
the power to render a fuller and more complex image of Indians
in the
eyes, or minds, of the audience that may be under the influence
of the
aforementioned more reductive images. Thus, Smoke Signals
and popu-
lar culture in general remain an effective avenue for
confrontation and
transformation in American culture.
The novelty of these American Indian images created in the film
struck a chord with the children—ranging from age eight to
fourteen—
whom I talked with concerning Smoke Signals. I asked the
children what
they thought about American Indians and had them draw a
picture of
an “Indian” before we watched Smoke Signals together. Before
the film,
one of the children explained, “This is weird, but, when you
first said
Indians, I kinda thought of savages, in a way, because, back in
the old
times, they didn’t live like we did, they lived in huts and had
fires and
all that other stuff, like moccasins.” Another child added, “They
were
warlike, because they came out of there and most of them in the
past
didn’t have guns, so they killed people with their bare hands.
Um, they
lived off the land, you know, they kind of harvested food and
didn’t
have processed flour and things like that.” These quotes reveal
the
static, historical, and primitive images common in Indian
stereotypes.
The children’s pictures reflected the same static quality. While
one of
the children, the oldest, drew a picture of a man in
contemporary main-
stream clothing, the others clothed their drawings in buckskins
or
colorful long dresses and beads. When asked specifically about
con-
temporary Indians, one child said, “They probably look like
regular
people but they probably have more, like, beliefs, kind of,
because
they grew up that way and their ancestors or whatever, they had
more
of a background.”
After this discussion we watched Smoke Signals together and I
asked them a series of questions about the film and how its
images were
similar to or different from their previous understandings of
Indians.
While they were too inexperienced and uninformed to grasp
much
of the complexity of the film, they were surprised by its
portrayal of
Indians. Their historical, static, and stereotyped images of
American
Indians were confounded by the images portrayed by Alexie.
The chil-
dren’s comments reflect the humanizing depictions presented by
Alexie
in the film. One of the children remarked, “I sort of think of
Native
Americans as like tepees and stuff like that, but I don’t think of
them as
modern-day people. I think of them as, like INDIANS, but I
think of them
now as regular people.” Another child added, “They showed
Indians
like how they know feelings; in other movies they just talk
about the
history of it, and how, they didn’t show how they had feelings.”
Along
with the humanizing aspects, the children were dismayed at the
amount
of drunkenness depicted in the film and thought it portrayed
Indians in
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a bad light. One child remarked, “They didn’t really show that
much
sober Indians except those two guys, because the mom was
drunk, the
dad, and all those people were all drunk.”
While Smoke Signals was probably not widely watched by chil-
dren, these examples demonstrate the immediate and powerful
trans-
formative effects of the images in the film. It can provide a
direct chal-
lenge to the static historical images through developing a
complex
human portrayal of contemporary Indians. However, the salient
per-
ception among the youth that the film acts negatively by
depicting
drunkenness indicates the tenuous nature of popular culture to
trans-
form hegemonic images. This perception was not limited to the
young
children I talked with. The impressions remembered from
Smoke Signals
by college students in my sociology classes sustain this tenuous
impact.
When asked to list the films they most remember seeing
depicting
American Indians, less than 20 percent mentioned Smoke
Signals. The
fact that nearly every student remembered seeing Dances with
Wolves
and The Last of the Mohicans indicates that those films were
more popu-
larly seen. Of those that mentioned Smoke Signals, only a few
com-
mented on the positive portrayal of Indians. The bulk of the
students
who remembered the film remembered that it depicted
contemporary
Indians, but they also characterized the film as portraying
Indians in
a negative light—with a focus on drunkenness. In class
discussion,
the students were asked if popular films, including Smoke
Signals, reflect
common stereotypes. The majority of students said that the
films did
in fact reinforce them. Only a few indicated that Smoke Signals
chal-
lenged these stereotypes or the images of Indians presented in
other
popular films.
Given the children’s and students’ negative associations with
the
film despite the well-developed alternative images created by
Alexie,
what are we to make of the impact of Smoke Signals? Why did
this au-
dience identify drunkenness as the dominant portrayal of
Indians in
Smoke Signals when the film included such a powerful anti-
alcohol mes-
sage? Neither of the two main characters ever touched a drop of
alco-
hol, Victor’s mother had not taken a drink since the day her
husband
left, and even Arnold quit drinking later in his life. One way to
make
sense of this contradiction is to recall the enduring power of
hegemonic
representations. This power indicates one primary reason that
the works
of artists like Alexie, who use the mediums of popular culture,
cannot
stand alone in their efforts to educate the public and transform
domi-
nant images. Popular culture, while an effective, immediate, and
widely
consumed agent, has, at times, only a fleeting effect, lasting
only the
time that passes between its consumption and the consumption
of the
next unrelated element. Popular culture is consumed as
entertainment,
not as a learning tool. That does not mean it has no potential
lasting
power in the images it portrays. But the popular culture items
exist in a
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larger political context. Unless that context and its
representations are
addressed by people acting outside of popular culture, the novel
im-
ages offered by artists such as Alexie could be fleeting.
The ideas and images designed by Alexie are certainly not re-
inforced by hegemonic culture. Reductive and stereotypical
images are
much more prevalent and institutionalized, and the hegemonic
cultur-
al context is not conducive to the creation, dissemination, or
reinforce-
ment of counterimages like those developed in Smoke Signals.
Aside
from the numerous depictions of American Indians in popular
films be-
sides Smoke Signals, one need only look at the controversy
surrounding
the mascot at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign as
an ex-
ample of these reductive images. Many see the mascot as a
harmless
Illinois tradition. That argument is problematic in and of itself,
but, if
the mascot is seen in a larger context of maintaining
stereotypical im-
ages of Indians, its continued use is clearly exposed as an
oppressive
agent. The same holds for the use of American Indian names
and sym-
bols at forty-five other colleges and universities (Lapchick
1996; Miller
1999) and extends to activities like the “tomahawk chop”
performed by
spectators at Atlanta Braves baseball games.
Hegemonic images are also perpetuated in our teaching about
American Indians in the education system. While some high-
quality
courses incorporate an exploration and understanding of
contempo-
rary American Indian life, all too often the curriculum focuses
on the
same historical past as the film industry. While the
representation of
that past in the education system is perhaps of higher quality
than the
representations often seen in films, the continual representation
of
American Indians as a past, albeit diverse, population
reinforces, if my
students are any indication, stereotypical and static images.
Many of
the valuable cultural practices American Indians continue, as
well as
many of the problems they face today, have roots in history, and
edu-
cators should seek to further the understanding of those
historical cir-
cumstances and cultures. However, for Alexie’s images to enter
and be
sustained in mainstream hegemonic culture, the knowledge of
the past
must be balanced with a dynamic understanding of the
complexity of
contemporary American Indian lives. The static images of past
Ameri-
can Indians as something other than, rather than part of, the
concept
of American continue to contribute to the obstruction of images
like
those Alexie portrays.
Another dimension to this balance and the reformation of hege-
monic images of American Indians concerns who tells the story.
While
scholars with knowledge and actual experience among Indian
commu-
nities are a valuable component, members of Indian
communities and
tribes can and should partner in the education process. This
collabora-
tion is being developed and fostered in numerous places. For
example,
at the University of Idaho, an American Indian Studies minor
has been
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formed with the cooperation of and in partnership with local
tribes and
tribal members. Programs like this have the potential to help
reshape
hegemonic images of Indians in the realm of education and
provide
cultural support for the project that Alexie and many others
have initi-
ated through the medium of film.
Ownership in the American capitalist economic system is also a
major factor in promoting hegemonic culture in general and the
im-
ages of American Indians in particular. American Indians, like
other
minority populations, have limited membership in the elite
circles of
capital ownership. Aside from contributing to sustained high
poverty
rates, one consequence of this lack of ownership of capital is
that those
who have no ownership, and this includes American Indians,
have
no control over the primary purveyors of hegemonic imagery—
the
corporations that create/sell the mass media. They thus have
little con-
trol over the forms of the images constructed and sold that
portray
them in media ranging from national news coverage to popular
films
and print media.
The lack of power in the economic realm also reduces the politi-
cal power of any group in the United States since money and
politics
are intimately entwined. All non-upper-class Americans suffer
to some
degree from the exclusion from political processes due to the
heavy
political influence of the “power elite” and corporate America,
but the
exclusion has, and has had over the years, unique implications
for
American Indians, including the issue of tribal casinos. Tribal
casinos
are a relatively recent avenue of entry into the capitalist
economy for
Indian tribes. The complex negotiations with federal and state
govern-
ments over the right to operate casinos on the reservations and
the
degree of regulation they are subject to is an ongoing challenge
of sov-
ereignty. At issue with the casinos is the entry into the system
of capi-
talist ownership with the associated access to political power
and cor-
porate control through investments of revenue—not to mention
the
ability to address conditions of poverty and unemployment on
reser-
vations. Increased access of Indian individuals and tribes to
political
power and corporate control could potentially significantly
contribute
to reshaping hegemonic images of American Indians.
The images of American Indians presented via popular culture
through Smoke Signals have the potential to have a powerful
impact on
the American public perception of American Indians through
chal-
lenging and reshaping hegemonic representations. However, as I
have
discussed, popular culture is fleeting, Smoke Signals is a minute
portion
of that popular culture, and the hegemonic culture at large is not
con-
ducive to reinforcing Alexie’s portrayals of contemporary
American
Indians. Many people, both Indian and non-Indian, enjoyed the
movie
for a variety of reasons. But it is not enough to simply enjoy
this movie—
for whatever reason. Whether the movie evokes emotive
responses
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concerning personal struggles, a cathartic white liberal guilt, or
a senti-
mentalist or genuine compassion and /or admiration for
contemporary
American Indians among a white audience, there is a larger
issue at
stake. The stake is representation, and it is an issue of
sovereignty.
Those of us who enjoyed the movie, talk about the movie, and
recog-
nize part of ourselves in the movie have a responsibility to
move out-
side our indulgence in popular culture as entertainment and
recognize
the importance of popular culture to challenge hegemony—the
“sub-
versive” component to popular culture. If the emotional
evocations
lead to concrete actions and sustained attempts to promote
under-
standing, whether it be at home with children or in a larger
social and
political sphere, then that is a first step. However, those of us
operating
in the daily construction and maintenance of American culture
also
need to be consciously inspired and motivated by the artistic
message
and pursue the subversive project after the emotion wears off. If
we fail,
if we only indulge ourselves in popular culture emanating from
the
Coeur d’Alene reservation and then move to the next popular
culture
stimuli, Smoke Signals, along with the images it creates, will
suffer the
fate of so many other transient aspects of American popular
culture.
And Alexie’s “signals” will dissipate.
W O R K S C I T E D
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Lapchick, Richard E. “The Use of
Native American Names and Mascots
in Sports.” In Sport and Society: Equal
Opportunity or Business As Usual? ed.
Richard E. Lapchick, 75–76. Thousand
Oaks, Calif.: Sage, 1996.
Miller, Jackson B. “ ‘Indians,’ ‘Braves,’
and ‘Redskins’: A Performative Struggle
for Control of an Image.” Quarterly
Journal of Speech 85 (1999): 188–22.
West, Dennis, and Joan M. West.
“Sending Cinematic Smoke Signals:
An Interview with Sherman Alexie.”
Cineaste 23, no. 4 (1998): 28–32.

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  • 1. Smoke or Signals? American Popular Culture and the Challenge to Hegemonic Images of American Indians in Native American Film John Mihelich Wicazo Sa Review, Volume 16, Number 2, Fall 2001, pp. 129- 137 (Article) Published by University of Minnesota Press DOI: 10.1353/wic.2001.0029 For additional information about this article Access provided by Temple University (19 Jan 2014 11:02 GMT) http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/wic/summary/v016/16.2mihelich.ht ml http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/wic/summary/v016/16.2mihelich.ht ml American popular culture has historically been an arena where hegemonic structures and ideas could be challenged and where the sta- tus quo could be questioned, often through humor and satire. Continu- ing this tradition in one of the most refreshing recent contributions to American popular culture, Smoke Signals, Sherman Alexie challenges
  • 2. hegemonic and stereotypical images of American Indians through por- traying a complex, humanizing, and contemporary image of American Indians. In doing so, he addresses, in an interview with Cineaste, what he avows is the “greatest challenge” to contemporary American Indians— the issue of sovereignty (West and West 1998). Sovereignty generally refers to autonomy and control over one’s destiny. As such, it involves representation and the power to create and determine how groups, and individuals within those groups, are represented. Since popular culture is, by definition, “popular” and widely consumed, it is a powerful agent in shaping these representative images. However, the power of any one image of popular culture is weakened in part because of the sheer magnitude of competing popular elements. Images are further diluted because they are often casually consumed as entertainment and because the contents of popular culture are so broad, varied, and transitional. This essay emanates from my genuine appreciation for the efforts of Alexie and my curiosity about the effects of popular culture and the po- 129 S
  • 4. E W Smoke or Signals? American Popular Culture and the Challenge to Hegemonic Images of American Indians in Native American Film J o h n M i h e l i c h tential of Smoke Signals to counter hegemonic representations of Indians. To explore this potential, I asked a series of questions of my students in an introduction to sociology class and conducted an exploratory ex- periment with a colleague’s children. In the following, I discuss both the power of popular culture to shape perceptions, through inciting novel ideas in a film like Smoke Signals, and the transient effects of any one film. As such, I point to the importance of this use and appropria- tion of popular culture and also to the limitations of popular culture that necessitate actions on the part of people who shape culture in gen- eral, directed toward elaborating and institutionalizing the projects initiated by artists acting within the medium of popular culture. I asked the students in two sociology classes to list the stereo-
  • 5. types that they or others hold concerning American Indians. The lists included a dichotomous range of all-too-familiar American Indian stereotypes. The students listed the negative stereotypes: “savage,” “un- educated,” “poor,” “drunken,” “angry,” “aggressive,” “stupid,” “inferior,” and “lazy,” among others. The more positive stereotypes included “proud,” “noble,” “spiritual,” “deeply religious,” “wise,” “nature- loving,” “tradition,” and others. None of the stereotypes gave any indication of perceptions of Indians as “ordinary” Americans, although a few students argued in the commentary that, despite these stereotypes, many Indians are “or- dinary” Americans. Clearly, Indians are understood by this predomi- nantly white and non-Indian student population as something “other” than themselves—except, of course, those Indians whom they know personally. These stereotypes are reinforced by the images created by popu- lar films spanning classic westerns and contemporary films of the Ameri- can West. The images range from the warrior and the shamanic rep- resentation to the ignorant drunken depiction. The warrior image includes the all-too-common savage warrior, usually shown in stereo- typical Plains form, and the heroic and noble warrior/ hunter,
  • 6. depicted as stoic, in touch with nature, and peace loving but willing to fight when necessary. The shaman profile represents a deeply religious and mysterious character. These images are most often contextualized in some historic past with the major theme in the lives of the Indians being the confrontation with encroaching peoples of European de- scent. The warrior/ hunter, the religious leader, and the confrontations with whites were undoubtedly important aspects of much of the expe- rience of American Indians historically, and even the savage warrior image probably resonates to some degree with actual experience with- in tribes as they perceived their enemies—whether Indian or white. The image of drunkenness, too, has its parallels in historical and con- temporary Indian experience as Indians, as well as a plethora of other Americans, struggle with alcohol problems. However, all of these im- ages are reductive. The portrayals, or perhaps the lack of alternative 130 S U M
  • 8. portrayals, reduce the meta-image of American Indians in popular cul- ture to a finite and constrained set of experiences and potentials. Alexie challenges, partially through humor and satire, these stereotypes and images as he presents the lives of the main charac- ters in Smoke Signals situated within a contemporary context. The tradi- tional warrior or shaman is not found in the film, but the image of drunkenness plays a prominent role because alcohol abuse is part of the subject matter and integral to the story line. Alexie’s protagonists are two young, fatherless Coeur d’Alene men from the reservation, Victor Joseph and Thomas Builds-the-Fire. Victor is a tough, confident but sullen jock, and Thomas is a “storytelling geek” (Alexie, quoted in West and West 1998, 29). While they are not close friends in the beginning of the story, the two are inseparably linked by circumstance beyond their tribal affiliation or the fact that they are American youth. Victor’s father, Arnold, saved the infant Thomas from a Fourth of July house fire that killed Thomas’s parents. Several years after the fire, Arnold’s wife, Arlene, awoke from an alcohol-induced slumber to find
  • 9. young Victor smashing his father’s beer supply against the tailgate of his pick- up truck. On that day, she determined to stop the alcohol consump- tion and demanded that Arnold do the same. However, the alcohol- tormented Arnold disappeared from the reservation both in response to the ultimatum of prohibition from his wife and as an escape from the haunting of his role in starting the fateful Fourth of July fire. Thomas’s attempts to cultivate a friendship are consistently rebuffed by the cool Victor until circumstance once again intervenes. Several years after Arnold’s disappearance, Victor and Arlene receive news of the death of Arnold and a request that one of them travel to New Mexico to re- cover his remains. Without enough money to make the trip, Victor is forced to accept financial help from Thomas under the condition that he take Thomas with him. Thus, with a short ride in a car driving in re- verse and two bus tickets, they initiate the road trip that provides the context for the pursuit of friendship, identity, and meaning around which the story of Smoke Signals revolves. The film has many dimensions, and the characters of Victor and Thomas and the images of American Indians they promote in the film
  • 10. cannot be reduced to one interpretation. One of the contributions of Alexie’s artistry in Smoke Signals is his ability to portray complex charac- ters who happen to be American Indians. In their personae and their struggles, Alexie simultaneously develops characters with both specific Indian qualities and more common American aspects. In doing so, he promotes a more complete human image of contemporary American Indians to a popular American audience. This significant contribution is achieved through a rather simple formula: the major protagonists portray contemporary American Indians in a specific world that is at once American and Indian. 131 S U M M E R 2 0 0
  • 11. 1 W I C A Z O S A R E V I E W First and most obviously, the film is exclusively focused on Indian characters embedded in an Indian cultural context. The protagonists in Smoke Signals are associated with the specific cultural elements of the contemporary Coeur d’Alene. For example, the film features the
  • 12. Coeur d’Alene reservation with its landscape, people, dress, hairstyles, and form of the English language, and incorporates elements of traditional music, food (fry bread), and family. The audience comes to know a little about the contemporary American Indian world the characters live in, as interpreted by Alexie, because that world is depicted. The humanizing efforts of the film and its appeal to a mainstream American audience do not end with the illustration of contemporary American Indian life. Along with being an informative, tragic, and hu- morous story, Smoke Signals appeals to a mainstream audience because it addresses familiar human conditions. In conjunction with the Coeur d’Alene Indian cultural specifics lie a general American character and common personal dilemmas that parallel the experience of the larger American audience. Victor and Thomas in many ways reflect some very recognizable stereotypes in American culture, the jock and the geek, with which most Americans can relate. The protagonists encounter dilemmas of life including the discovery of one’s identity, the battle with alcohol or other addictions, the struggles of poverty, the expe- rience of abandonment or neglect from one’s father/parents, the
  • 13. de- velopment of lasting friendships, and even the exploration of a road trip. These experiences, whatever the cultural trappings, resonate with the experience of people within and outside the Indian community. Through the vehicle of this film and its Indian characters, the audience can engage their parallel personal dilemmas. Herein lies the second part of Alexie’s formula for image creation: he brings to life a “familiar” character with which the popular audience can identify. If the audience can identify with the characters and their dilemmas, the film potential- ly has a broad appeal, as Smoke Signals does, and thus can communicate with a large popular audience. This Alexie was determined to do. The simultaneous portrayal of experience unique to American Indians, with its specific cultural context, and experiences recognizable to a more widespread popular audience is one of the major strengths of the hu- manizing efforts of the film. Whatever the attraction, one of the potential effects of the film on a mainstream audience involves its confrontation with the images the audience previously held of American Indians. A novel image is set forth as the characters become very human and very American without
  • 14. shedding their distinction as members of a particular cultural group— remaining very Indian. The audience comes to know the characters in cultural trappings that might, at first glance, make them alien to the mainstream audience. The audience’s relationship to the characters is transformed to one of familiarity as they become real and complex 132 S U M M E R 2 0 0 1 W I C A Z
  • 15. O S A R E V I E W through the unfolding representation. If this occurs, then the process of bringing to life the full humanity of each character potentially has the power to render a fuller and more complex image of Indians in the eyes, or minds, of the audience that may be under the influence of the aforementioned more reductive images. Thus, Smoke Signals and popu- lar culture in general remain an effective avenue for confrontation and transformation in American culture. The novelty of these American Indian images created in the film struck a chord with the children—ranging from age eight to
  • 16. fourteen— whom I talked with concerning Smoke Signals. I asked the children what they thought about American Indians and had them draw a picture of an “Indian” before we watched Smoke Signals together. Before the film, one of the children explained, “This is weird, but, when you first said Indians, I kinda thought of savages, in a way, because, back in the old times, they didn’t live like we did, they lived in huts and had fires and all that other stuff, like moccasins.” Another child added, “They were warlike, because they came out of there and most of them in the past didn’t have guns, so they killed people with their bare hands. Um, they lived off the land, you know, they kind of harvested food and didn’t have processed flour and things like that.” These quotes reveal the static, historical, and primitive images common in Indian stereotypes. The children’s pictures reflected the same static quality. While one of the children, the oldest, drew a picture of a man in contemporary main- stream clothing, the others clothed their drawings in buckskins or colorful long dresses and beads. When asked specifically about con- temporary Indians, one child said, “They probably look like regular people but they probably have more, like, beliefs, kind of,
  • 17. because they grew up that way and their ancestors or whatever, they had more of a background.” After this discussion we watched Smoke Signals together and I asked them a series of questions about the film and how its images were similar to or different from their previous understandings of Indians. While they were too inexperienced and uninformed to grasp much of the complexity of the film, they were surprised by its portrayal of Indians. Their historical, static, and stereotyped images of American Indians were confounded by the images portrayed by Alexie. The chil- dren’s comments reflect the humanizing depictions presented by Alexie in the film. One of the children remarked, “I sort of think of Native Americans as like tepees and stuff like that, but I don’t think of them as modern-day people. I think of them as, like INDIANS, but I think of them now as regular people.” Another child added, “They showed Indians like how they know feelings; in other movies they just talk about the history of it, and how, they didn’t show how they had feelings.” Along with the humanizing aspects, the children were dismayed at the amount of drunkenness depicted in the film and thought it portrayed Indians in
  • 19. E V I E W a bad light. One child remarked, “They didn’t really show that much sober Indians except those two guys, because the mom was drunk, the dad, and all those people were all drunk.” While Smoke Signals was probably not widely watched by chil- dren, these examples demonstrate the immediate and powerful trans- formative effects of the images in the film. It can provide a direct chal- lenge to the static historical images through developing a complex human portrayal of contemporary Indians. However, the salient per- ception among the youth that the film acts negatively by depicting drunkenness indicates the tenuous nature of popular culture to trans- form hegemonic images. This perception was not limited to the young children I talked with. The impressions remembered from Smoke Signals by college students in my sociology classes sustain this tenuous impact. When asked to list the films they most remember seeing
  • 20. depicting American Indians, less than 20 percent mentioned Smoke Signals. The fact that nearly every student remembered seeing Dances with Wolves and The Last of the Mohicans indicates that those films were more popu- larly seen. Of those that mentioned Smoke Signals, only a few com- mented on the positive portrayal of Indians. The bulk of the students who remembered the film remembered that it depicted contemporary Indians, but they also characterized the film as portraying Indians in a negative light—with a focus on drunkenness. In class discussion, the students were asked if popular films, including Smoke Signals, reflect common stereotypes. The majority of students said that the films did in fact reinforce them. Only a few indicated that Smoke Signals chal- lenged these stereotypes or the images of Indians presented in other popular films. Given the children’s and students’ negative associations with the film despite the well-developed alternative images created by Alexie, what are we to make of the impact of Smoke Signals? Why did this au- dience identify drunkenness as the dominant portrayal of Indians in Smoke Signals when the film included such a powerful anti-
  • 21. alcohol mes- sage? Neither of the two main characters ever touched a drop of alco- hol, Victor’s mother had not taken a drink since the day her husband left, and even Arnold quit drinking later in his life. One way to make sense of this contradiction is to recall the enduring power of hegemonic representations. This power indicates one primary reason that the works of artists like Alexie, who use the mediums of popular culture, cannot stand alone in their efforts to educate the public and transform domi- nant images. Popular culture, while an effective, immediate, and widely consumed agent, has, at times, only a fleeting effect, lasting only the time that passes between its consumption and the consumption of the next unrelated element. Popular culture is consumed as entertainment, not as a learning tool. That does not mean it has no potential lasting power in the images it portrays. But the popular culture items exist in a 134 S U M M
  • 23. larger political context. Unless that context and its representations are addressed by people acting outside of popular culture, the novel im- ages offered by artists such as Alexie could be fleeting. The ideas and images designed by Alexie are certainly not re- inforced by hegemonic culture. Reductive and stereotypical images are much more prevalent and institutionalized, and the hegemonic cultur- al context is not conducive to the creation, dissemination, or reinforce- ment of counterimages like those developed in Smoke Signals. Aside from the numerous depictions of American Indians in popular films be- sides Smoke Signals, one need only look at the controversy surrounding the mascot at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign as an ex- ample of these reductive images. Many see the mascot as a harmless Illinois tradition. That argument is problematic in and of itself, but, if the mascot is seen in a larger context of maintaining stereotypical im- ages of Indians, its continued use is clearly exposed as an oppressive agent. The same holds for the use of American Indian names and sym- bols at forty-five other colleges and universities (Lapchick 1996; Miller 1999) and extends to activities like the “tomahawk chop” performed by
  • 24. spectators at Atlanta Braves baseball games. Hegemonic images are also perpetuated in our teaching about American Indians in the education system. While some high- quality courses incorporate an exploration and understanding of contempo- rary American Indian life, all too often the curriculum focuses on the same historical past as the film industry. While the representation of that past in the education system is perhaps of higher quality than the representations often seen in films, the continual representation of American Indians as a past, albeit diverse, population reinforces, if my students are any indication, stereotypical and static images. Many of the valuable cultural practices American Indians continue, as well as many of the problems they face today, have roots in history, and edu- cators should seek to further the understanding of those historical cir- cumstances and cultures. However, for Alexie’s images to enter and be sustained in mainstream hegemonic culture, the knowledge of the past must be balanced with a dynamic understanding of the complexity of contemporary American Indian lives. The static images of past Ameri- can Indians as something other than, rather than part of, the concept of American continue to contribute to the obstruction of images
  • 25. like those Alexie portrays. Another dimension to this balance and the reformation of hege- monic images of American Indians concerns who tells the story. While scholars with knowledge and actual experience among Indian commu- nities are a valuable component, members of Indian communities and tribes can and should partner in the education process. This collabora- tion is being developed and fostered in numerous places. For example, at the University of Idaho, an American Indian Studies minor has been 135 S U M M E R 2 0 0 1 W
  • 26. I C A Z O S A R E V I E W formed with the cooperation of and in partnership with local tribes and tribal members. Programs like this have the potential to help reshape hegemonic images of Indians in the realm of education and provide cultural support for the project that Alexie and many others have initi- ated through the medium of film.
  • 27. Ownership in the American capitalist economic system is also a major factor in promoting hegemonic culture in general and the im- ages of American Indians in particular. American Indians, like other minority populations, have limited membership in the elite circles of capital ownership. Aside from contributing to sustained high poverty rates, one consequence of this lack of ownership of capital is that those who have no ownership, and this includes American Indians, have no control over the primary purveyors of hegemonic imagery— the corporations that create/sell the mass media. They thus have little con- trol over the forms of the images constructed and sold that portray them in media ranging from national news coverage to popular films and print media. The lack of power in the economic realm also reduces the politi- cal power of any group in the United States since money and politics are intimately entwined. All non-upper-class Americans suffer to some degree from the exclusion from political processes due to the heavy political influence of the “power elite” and corporate America, but the exclusion has, and has had over the years, unique implications for American Indians, including the issue of tribal casinos. Tribal casinos
  • 28. are a relatively recent avenue of entry into the capitalist economy for Indian tribes. The complex negotiations with federal and state govern- ments over the right to operate casinos on the reservations and the degree of regulation they are subject to is an ongoing challenge of sov- ereignty. At issue with the casinos is the entry into the system of capi- talist ownership with the associated access to political power and cor- porate control through investments of revenue—not to mention the ability to address conditions of poverty and unemployment on reser- vations. Increased access of Indian individuals and tribes to political power and corporate control could potentially significantly contribute to reshaping hegemonic images of American Indians. The images of American Indians presented via popular culture through Smoke Signals have the potential to have a powerful impact on the American public perception of American Indians through chal- lenging and reshaping hegemonic representations. However, as I have discussed, popular culture is fleeting, Smoke Signals is a minute portion of that popular culture, and the hegemonic culture at large is not con- ducive to reinforcing Alexie’s portrayals of contemporary American Indians. Many people, both Indian and non-Indian, enjoyed the
  • 29. movie for a variety of reasons. But it is not enough to simply enjoy this movie— for whatever reason. Whether the movie evokes emotive responses 136 S U M M E R 2 0 0 1 W I C A Z O S
  • 30. A R E V I E W concerning personal struggles, a cathartic white liberal guilt, or a senti- mentalist or genuine compassion and /or admiration for contemporary American Indians among a white audience, there is a larger issue at stake. The stake is representation, and it is an issue of sovereignty. Those of us who enjoyed the movie, talk about the movie, and recog- nize part of ourselves in the movie have a responsibility to move out- side our indulgence in popular culture as entertainment and recognize the importance of popular culture to challenge hegemony—the “sub- versive” component to popular culture. If the emotional evocations lead to concrete actions and sustained attempts to promote under- standing, whether it be at home with children or in a larger
  • 31. social and political sphere, then that is a first step. However, those of us operating in the daily construction and maintenance of American culture also need to be consciously inspired and motivated by the artistic message and pursue the subversive project after the emotion wears off. If we fail, if we only indulge ourselves in popular culture emanating from the Coeur d’Alene reservation and then move to the next popular culture stimuli, Smoke Signals, along with the images it creates, will suffer the fate of so many other transient aspects of American popular culture. And Alexie’s “signals” will dissipate. W O R K S C I T E D 137 S U M M E R 2 0
  • 32. 0 1 W I C A Z O S A R E V I E W Lapchick, Richard E. “The Use of Native American Names and Mascots in Sports.” In Sport and Society: Equal Opportunity or Business As Usual? ed. Richard E. Lapchick, 75–76. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage, 1996. Miller, Jackson B. “ ‘Indians,’ ‘Braves,’
  • 33. and ‘Redskins’: A Performative Struggle for Control of an Image.” Quarterly Journal of Speech 85 (1999): 188–22. West, Dennis, and Joan M. West. “Sending Cinematic Smoke Signals: An Interview with Sherman Alexie.” Cineaste 23, no. 4 (1998): 28–32.