TEXT require reading chapter 14 Korgen, K. O., & Atkinson M. P. (2019) Sociology in Action (1st ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc. Chapter 14 Changing Society through Social Movements Wendy M. Christensen Social movements work to promote social change. In January 2017, an estimated 600,000 people joined the Women’s March in Washington, D.C., andmillions more gathered across the United States and the world to protest the policies of President Donald Trump. AP Photo/Anonymous Learning Questions · 14.1 What is a social movement? · 14.2 Why do people participate in social movements? · 14.3 What are the different types of social movements? · 14.4 How would you use a sociological theory to explain a social movement? · 14.5 What are the steps a social movement must take to become successful? · 14.6 What tactics do social movements use to achieve their goals, and what kind of backlash do they face? · 14.7 How can we create social change14.1 What Is a Social Movement? Five people are gathered outside city hall after a city council meeting. Each had attended the meeting to demand that the city address therapidly multiplying feral cat population. Each was involved in helping reduce the feral cat population on their own, spending their own timeand money to trap and spay/neuter cats. Noting the dangers faced by the cats and the smell and noise of the growing feral cat population,these five residents came to the meeting to press the city council to adopt what is known as a TNR program (trap-neuter-return). Acoordinated, citywide program could reduce the population and would get cats fixed and adopted. Despite the impassioned pleas of the five concerned residents, the council members did not promise to address the feral cat problem. The fiveare agitated as they talk about the council’s disinterested response to their requests. One suggests that they join together to form a neworganization, “Friends of Cats,” to raise awareness and push the city council to act. They exchange numbers and promises to find each otheron Facebook before heading home. Two days later, the fledging social movement has a Facebook page with over 100 followers. Soon after, membership grows from the originalfive to fifteen individuals. Meeting at a local coffee shop to plan their next steps, they decide to make informational flyers to distribute aroundtown and start a petition demanding the city council adopt their proposed policies. The next time the city council meets, Friends of Cats has thirty-five people in attendance, all with signs demanding the council take action.They present a petition with 1,500 signatures of local residents and introduce experts on TNR policy from the Animal Protection League tospeak to the council. At that meeting, the council agrees to form a committee with Friends of Cats members on animal control. A few monthslater, it drafts and passes a TNR policy for the city. Components of a Social Movement The formation of the social movement orga.

1. TEXT require reading chapter 14
Korgen, K. O., & Atkinson M. P. (2019) Sociology in
Action (1st ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc.
Chapter 14 Changing Society through Social Movements
Wendy M. Christensen
Social movements work to promote social change. In January 20
17, an estimated 600,000 people joined the Women’s March in
Washington, D.C., andmillions more gathered across the United
States and the world to protest the policies of President Donald
Trump.
AP Photo/Anonymous
Learning Questions
· 14.1 What is a social movement?
· 14.2 Why do people participate in social movements?
· 14.3 What are the different types of social movements?
·
14.4 How would you use a sociological theory to explain a socia
l movement?
·
14.5 What are the steps a social movement must take to become
successful?
·
14.6 What tactics do social movements use to achieve their goal
s, and what kind of backlash do they face?
·
14.7 How can we create social change14.1 What Is a Social Mov
ement?
Five people are gathered outside city hall after a city council me

2. eting. Each had attended the meeting to demand that the city ad
dress therapidly multiplying feral cat population. Each was invo
lved in helping reduce the feral cat population on their own, spe
nding their own timeand money to trap and spay/neuter cats. No
ting the dangers faced by the cats and the smell and noise of the
growing feral cat population,these five residents came to the m
eeting to press the city council to adopt what is known as a TNR
program (trap-neuter-
return). Acoordinated, citywide program could reduce the popul
ation and would get cats fixed and adopted.
Despite the impassioned pleas of the five concerned residents, t
he council members did not promise to address the feral cat pro
blem. The fiveare agitated as they talk about the council’s disint
erested response to their requests. One suggests that they join to
gether to form a neworganization, “Friends of Cats,” to raise aw
areness and push the city council to act. They exchange number
s and promises to find each otheron Facebook before heading ho
me.
Two days later, the fledging social movement has a Facebook pa
ge with over 100 followers. Soon after, membership grows from
the originalfive to fifteen individuals. Meeting at a local coffee
shop to plan their next steps, they decide to make informational
flyers to distribute aroundtown and start a petition demanding t
he city council adopt their proposed policies.
The next time the city council meets, Friends of Cats has thirty-
five people in attendance, all with signs demanding the council t
ake action.They present a petition with 1,500 signatures of local
residents and introduce experts on TNR policy from the Animal
Protection League tospeak to the council. At that meeting, the c
ouncil agrees to form a committee with Friends of Cats member
s on animal control. A few monthslater, it drafts and passes a T
NR policy for the city.
Components of a Social Movement
The formation of the social movement organization “Friends of
Cats” is typical for social movements. A social movement forms

3. when peoplewho want social change create an organization that
is collective, organized, and sustained and challenges authoritie
s, powerholders, orcultural beliefs and practices in noninstitutio
nal ways.
How I Got Active in Sociology
Wendy M. Christensen
I often joke that I began thinking sociologically when I listened
to Pink Floyd’s album Animals nonstop as a teenager (Animals i
s arock album about economic inequality, borrowing from Geor
ge Orwell’s Animal Farm). But, I was a sociologist long before
that.From the time I could read, I devoured books that focused o
n women’s rights, racism, and social inequality.
I started college as a technical theater major. I took a sociology
course as part of my general requirements. I enjoyed the materia
l,and the professor suggested I switch majors. But it took a coup
le years, including transferring and taking a year off, to finallys
witch to sociology. For the first time, I loved my college course
s. I wrote an undergrad thesis on masculinity and schoolshootin
gs. My advisors encouraged me to apply to graduate school.
Since earning my PhD, I feel like I have the best job possible. I
study what interests me, which right now is community-
basedpolitical activism. My favorite courses to teach are Social
Movements and Social Stratification. My work allows me to be
active inmy community and contribute to social justice moveme
nts. I love teaching social activism in nonacademic settings to c
arry thelessons of past movements into today’s social movement
community.
Friends of Cats is a collective, made up of a group of people co
operating as they work toward a shared goal. Its members disco
vered theycared about the same issue (feral cats) and had the sa
me goal as the city council (humanely reducing the feral cat pop
ulation). They decidedthat joining forces and working with city
council members would make them more powerful.
Consider This
When you think of a social movement or protest, what comes to
mind? Have you ever participated in a protest? Why?

4. Friends of Cats is also organized; the members coordinate their
efforts. They started organizing through email, Facebook, and fa
ce-to-
faceplanning meetings soon after they met. As with many social
movements today, social media tools facilitated their organizin
g efforts.
The movement members sustained their efforts until their goals
were met. Their sustained efforts included passing around a peti
tion,distributing literature, recruiting experts to research and pr
esent their case, attending city council meetings, and making th
emselves visible atthose meetings. Their close work with the co
uncil led to the council turning to them when they selected peop
le to place on the city’s AnimalControl Committee.
Friends of Cats mobilized through noninstitutional means. They
organized outside established institutions like city government.
Theirnoninstitutional protest strategies and activism got them n
oticed by government institutions, specifically the city council.
Eventually, aftertheir noninstitutional mobilizing efforts, memb
ers became part of city government by working on the Animal C
ontrol Committee.
Together, the Friends of Cats members challenged powerholders
with the goal of changing city policy. To be successful, social
movementsmust target the institution or authority figure with th
e power to make the changes they seek. Such target institutions
or figures could be a citycouncil, a mayor, a member of Congres
s, a school principal, or any other group or individual in a positi
on of power.Protests: The Most Visible Part of Social Movemen
ts
When you think of a social movement, what images come to min
d? You might picture groups of individuals demonstrating out in
the streetwith signs, yelling; individuals sitting with their arms
linked, blocking the access to a building; or tens of thousands o
f people flooding apublic space, singing and chanting for social
change. These are all examples of a protest, an individual or gro
up act of challenging, resisting,or making demands toward socia
l change. Protests are often the most visible part of social move

5. ments, while the behind-the-
scenes work oforganizing and mobilizing is often unnoticed but
will be covered in this chapter.
Some movements use civil disobedience in their protests, purpo
sely breaking social customs or laws to make their point. Lunch
counter sit-
ins during the 1960s civil rights movement are an example of ci
vil disobedience. The 1999 protests against the World Trade Or
ganization(WTO) in Seattle, Washington, provide another exam
ple. Protestors disrupted the 1999 WTO meeting by taking over
street intersections andpreventing delegates from getting to thei
r hotels.
Check Your Understanding
· What is a social movement?
· Why is organization important for a social movement?
· Why do social movements work outside institutions?
·
Who are some of the powerholders that social movements might
target for social change?
·
How do sociologists define a protest?14.2 Participating in Socia
l Movements
Social movement organizing takes considerable time and resour
ces. Not everyone has time to spend passing out petitions, marc
hing indemonstrations, and organizing meetings and protests. In
dividuals who participate in social movements may face other c
osts, as well. If ademonstration becomes heated or disrupts the r
outines of others (by blocking traffic etc.), demonstrators risk c
onfrontations withnonparticipants and police, as well as possibl
y arrest.
So, why do individuals become involved in social movements?
Members of the Friends of Cats organization are all individuals
committed toimproving the lives of feral cats. They have volunt
eered their own time and often their own money to rescue feral
cats. As individuals, theystand to benefit if the city adopts a TN
R program. Their individual efforts and expenses will be replac

6. ed by the city’s animal controldepartment. These members are b
eneficiary constituents, people who stand to benefit directly fro
m the social change being sought. Otherindividuals who are not
involved in animal rescue may join the social movement organiz
ation because they believe the city would benefitfrom helping a
nimals. These members would be conscience constituents, peopl
e who care about the cause but do not benefit directly fromthe c
hanges.
Power and Inequality Issues in Social Movements
While there are social movements focused on animal rights, man
y social movements fight for people’s rights. In the Black Lives
Mattermovement, Black Americans experiencing discrimination
are the beneficiaries of the movement. But consider for a minut
e the role Whitepeople play in the Black Lives Matter movemen
t. They are not beneficiary constituents who stand to directly be
nefit from the movement’sefforts but instead join as allies, mora
lly committed to the cause as conscience constituents.
In this picture, MoveOn.org leaders present petitions calling for
a ban on assault weapons. Through this effort, they hope to gai
n the attention andsupport of members of Congress.
Jim Watson/AFP/Getty Images
The roles conscience constituents take in social movements rais
e issues of power and inequality in social movement organizatio
ns. Somesocial movement organizers argue that the voices of th
e marginalized—those the movement is fighting for—
must be centered in themovement. If the voices of the marginali
zed are not centered, the movement risks forming goals or mobil
izing actions that do not actuallyhelp the individuals they want t
o help. For example, members of an impoverished community m
ay need better access to affordable grocerystores, instead of ano
ther food pantry. White people can be strong allies in civil right
s movements, but addressing racism requires listening tothe exp
eriences of people of color who confront racism on a daily basis
. By the same token, men can be important allies in the feminist

7. movement, but women must be the ones to decide how the move
ment addresses sexism. Participating in a social movement can b
eempowering for community members when they are encourage
d to take part in their own mobilization.Socioeconomic Status a
nd Ability
Participation in social movements can be limited by socioecono
mic status and ability. Demonstrations, protests, and marches re
quire physicalstamina, leaving some less able-
bodied individuals out. Not every student has the financial supp
ort to take off a summer from work andvolunteer, as some stude
nts did during the Freedom Summer campaign to register Black
voters in Mississippi in 1964. Attending meetingsand demonstra
tions can be difficult for lower-
income workers who often have multiple jobs, inflexible hours,
and no childcare. Participatingin a social movement can be emp
owering, but not everyone has the economic or social security re
quired to take some of the risks associatedwith participation. Th
e potential for confrontation with powerholders or with the poli
ce is also not a gamble everyone can take. Manyindividuals can
not risk their jobs, children, public assistance, or education with
an arrest record.
Mobilizing and Organizing
The process of mobilizing begins with emergence (Blumer 1995
). During this stage, people who share the same grievance get to
gether andfind others who support their goals. This means sprea
ding the word and bringing people together to support the goal o
f the social movement.The Internet, particularly social media, m
akes social movement participation easier for a wider variety of
people. Online communication alsomakes mobilizing a social m
ovement easier. Mobilizing efforts can be facilitated by social n
etworking sites like Facebook and Twitter.
The next stage of social movement mobilizing is organizing or c
oalescence, when people come together more formally toward a
shared goal(Blumer 1995). Organizing includes coordinating the
regular operations of the social movement, which is another ke

8. y part of socialmovements. Successful social change efforts req
uire both. Social media campaigns can be very powerful for org
anizing, like the 2014 hashtag#BringBackOurGirls, which over
6 million people tweeted to demand the release of Nigerian scho
olgirls kidnapped by Boko Haram. But, thecampaign was critici
zed as “slacktivism” as the hashtag itself did nothing to further
the release of the schoolgirls. Other hashtag campaignshave suc
cessfully mobilized activists on and offline. The hashtag #whyI
march worked to mobilize individuals’ participation in the Wom
en’sMarch on Washington the day after the 2017 inauguration o
f President Trump and fueled the political activism of those mar
chers after thedemonstration itself was over.Community-
Based Organizing
Social movements can grow nationally or internationally, aroun
d an issue that affects people’s lives at any level. Amnesty Inter
national, forexample, is an organization focused on issues of hu
man rights around the world. Other social movements are locate
d and organized withincommunities. Through community-
based organizing, individual activists become involved in a mov
ement because of an issue directlyaffecting their community. Fri
ends of Cats is an example of a community-based organization.
The Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF) is one of the oldest natio
nal community organizations in the United States. Founded in 1
940, the IAFwas developed to foster and support community-
based groups, by training local-
level leaders and organizers so they can make change in theirloc
al communities. Some of the organization’s achievements includ
e passing health care reform in Massachusetts, creating green jo
bs inSeattle, and successfully lobbying for school reform in Tex
as (IAF 2017). The IAF often works through local religious orga
nizations, as doesPeople Improving Communities through Organ
izing (PICO), a national network of faith-
based community organizations.
Some sociologists also work with organizations to make social c
hange. See, for example, sociologist Professor Alicia Swords’s
activism againstpoverty in her community described in the follo

9. wing Sociologists in Action box.
Check Your Understanding
· What are beneficiary constituents?
· What are conscience constituents?
·
How can someone’s economic status affect his or her ability to
participate in a social movement?
· What is the difference between mobilizing and organizing?
· What is community-based organizing?
Sociologists in Action: Participating in the Movement to End Po
verty
Alicia Swords
My teaching and scholarship are grounded in the experiences an
d knowledge of the people most affected by the inequalities Istu
dy. For years I’ve been mentored by leaders of the University of
the Poor, a national network of poor people’s organizationscom
mitted to building a movement to end poverty. They helped me
answer questions like the following: Why are people poor in ala
nd of plenty? What can be done to unite people across racial an
d religious lines? Their answers resonated with what I knew and
with the sociologists I was studying. They challenged me to ask
questions that deeply matter and develop my accountability as a
scholar and a sociologist with the tools to help change society.
My involvement in the University of the Poor gives me evidence
of the realities of poverty that I share with my students at Ithac
aCollege. When we study the history of the organized poor in th
e United States, students in my classes often say, “Why did I ne
verlearn about this before?” We analyze “projects of survival”
—
homeless people organizing tent cities and housing takeovers in
Philadelphia, low-
wage workers uniting for decent pay in Baltimore, and rural peo
ple resisting mountaintop removal mining inWest Virginia. My
students take part in immersion programs where they learn first
hand from those engaged in struggles againsthydro fracking and

10. mountaintop removal. They also participate in action research b
y interviewing people who get food from foodpantries and pantr
y volunteers to learn about their experiences and explanations f
or poverty and hunger.
There are enough resources in the world to end poverty, but it w
ill take political will—a massive social movement—
to change thefundamentals of our economic system and make it
happen. Today it’s clear such a movement to end poverty has to
be global. Iwas part of a University of the Poor delegation of ho
meless people that met with the Landless Workers movement in
Brazil. It wasremarkable to realize the common struggles of the
poor around the world and the power of connecting the poor tra
nsnationally.
Willie Baptist, an organizer, scholar, and formerly homeless fat
her, has been a key part of building this global movement. He h
astraveled tirelessly, meeting and cultivating local leaders, liste
ning to their stories, and helping them see they aren’t alone and
theirstruggles are interconnected. Baptist insists that solving the
problem of poverty requires combining poor people’s lifeexperi
ences with rigorous study. “Never in the history of the world ha
s a dumb force risen up and overthrown a smart force,” hesays.
That’s one place where the work of sociologists is so important!
We can bring perspectives from history and from all overthe w
orld to efforts for social change. Although the movement to end
poverty will have to be led by the poor, it also requiresengaged
intellectuals, young people, students, and people from all segme
nts of society. I love getting to be a part of this effortevery day
through my teaching and sociological research.
Alicia Swords is associate professor of sociology at Ithaca Colle
ge. She conducts research with social movements in the United
Statesand Latin America and enjoys supporting student engagem
ent with grassroots efforts for social change.
14.3 Types of Social Movements
Many people think of social movements as progressive, but in fa
ct, they are active all over the ideological map. Some of the mos
t extremeconservative social movements are racist hate organiza

11. tions like neo-
Nazi groups and the Ku Klux Klan. While some social movemen
ts pushfor massive social change, others press for limited chang
es to society. There are four different types of movements: alter
native, redemptive,reformative, and revolutionary.
Alternative social movements advocate for limited societal chan
ge but do not ask individuals to change their personal beliefs. T
hey oftentarget a narrow group of people and focus on a single c
oncern. Friends of Cats is an example of an alternative social m
ovement. Their goal wasto change animal control policy in their
city. The DREAMers movement, for example, advocates for a p
athway to citizenship for children ofundocumented immigrants.
Many environmental movements—
like the antifracking movement—
are examples of alternative socialmovements. Mothers Against
Drunk Driving (MADD) or Mothers for Gun Control are both ex
amples of movements advocating for change tospecific policies
and laws. MADD advocates for harsher laws against drunk drivi
ng, and Mothers for Gun Control lobbies for stricter guncontrol
laws and gun safety.
Doing Sociology 14.1: The Use and Effectiveness of “Slacktivis
m”
In this activity, you will find and examine the effectiveness of e
xamples of “slacktivism.”
Slacktivism is a term used to describe activism that requires ver
y little time or effort. Usually slacktivism is online (changing a
profile picture, posting a link or a tweet) but could also be offli
ne (signing a petition, wearing a T-shirt).
1.
Go online and find at least five examples of slacktivism. Where
did you search and what search terms did you use to find thesee
xamples?
2.
Describe the kinds of images and words these examples use. Wh
at do they have in common?

12. 3.
Have you ever changed your Facebook or Twitter picture to mak
e a political statement? Does this count as social activism?
4.
Can online protest actions like “slacktivism” be effective? Whe
n and how?
Some social movements can fall into multiple categories. MAD
D is also an example of a redemptive social movement as they a
sk individualsto change their behavior and not drive while intox
icated. Redemptive social movements seek radical change in ind
ividual behavior. Forexample, the Temperance Movement in the
1800s advocated for individuals to stop drinking alcohol. While
People for the Ethical Treatmentof Animals (PETA) is an altern
ative social movement in that they advocate against animal abus
e, they are also a redemptive movement withthe goal of convinc
ing individuals to adopt a vegan diet and lifestyle.
While alternative social movements are focused on social chang
e for a narrow portion of society, reformative social movements
work forspecific change across society. In working for an end to
racism and racial injustice, the civil rights movement and the m
ore recent Black LivesMatter movement fit this type of moveme
nt. The marriage equality movement is another example of a ref
ormative social movement; it aimedto change one aspect of soci
ety—the ability for same-
sex couples to marry. Reformative social movements can also be
conservative, aiming torestore traditional ways of behavior or
maintain the status quo. For example, conservative movements l
ike the anti–
marriage equalitymovement try to keep traditional gendered fam
ily roles. Another movement, the Minutemen Militia, patrol the
border of the United States andMexico to stop illegal immigrati
on and may be driven, in part, by fear and status anxiety (Weeb
er and Rodeheaver 2004). Illegal immigrationspurs fear that im
migrants will monopolize limited employment opportunities and
take advantage of welfare resources (Stein 2001).
Consider This

13. What type of social movement would be the easiest to organize,
one that focuses on a changing a limited part of society or oneth
at seeks broader social change?
The goal of revolutionary social movements is a radical reorgan
ization of society. The American Revolution is an example of a
revolutionarysocial movement. The Communist Party in the Uni
ted States and around the world challenges capitalism and gover
nment policies that exploitworkers. It advocates for environmen
tal protection, living wages for workers, the rights of labor unio
ns, and shared ownership of resources. U.S. militia organization
s (like the Militia of Montana) are paramilitary groups that seek
to end the federal government’s power in areas likethe econom
y, trade, and business, in favor of individual and business rights
.
Check Your Understanding
·
Describe and give examples of the different kinds of social mov
ements.
·
Which type of social movement seeks the most limited kind of c
hange?
·
Which type of social movement advocates for the most radical s
ocial change?14.4 Social Movement Theory
Sociological theories help us understand how social movements
form, how they act, and whether or not they are successful. The
ories aboutsocial movements highlight the different aspects of s
ocial movement mobilization, from how they function to the sy
mbolism they use. Socialmovement theories follow the main the
oretical approaches in sociology: structural functional theory, c
onflict theory, and symbolicinteractionism.
Structural Functional Theories
As discussed in earlier chapters, the functionalist perspective fo
cuses on how all the pieces of society function together. In look
ing at socialmovements, functionalists emphasize how social mo

14. vements are formed through dysfunction, or a need for social ch
ange, and mobilization tocreate social change (Smelser 1962). F
or example, a social movement may organize in response to wid
espread pollution in a community andthe lack of government reg
ulation of the polluting industries. The goal of cleaning up the e
nvironment ties the movement together, formingthe basis for act
ion.
Collective behavior theory is a classic functionalist theory used
to understand social movements. According to this theory, socia
lmovements begin during times of crisis, when there is social di
sruption (Oliver 1993). For example, during the Vietnam War (1
955–
1975),young people protested the war and the draft lottery wher
e young men were selected to go to war, whether willing or not.
When peopleexperience a crisis or drastic social change—
such as a war and a draft—
they are more likely to act collectively in protest. However, this
theorytends to assume people behave rationally (Snow and Ben
ford 1988) and have collective needs and ideas that they can act
on. During theVietnam War, for example, not all Americans wh
o were against the war identified with young protesters, who we
re criticized for appearing tonot support service members (Beam
ish, Molotch, and Flacks 1995; Lembcke 1998). Often people in
the same social movements havecontrasting needs and ideas, an
d those differences can be a source of conflict during mobilizati
on (Porta and Diani 2008).
Doing Sociology 14.2: Locavores as a Social Movement
In this exercise, you will investigate the goals and consider the
appeal of a nearby locavore organization.
Locavores advocate eating only foods that are grown and produc
ed locally.
Use the Internet to identify a locavore organization in your state
. (If you search for “locavore in [your state],” you should findex
amples.) Read about their goals and activism and answer the fol
lowing questions:

15. 1.
What kind of social movement is the locavore movement? How
do you know this?
2.
Who might participate in this kind of movement? Who might be
left out?
3.
What kind of individual and structural changes are the locavore
movement seeking?
4. Would you be willing to join such a movement? Why?
Pastor Thirkel Freeman wears a hoodie and carries bags of Skitt
les, two symbols used to counter the image of Treyvon Martin a
nd other young Blackmen as dangerous, at a memorial for Marti
n in Washington, D.C., on March 23, 2012.
Keith Lane/Tribune News Service/Getty Images
Mass society theory also falls under the functionalist umbrella a
nd understands social movement collective action as a response
to socialisolation. Mass society theorists maintain that feelings
of isolation and alienation lead people to join a social movemen
t. Mass society theorycould be used to explain the 2015 protests
in Baltimore in response to the police killing of Freddie Gray.
When Gray’s death was ruled ahomicide, the Black community
protested for nearly a month. According to mass society theory,
these protests would be a response to notonly Gray’s death but a
lso the social isolation of the community. This theory has been l
argely discredited, however, as research showsindividuals who
have strong connections to others are more likely to join a socia
l movement than those who do not (Gusfield 2009). InBaltimore
, the protests centered on the strong feeling of community, not s
ocial isolation.
Conflict Theories
Conflict theorists focus on how social movements develop out o
f systematic inequality. According to conflict theorists, social m
ovements arisewhen goods and services are distributed unevenly

16. . Two of the most well-
known conflict theories used in the arena of social movements a
reresource mobilization and relative deprivation.
Resource mobilization theory focuses on the resources needed t
o mobilize and sustain a social movement. The presence of reso
urces—followers, money, political connections, and so on—
predicts whether or not a movement will be successful. Resourc
e mobilization theoristsbelieve all social movements need resou
rces to mobilize, and without these resources, mobilization is m
uch more difficult, if not impossible(McCarthy and Zald 1977).
However, focusing on resources does not help us understand ho
w individuals and groups with little to noresources (poor people
, marginalized people) form a successful social movement (Cres
s and Snow 1996). For example, undocumentedmigrant farm wo
rkers have relatively little power to protest their working condit
ions. They do not have access to typical resources likemoney, p
oliticians, the media, or food distribution companies. However,
even without these resources, migrant workers ran a five-
year strikeagainst Delano grapes and, by withholding their labor
, gained the media coverage needed to spark a consumer boycott
. Despite their relativepowerlessness, the farm workers were suc
cessful in improving their working conditions and pay.
According to relative deprivation theory, people join social mov
ements when they feel dissatisfied with their current position in
society(Gurney and Tierney 1982). When individuals see that ot
hers have rights they do not have, they feel deprived and are lik
ely to join amovement advocating for those rights. This theory e
xplains why, for instance, gays and lesbians started and joined t
he marriage equalitymovement—
others had marriage rights that they, too, wanted. But relative d
eprivation theory does not explain the presence of conscienceco
nstituents who do not benefit directly benefit from a movement’
s goal.
Symbolic Interactionist Theories
As you know, symbolic interactionists focus on how people inte

17. ractively construct meaning through shared symbols and langua
ge. The peacesign, for example, is a shared social movement sy
mbol calling for an end to war. Symbolic interactionists theoriz
e that collective behaviordevelops when established institutions
no longer provide meaning that aligns with the views of a major
ity of its constituents (Benford andHunt 1992). For example, if t
he state defines marriage as an institution only male-
female couples can participate in but society is largely openand
accepting of same-
sex couples, a social movement will organize to redefine the me
aning of marriage to include same-sex couples.
Symbolic interactionists look at how people create meaning, goa
ls, and shared culture within their collective action. The powerf
ul use ofsymbols during the collective actions carried out after
Trayvon Martin, a seventeen-year-
old African American male, was killed in 2012 inSanford, Flori
da, by neighborhood watchman George Zimmerman provides an
example. Martin was walking home from a local conveniencesto
re, but Zimmerman was suspicious of what the teen was doing i
n the neighborhood and followed him. Zimmerman and Martin g
ot into analtercation, and Martin was shot. Zimmerman claimed
self-
defense, but Martin was unarmed (Blow 2012). The killing start
ed nationwideprotests against racism and the perception that yo
ung Black men are dangerous.
Doing Sociology 14.3: Framing the Gay Rights Movement
In this exercise, you will apply the idea of framing to slogans as
sociated with the gay rights movement over the past several dec
ades.
Go online and find images from the gay rights movement (1970s
to current). Look for images of signs, buttons, and T-
shirts thatactivists use to advocate for equality. If you are not w
orking on your computer in class, print at least three of these im
ages andbring them to class.
Working with a group of other students, compare framing in ear

18. ly slogans like “Come out,” “We’re here, we’re queer, get used
toit,” and “queer pride,” with more recent slogans like “love is l
ove,” and “freedom to marry,” and “love makes a family.”
1. What master frames are being used?
2.
What do these changing frames tell you about shifts in the strate
gy of the gay rights movement?
3. How did this framing shift lead to marriage equality in 2015?
When Zimmerman confronted him, Martin was wearing a hoodie
and carrying Skittles candy and an Arizona iced tea. These item
s becamesymbols of Martin’s innocence at the time of the shooti
ng, and the innocence of all young Black men stereotyped as da
ngerous. To make thispoint at antiracism demonstrations, protes
ters held up Skittles and iced tea. Protesters wore hoodies to mo
ck the idea that a hoodie makes aBlack teenager look dangerous.
Consider This
What symbols, objects, and phrases can you think of that have h
elped mobilize people for social action? Why do you think they
were so powerful?Social Movement Framing
The framing approach is another way to understand social move
ments under the symbolic interactionist umbrella. Sociologists
who use theframing approach focus on how social movements us
e images and language to frame their causes. Through framing, l
eaders influence howpeople think about an issue by highlighting
certain facts and themes, while making others invisible (Snow e
t al. 1986). For example, whenmaking their pitch to the city cou
ncil, the Friends of Cats organization would frame the issue aro
und how the city can save money with a TNRprogram. In their
meeting with other organization members, however, they would
use the frame of love for animals to make a case for TNRpolicy.
Context matters for framing. The same frame that works in one
context will not necessarily be successful in another.
In U.S. culture, there are frames that appeal nearly universally.
These master frames include ideas like “freedom,” “democracy,
” “love,” and“choice” and can be used by movements with diffe
rent goals. Think about both sides of the abortion rights debate.

19. The “pro-
life” movementchose that name to center the issue on a master f
rame everyone values: life. The “pro-
choice” movement similarly framed their movementaround the u
niversally valued idea of choice. But on bumper stickers, the “p
ro-
life” movement evokes the same master frame to declare“fetuses
don’t have a choice.” This is an example of frame competition,
when organizations use another group’s frames to discredit orri
dicule their position (Oliver and Johnston 2000).
The cover of the first edition of Betty Friedan’s book, The Femi
nine Mystique (1963), that helped spark the second wave of the
women’s movement.
Granger, NYC—
all rights reservedNew Social Movement Theory
Before the 1950s, social movements tended to focus on economi
c concerns and workers’ rights. New social movements (NSMs),
however,tend to mobilize around issues of rights and collective
social identities. For example, the civil rights movement organi
zed around a sharedracial identity and experience. The women’s
movement brought women together as women to fight for rights
and equality. New socialmovement theory aims to explain this
phenomenon.
Organizing around a shared identity can be empowering for mov
ement members, especially when that identity has been marginal
ized. But,collective mobilization around a shared identity can al
so exclude individuals who do not fully fit that identity. For exa
mple, the women’smovement of the 1960s and 1970s is often cri
ticized for mobilizing around the collective identity of White, h
eterosexual, middle-
classwomen, whose experiences of oppression are not the same
as those of other women.
When Betty Friedan’s book The Feminine Mystique came out in
1963, it helped start this new women’s movement in the United
States. But herbook spoke largely to middle-

20. class, straight, White women and excluded low-
income women, lesbian and bisexual women, and women ofcolo
r. Concerned the movement would be perceived as “anti-
male” and that lesbian women would threaten the image of femi
nists, Friedandescribed lesbian women within the movement as t
he “Lavender Menace.” While the term was meant to be derogat
ory, lesbians in themovement made “Lavender Menace” T-
shirts and wore them to a protest—
which showed just how many lesbians were a part of themoveme
nt.
Consider This
Is it possible to mobilize around a shared identity and also be in
clusive of differences?
Check Your Understanding
·
How do functionalist theorists understand the origins of social
movements?
·
According to conflict theorists, why do social movements arise?
·
What do symbolic interactionists tend to focus on when studyin
g social movements?
·
What is a master frame? Provide an example of a master frame.
·
What does it mean to organize around a shared identity?4.5 The
Six Steps of Social Movement Success
Social movements tend to be successful when they can identify
a goal they can rally others around, form a group, create an effe
ctive strategy,mobilize enough resources, organize effective acti
ons, and build power. Those that can’t do all of these will not re
ach their goals. Much alsodepends on the social and historical c
ontext and the forces that muster for or against the movement. S
ocial movements are more likely todevelop in political climates
where people have the freedom to organize and mobilize for thei
r cause.

21. The first wave of the women’s movement focused on attaining t
he right to vote for women. It began in 1848 and culminated wit
h the ratification of theNineteenth Amendment in 1920.
Granger, NYC—all rights reserved
Social movements occur in every country all over the world. Thi
s section covers primarily U.S.-
based social movements, with an emphasis onactivism and orga
nizing in the twentieth- and twenty-first-
century civil rights and women’s movements.
Identify an Issue
The first task of any social movement is to identify an issue that
needs to be addressed. This could be a widespread change in cu
lture or aspecific change to policy or an institutional practice. T
he goal must be described as necessary to improve people’s live
s or make the worldand/or community a better place. The contex
t leading up to a social movement matters a great deal.The Wom
en’s Movement
Identifying an issue to organize around also means making a cas
e for why change should occur. The women’s movement in the
United Statesfollows four distinct waves of collective action—
1848 to 1920, the 1960s and 1970s, the 1990s, and from 2000 o
n. Each wave had its owngoals. The first wave, the suffrage mov
ement, focused on women gaining the right to vote. In arguing f
or this right, suffragists asserted thatwomen were fundamentally
different from men and would bring their unique qualities to go
vernment if they could participate. Thisargument of difference f
eminism used images of women as caring, nurturing mothers to
argue that women would bring an end to war andpoverty if they
could vote and serve in office (Fox-Genovese 1994).
The antisuffrage movement also emphasized gender differences
by arguing that women would be taking on men’s roles in public
, at theexpense of taking care of the household. Antisuffrage po
stcards depicted women in pants, demonstrating on street corner
s, while husbandssuffered at home trying to take care of crying

22. children. Despite opposition, the suffrage movement won wome
n the right to vote throughoutthe United States with the ratificat
ion of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920.
On May 16, 1976, approximately 10,000 supporters of the Equal
Rights Amendment marched to the state capitol building in Spri
ngfield, Illinois.
AP Photo/Anonymous
The second wave of the feminist movement started in the 1960s
and peaked in the 1970s. After working in factories during Worl
d War II,women were expected to go back to being full-
time wives and mothers once the war ended. During this time, w
omen had few rights and wereexpected to become wives, mother
s, and full-
time homemakers. In 1963, Betty Friedan released her book The
Feminine Mystique, in which shecriticized the 1950s image of t
he modern, suburban housewife. The book recognizing the disco
ntent housewives felt and became widelypopular as a result, spa
rking the second hwave of the feminist movement, which advoc
ated for an end to gender discrimination in
workplace and reproductive rights for women. Some feminist le
aders established the National Organization for Women (NOW)
to lobbyCongress for women’s rights.
Form a Group
The next step in a successful social movement is to form an org
anization of both beneficiary and consciousness constituents wh
o will worktoward the movement’s goals. Beneficiary constituen
ts and consciousness constituents must believe the change is nec
essary.The Civil Rights Movement
The civil rights movement consisted of individuals joining toget
her to fight racial injustice. You have probably heard of the imp
ortance ofBlack churches during the civil rights movement, but
did you know that students played an important role in the civil
rights movement? Fromparticipating in the Student Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee to planning large-

23. scale actions like Freedom Summer in 1964, students wereessen
tial to the movement’s success. During that summer of 1964, col
lege students and other young people—Black and White—
from all overthe United States volunteered to join groups traveli
ng to Mississippi to register Black voters. Because of various m
eans of racialdiscrimination, only 7 percent of the state’s eligibl
e Black voters were registered. While many participants were be
neficiary constituents,White students participated as consciousn
ess constituents. Partly because some of these students were Wh
ite, they were able to gain nationalmedia attention as they travel
ed through the South (McAdam 1990).The Women’s Movement
By title, it would seem the women’s movement comprises entire
ly women. But movement membership has varied over the years.
When youthink of a feminist, what kind of person comes to min
d? Do you think of a young woman burning her bra in the 1970s
, demanding equal payfor equal work? A radical lesbian, refusin
g to shave her legs and screaming against the patriarchy? A me
mber of a men’s antirape group? Acollege woman marching in a
Take Back the Night event on her campus, advocating for wom
en’s safety?
A feminist is someone who is committed to gender equality. A f
eminist organization is an organization working to end women’s
oppression.
As noted earlier, the women’s movement has not always been in
clusive of all women. The needs of poor women and women of c
olor werelargely excluded from the second wave of the moveme
nt as activists focused on issues such as professional opportuniti
es and salary equity—
and largely ignored issues related to classism and racism (hooks
1984). During the 1980s, feminists faced a backlash, with headl
ines like the Time Magazine cover asking “Is feminism dead?” (
Faludi 1994).
Doing Sociology 14.4: Who Counts as a Feminist?
In this activity, you will consider the impact of public figures’ s
tatements on mainstream views of feminism.

24. Celebrities, particularly women, are often asked if they consider
themselves feminists. Some agree that they are, some say theya
re not, and others try to redefine the term. Using an Internet sea
rch, find recent examples of public figures (celebrities,politicia
ns, etc.) who have identified as feminist and answer the followi
ng questions:
1.
Do you think celebrities or politicians influence how individual
s perceive the cause of feminism? Why or why not?
2.
Based on the information you have read in this text, do you thin
k feminism is still necessary? Why or why not?
By the 1990s, however, a new, third wave of feminism was well
under way. Instead of assuming all women experienced oppress
ion in thesame ways as White, middle-
class women, the third wave focused on inclusiveness and inters
ectionality. Third-
wave feminists drew from adiverse group of women to advocate
around various issues, including sexual violence, gay rights, and
reproductive justice. One of the mostvisible groups in third-
wave feminism were the Riotgrrrls. The Riotgrrrl movement dev
eloped out of the feminist hardcore punk music scene,and activi
sts published and sold self-
made ’zines (magazines) on feminist issues. Activists, musician
s, and writers in the movement coveredeverything from body-
positive messages to surviving sexual violence. ’Zines used ima
ges and commentary to empower young women to feelgood abou
t themselves and speak up against patriarchy (Rosenberg and Ga
rofalo 1998).
Challenges to Forming a Group
Convincing beneficiary constituents and consciousness constitu
ents to join a group is not without challenges, however. Benefic
iaryconstituents must believe their situations will improve based
on their participation. Consciousness constituents must be willi
ng to seesomething as a problem even when it does not directly

25. affect them. Social movements also face issues such as keeping
participants engagedover long periods of time, especially when t
here are stretches without clear victories. Social movement orga
nizations must keep beneficiaryand consciousness constituents e
ngaged by fostering a shared sense of purpose and achievable s
mall goals.Marginalization of Members
Social movements can limit participation by marginalizing some
members within the organization. For example, despite playing
importantroles in civil rights efforts, women were marginalized
in the civil rights movement (Barnett 1993). Women in organiza
tions like the NationalAssociation for the Advancement of Color
ed People (NAACP), Student Non-
Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), and the SouthernChri
stian Leadership Conference (SCLC) found they were often assi
gned clerical work instead of on-the-
ground organizing work. While maleleaders placed themselves o
n the front lines of demonstrations and marches, women like Di
ane Nash and Ella Baker did much of thebackstage work of orga
nizing.Cultural Differences
Organizing becomes more difficult when social movements are
global and cross-
cultural. The women’s movement, for example, ran into aproble
m trying to alleviate the perceived oppression of women in othe
r countries (Rupp 1997). The 1984 U.S. book Sisterhood Is Glob
al: TheInternational Women’s Movement Anthology by Robin
Morgan is an example of how some movements can have a cultu
rally biased perspective.The phrase “sisterhood is global” impli
es all women experience oppression in the same way, and they a
re equal to one another in oppression,as sisters. The book was cr
iticized for glossing over the different ways women are oppress
ed and for not addressing how oppression andempowerment may
mean different things in different contexts. For example, weari
ng a hijab might seem like oppression from a Westernperspectiv
e, when in fact a woman may see her hijab as a personally empo
wering choice to honor her religion (Read and Bartkowski 2000)
.

26. Joan Jett plays with singer Kathleen Hanna and drummer Tobi V
ailfrom of Bikini Kill at Irving Plaza in New York on 14th July
1994. Jetts’ collaborationwith Bikini Kill helped bring the punk
extension of the third wave, Riot Grrrl, into the mainstream med
ia.
Ebet Roberts/Redferns/Getty Images
The idea that “sisterhood is global” also ignores inequalities am
ong women. Now global feminist movement organizations strive
tounderstand that not all women face the same types and extent
of oppression and that some women (poor women, women of co
lor) are morevulnerable than others. These organizations must c
onsider how oppression and empowerment look different across
contexts as they strive tocreate groups that can work together ef
fectively.
Create a Strategy
To be successful, social movements must identify a strategy for
making social change. Doing this requires consulting with exper
ts and withthe affected community to find solutions to the probl
em. Often the best strategies for social change are the result of
careful research into whatthe problems are and what the best sol
utions might be. While creating a strategy, social movements m
ust also identify the powerholders theyneed to target. These po
werholders are people, institutions, voters, or lawmakers who ha
ve the power to enact the change the movementmembers want to
see happen.The Civil Rights Movement
Strategic research and planning was a key part of the civil rights
movement. For example, before they began sit-
ins at lunch counters inNashville, Tennessee, activists collected
data on how the lunch counters were run and how customers and
employees responded to incidentsof integration. Using this info
rmation, civil rights organizer James Lawson trained student act
ivists to use nonviolent responses to the openaggression and hos
tility they expected to receive. They carefully rehearsed and pre
pared for their actions. In 1960, after their four-

27. monthcampaign, Nashville became the first city to desegregate
department store lunch counters (Morris 1981). This successful
campaign todesegregate lunch counters through sit-
ins became a model, and activists in many other the cities carrie
d out similar actions.
Mobilize Resources
A successful social movement needs resources. Constituents are
every social movement’s most important resource. Other resour
ces includemoney, access to media, and supplies. Organizations
must assess what resources they have and organize to gain those
they need.The Women’s Movement
Women are a key resource for the women’s movement. To mobil
ize women to join, women’s organizations during the second wa
ve of thewomen’s movement in the 1960s and 1970s held consci
ousness-
raising circles where women could share their experiences of op
pression in asafe space. This helped connect more women to the
movement.
As noted earlier, third-
wave feminists used ’zines and music as resources to distribute
their message. The Internet is a vital resource for thefourth wav
e of the women’s movement (post-
2000). Today, feminists use blogging and social media (Faceboo
k and Twitter) to organizeprotests and rallies, as well as raise a
wareness about issues of rape culture, consumerism, beauty stan
dards, and sexuality. Hashtagcampaigns like “#EverydaySexism
” and “#RapeCultureIsWhen” spread across the globe, generatin
g conversations about key feminist issues(Clark 2014).
Organize Actions
Social action is the lifeblood of social movements. Specific acti
ons, or tactics, might include protesting, marching, boycotting,
and so on. Goalsof actions include raising awareness, building c
onstituents, and/or directly asking for change. As symbolic inter
actionists argue, sharedcultural symbols and language are power

28. ful parts of social movement action and used by movement lead
ers to organize and inspirefollowers. It is also important to reme
mber that actions, no matter how well planned, organized, or elo
quently inspired, come with risks.The Civil Rights Movement
Before going to Mississippi in 1964, the Freedom Summer activ
ists were taught how to talk to people about voting and how to r
egister voters.They planned summer-
long Freedom Schools to educate Black Mississippians on votin
g, politics, Black history, and other topics. All theirpreparation
could not always keep them safe, however. When they went to
Mississippi, the activists were threatened and lived with familie
swho faced hostility for hosting the volunteers. One of their bus
es was burned, and many endured beatings and jail time. Three
activists wereabducted and brutally killed in Neshoba County,
Mississippi. The murders of James Earl Chaney, Andrew Goodm
an, and Michael Schwernersymbolized the connection between b
rutality and racism and brought national attention to Freedom S
ummer (McAdam 1990).
Not everyone in the civil rights movement agreed on which tacti
cs were best for the movement. We frequently learn about peace
ful civilrights protests and marches but do not learn that some p
articipants in the movement broke the law (through civil disobe
dience) and usedviolence to fight for civil rights. The Black Pan
ther Party, for example, rejected the nonviolence of Martin Luth
er King’s followers, believinginstead that Black people needed t
o defend themselves against state-
sanctioned violence (Bloom and Martin 2013). They often went
toprotests and events openly armed, to symbolize the seriousnes
s of their intent to defend their community.
Diane Nash, a key but often unsung civil rights leader, was a cr
eator and chair of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committ
ee (SNCC).
Granger, NYC—all rights reserved
Gaining Power and Success

29. Every social movement must gain power to be successful. If the
y successfully complete the steps above, movements will gain p
ower and thesubsequent ability to achieve their goals. Both the
civil rights movement and the women’s movement were able to
reach many of their keygoals. Movement success arrives when t
he problem is solved or the goal achieved.
Consider This
Under what conditions is violence (against property or people) e
ver justifiable in a social movement? If never, why not?
A sit-in at a Whites-
only, racially segregated lunch counter in Nashville, Tennessee,
in 1960. These successful protests sparked others across the So
uth.
Granger, NYC—all rights reservedThe Civil Rights Movement
The successes of the civil rights movement included the followi
ng:
·
Civil Rights Act of 1964, which forbids discrimination based on
race, color, religion, sex, or national origin;
·
Voting Rights Act of 1965, which made it illegal for states and l
ocal governments to block individuals from voting and created a
system tomonitor counties with low voter turnout among minori
ties; and
·
Civil Rights Act of 1968, which prohibits discrimination in rent
ing, selling, or financing housing based on race, color, religion,
sex, ornational origin.
Thanks to the civil rights movement, the United States largely d
ismantled Jim Crow legislation that enforced racial segregation
and otherforms of discrimination (such as in employment and ho
using) and prevented millions of Black Americans from voting.
The Women’s Movement
The women’s movement won victories like the Equal Pay Act of
1963 and the 1973 Supreme Court decision in Roe v. Wade, gra

30. nting womenlegal access to abortion. The women’s movement al
so became an influential part of mainstream political institution
s. Started as anorganization targeting politicians for social chan
ge, the National Organization for Women now has hundreds of t
housands of members,chapters in every state (including on man
y college campuses), and a strong lobbying presence in Washing
ton, D.C.
Why Social Movements Fail
Social movements may fail to reach their goal for a variety of re
asons. Failure may come from organizational issues (disagreeme
nts andinfighting), a lack of resources, or an inability to mobiliz
e supporters. Social movements may also be repressed. Repressi
on takes place whenpeople and/or institutions with power use th
at power to control or destroy a movement. Countries that ban a
ny form of public protestinclude Russia, the Ukraine, and Egypt
. Making a social movement’s activities—
like distributing flyers—
illegal is another example ofrepression. During the Arab Spring
in 2011, the Egyptian government shut down the Internet to imp
ede the ability of activists to coordinatetheir efforts and broadca
st their protests to the world.
Social movements can also be co-opted. Co-
optation can happen when the leadership of the movement begin
s to identify with the targets ofsocial change and starts to work
more for them than for the original movement goals. Social mov
ements can also end up taking on the valuesand actions they are
trying to change. For example, the environmental movement see
king corporate responsibility in growing and sellingcoffee found
their language of “fair trade” co-
opted by some coffee sellers to appeal to a high-
end niche consumer, without much concernabout whether or not
the coffee was actually fairly traded. Social movement goals—
like fair-trade coffee—
may become watered down orchanged to accommodate the corpo
ration’s needs.

31. Check Your Understanding
·
List the steps social movements must take to become successful.
·
What kinds of strategies did the civil rights movement use in pl
anning actions?
· What is a feminist?
· What is the most important resource for all social movements?
·
What are some of the key achievements of the civil rights move
ment and the women’s movement?
·
14.6 Success Can Bring Backlash: The Marriage Equality Move
ment
The marriage equality movement is one of the most successful
movements in recent history. As Figure 14.1 indicates, public a
pproval forsame-
sex marriage rose dramatically in a single decade, with 35 perce
nt supporting it in 2006 compared to 55 percent in favor in 2016
(ayear after the Supreme Court ruling legalizing it).
Successful Tactics of the Marriage Equality Movement
The movement used a variety of tactics to achieve marriage equ
ality, including increasing numbers of gay and lesbian public fi
gures comingout. By the late 1990s, there were openly gay and l
esbian main characters on primetime television shows like Ellen
, starring Ellen DeGeneres.Today, television shows with gay ch
aracters and gay married couples are commonplace. This change
d public perception of gays and lesbiansand of same-
sex couples, paving the way for marriage equality (Fetner 2016)
.
Direct action and protests were other tactics that helped the mov
ement become successful. The gay rights movement in the Unite
d States, ofwhich the marriage equality movement was an offsho
ot, began with the Stonewall riots on June 28, 1969. During the
1950s and 1960s, it wasillegal for bars to serve gays and lesbian

32. s, and they could lose their liquor licenses for letting gay people
congregate. The riots broke out in theStonewall Inn, a bar in N
ew York City frequented by gay men and lesbians. Police raids
on known gay and lesbian bars were commonplace,but when pol
ice raided the Stonewall Inn, patrons decided they had enough a
nd fought back (Carter 2005). The riots served to galvanize theg
ay and lesbian community to organize into activist groups and p
ush for equal treatment. The following year, to commemorate th
eanniversary of the riots, gay and lesbian rights activists held a
march in New York City running from the Village up Fifth Ave
nue to CentralPark. This was the first Pride March, now an annu
al event held on the last Sunday of June in New York.
Figure 14.1 Percent of Opposition and Support for Same-
Sex Marriage, 2006–2016
Source: Hannah Fingerhut, Support Steady for Same-
sex Marriage and Acceptance of Homosexuality, Pew Research
Center, May 12, 2016,http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-
tank/2016/05/12/support-steady-for-same-sex-marriage-and-
acceptance-of-homosexuality.
The first Gay Pride Day (then known as Gay Liberation Day) pa
rade in New York, New York, June 28, 1970.
Fred W. McDarrah/Premium Archive/Getty Images
Beginning in 2000, the marriage equality movement turned to th
e court system to advocate for equality, strategically suing state
s for the rightof same-
sex couples to marry. In 2004, they enjoyed their first major vic
tory. As the result of a discrimination case brought to theMassa
chusetts Supreme Court, gay and lesbian couples won the right t
o marry in Massachusetts.
After Massachusetts, individual states passed either marriage eq
uality laws or “marriage protection” laws (defining marriage bet
ween a manand a woman). Each state presented a challenge for
activists. For example, in early 2009, Maine’s legislature passed
a marriage equality law.People around the state then organized

33. against marriage equality and were able to get the issue on the b
allot. In November 2009, Mainersvoted to keep marriage “betwe
en one man and one woman.” In response, the marriage equality
movement changed its organizing strategy.Activists surveyed p
eople around the state, particularly in rural areas, to discuss the
importance of marriage and family. When marriageequality was
put on Maine’s ballot again in 2012, activists went door-to-
door explaining that gays and lesbians in Maine wanted the sam
ethings everyone else did—
lifelong love and commitment. Commercials by organizations li
ke Maine Equality depicted very few actual gayindividuals, inst
ead depicting families and loved ones who believed love and ma
rriage should be accessible to everyone. In 2012, marriageequali
ty won in Maine.
By 2015, all but fourteen states had marriage equality laws. The
n, the Supreme Court decided that the Fourteenth Amendment re
quires statesto issue marriage licenses to couples, regardless of
sex. Marriage equality became the law of the land. Individuals a
nd institutions used socialmedia to show their support of the rul
ing. Facebook made it possible for people to superimpose a rain
bow flag over their profile picture—
some 26 million users showed their support (Dewey 2015).With
Success Comes Backlash
Sometimes successful movements face backlash. As support for
a movement grows, fear and resentment of this change among th
ose mostardently opposed to the movement also grow. This can
lead to increased acts of discrimination. Same-
sex couples seeking marriage licensesafter the Obergefell v. Ho
dges (2015) decision have sometimes faced local officials who r
efuse to follow the law. Interracial couples trying toget married
shortly after the Loving v. Virginia (1967) decision, which mad
e interracial marriages legal, faced similar obstacles. Also, as n
otedin Chapter 8, in a majority of states in the United States, em
ployers still have the legal right to fire employees simply for be
ing gay, lesbian, ortransgender. Most horrifyingly, LGBT peopl
e have also faced violent attacks. When gay and lesbian people

34. gain equality through policies,social acceptance increases and h
ate crimes also decrease overall. But we also see an increase in t
he more extreme and violent hate crimes(Levy and Levy 2017).
On June 12, 2016, Omar Mateen opened fire at Pulse, a gay nigh
t club in Orlando, Florida. He killed forty-
nine people and himself. It was thedeadliest shooting the United
States has seen up until that time and drew national mourning a
nd outrage. As a result of the shooting, the gayand lesbian move
ment has joined forces with the gun control movement. It remai
ns to be seen what these two movements can accomplishnow tha
t they are working together (Carlson and Pettinicchio 2016).
Check Your Understanding
· What were the tactics of the marriage equality movement?
· Why can successful movements face backlash?
·
What are some examples of discrimination the LGBTQ communi
ty still faces?14.7 How Can We Create Social Change?
The success of a social movement depends on everything from t
he number and commitment of activists, the kinds of actions pla
nned, theresources available to the movement, to the symbolic p
ower of the movement to grab media and public attention. Mone
y certainly makes iteasier to exert influence. But civil rights pro
testers who changed Jim Crow laws did not have large amounts
of money behind them. Instead,they had large numbers of peopl
e and careful planning. Their power came from organizing effec
tively and successfully mobilizing people andinfluencing public
opinion through their carefully planned actions.
Francis Fox Piven’s (2006) concept of interdependent power hel
ps explain how social change can come from the organized effor
ts ofrelatively poor and powerless individuals due to the ties tha
t bind institutions and individuals together. Individuals are conn
ected to oneanother through institutions that organize our lives.
Teachers rely on having students in their classrooms, just as stu
dents rely on access to ateacher for their educations. These sam
e institutions depend on the actions of their members—
teaching, learning—

35. to survive. Take, forexample, the growing problem of student lo
an debt. Individuals who owe student loans can do little alone to
change the system of financinghigher education. They relied on
the loan company to pay for school, and the loan company relie
s on them to pay that loan back. Asindividuals, they would face
negative consequences for not paying their student loans back.
But, as part of a large group (40 millionAmericans), they have p
ower. If all 40 million people stopped paying their loans, they w
ould be exercising interdependent power andaffecting all the pla
yers. That kind of mass action would be difficult to organize, bu
t the concept of interdependent power does explain someof the
ways social change can happen from below.
Participatory Action Research
Sociological research skills can help foster social change and or
ganize social movements effectively. Participatory action resear
ch (PAR)starts with the idea that people are the experts in their
own lives and can participate in the research process. Instead of
the typical model of aresearcher coming into a community to st
udy it, the people who live in that community participate in the
research process and help producethe knowledge collectively (G
reenwood and Levin 2006).
PAR is an especially useful technique in disadvantaged commun
ities where members may not trust outsider researchers and are
more likelyto talk to one another. Take, for example, the Friend
s of Cats organization described in the beginning of this chapter
. If Friends of Cats foundthe community was reluctant to suppor
t outside solutions for the feral cat problem, PAR could be a sol
ution. Using PAR, sociology researchersmight work with Friend
s of Cats and community leaders to better understand the comm
unity members’ views on the issue. They woulddesign a researc
h plan together. They might distribute a survey they created tog
ether. With the information they gathered, they would be ableto
construct an animal control policy likely to gain the support of t
he community. In PAR, the act of gathering information is com
munitybuilding and can lead to meaningful social action.

36. The White House on June 26, 2015, following the U.S. Supreme
Court ruling in favor of same-sex marriage.
AP Photo/Drew Angerer
Books and Documentaries about Social MovementBooks about S
ocial Movements
·
Poor People’s Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail b
y Frances Fox Piven
· Social Movements 1768–2004 by Charles Tilly
·
Bringing the War Home: The Weather Underground, the Red Ar
my Faction, and Revolutionary Violence in the Sixties andSeven
ties by Jeremy Varon
· The Autobiography of Malcolm X by Malcolm X
·
The Next American Revolution: Sustainable Activism for the T
wenty-First Century by Grace Lee Boggs
·
Democracy in the Making: How Activist Groups Form by Kathle
en Blee
·
The World Split Open: How the Modern Women’s Movement C
hanged America by Ruth RosenSocial Movement Documentaries
· Eyes on the Prize (PBS, 1987)
· Berkeley in the Sixties (Kitchell Films, 1990)
· Freedom on My Mind (Clarity Films, 1994)
· This Is What Democracy Looks Like (Big Noise Films, 2000)
· Brother Outsider: The Life of Bayard Rustin (PBS, 2003)
·
This Black Soil: A Story of Resistance and Rebirth (Bullfrog Fil
ms, 2004)
· The Billionaire’s Tea Party (Larrikin Films, 2011)
· The Black Power Mixtape 1967–1975 (Story AB, 2011)
· How to Survive a Plague (Independent Lens, 2012)
· American Revolutionary: Grace Lee Boggs (PBS, 2013)

37. · Disruption: Climate Change (PF Pictures, 2014)
· She’s Beautiful When She’s Angry (Music Box Films, 2014)
· Stay Woke: The Black Lives Matter Movement (BET, 2016)
Empowerment, Responsibility, and Making Social Change
Being a part of a social movement can be very empowering. Soc
ial movements bring individuals together in a kind of collective
solidarity, orsense of social bonding, that strengthens our ties to
one another (Oliver 1993). When social movements bring victor
ies—no matter how small—
members are empowered to see they can take part in social chan
ge. For this reason, individuals who take part in social moveme
nts aremore likely to take part in other protests and to be politic
ally active.
Being a part of collective efforts for social change is also a resp
onsibility. Many of the social movements you have read about i
n this chapterhave struggled with issues of inclusion. Organizin
g around a shared identity can be a powerful experience but can
leave others out. Feministorganizations committed to intersectio
nality work to make sure that all voices within the organization
are heard, especially the voices andneeds of those women who a
re most vulnerable.
Men in the feminist movement and White people in the Black Li
ves Matter movement have also raised questions of how to be a
good ally. An ally is a conscience constituent who is committed
to the cause (Porta and Diani 2008). While allies can be importa
nt parts of a movement,they need to make sure they do not spea
k for those they are fighting for or take advantage of their own
privilege by being in the spotlight ortaking credit for activism.
Being a good ally means listening to the needs of beneficiaries a
nd working together to plan a course of action thatwill bring ab
out change.How You Can Help Bring about Social Change
·
Be aware of inequalities and oppression. Find out which groups
are the most marginalized in our society and why. Learn about t
heirmarginalization from their perspective.

38. ·
Learn the history of social movements. There are fantastic book
s and documentaries about social movements. Find causes that
matter toyou and learn the history of that movement.
·
Examine inequality and oppression from an intersectional persp
ective. Race, class, gender, sexuality, age, and ethnicity are all i
ntertwined.Consider how your activism may include some while
excluding others.
·
Raise awareness. Share links and news on Facebook and Twitter
. Follow social movements you care about online. Sign online p
etitions.Engage in discussions with friends and family. But do n
ot stop at “slacktivism.” Think about how you can become a mo
re active activist.
·
Engage in the political process. Learn who your representatives
are and communicate with them through letter writing and socia
l media.Follow political campaigns at the local, state and nation
al levels. Vote.
·
Go to a local political meeting. Attend city council or school bo
ard meetings in your community. Find out what issues matter an
d whatdecisions are being made.
·
Work to not make assumptions about oppression and privilege.
What might look like oppression to you may mean freedom to s
omeoneelse. Listen to people’s experiences and goals.
·
Speak out about issues that matter to you. Sometimes speaking
out means taking risks, and only you can decide what risks you
arecomfortable with.
·
Work with others who share your concerns. Organized people ha
ve more power.
Consider This

39. What social or political issue are you concerned about? How wo
uld sociology and sociological theory help you to understandthi
s issue? Brainstorm some ways you could become involved in a
ddressing this issue.
Check Your Understanding
·
What is interdependent power and how can it help individuals w
ithout much power alone effect change?
· What is participatory action research?
· What can you do to help bring about social change?
·
Why should you work with others when seeking social change?
Conclusion
Studying social movements helps us understand what matters in
our society and where we might be heading. Sociological tools c
an also helpsocial movements work more effectively. For examp
le, being able to conduct surveys and interviews with communit
y members about theirneeds and goals is an essential skill for m
obilizing and organizing people. Understanding how to gain po
wer and effect change are invaluableassets for social movement
leaders.
Knowledge of social movements can also come in handy in a va
riety of careers. Knowing how to mobilize people to action can
help anyonewho works with people—
in any field. Professionals in fields from community organizing
to nonprofit management to education to marketinguse these ski
lls. Think of how you can use them in your chosen career.
As we have seen in this chapter, social change can come from th
e top (from people with resources and influence) or from the bot
tom (fromcommunity action and exercising interdependent powe
r). Social change can also come through education—
informing people about activism,equality, and independence. W
hile social movements usually begin outside of established instit
utions, participating in the political process(by voting, campaig
ning, etc.) can also bring about social change. Individuals, like
you, can use all these avenues to help create social changeand m

40. ake an impact on society.
Want a better grade? Get the tools you need to sharpen your stu
dy skills. Access practice quizzes, eFlashcards, video andmulti
media at edge.sagepub.com/korgen
Review
14.1 What is a social movement?
A social movement is a collective, organized, sustained effort to
make noninstitutional social change.
14.2 Why do people participate in social movements?
People participate in social movements when they feel passionat
ely about an issue. They may participate as beneficiaryconstitue
nts, who will directly benefit from the goals of the social move
ment (i.e., same-
sex couples who would like marriageequality). Or, they may par
ticipate as contentious participants, who will not benefit directl
y but feel strongly about the cause.
14.3 What are the different types of social movements?
While some social movements push for massive social change, o
thers press for limited changes to society. There are four differe
nttypes of movements: alternative, redemptive, reformative, and
revolutionary. Alternative social movements advocate for limit
edsocietal change. Redemptive social movements seek more radi
cal change in individual behavior. Reformative social movement
swork for specific change across society. The goal of revolution
ary social movements is a radical reorganization of society.
14.4 How would you use sociological theory to explain a social
movement?
Sociologists use theories to understand different aspects of how
social movements work. Structural functionalist theories focuso
n how people come together during a time of crisis to accomplis
h an agreed-
upon goal. Conflict theorists look at how socialmovements deve
lop from inequality. When a group of people feels deprived of s
omething they believe they should have access to(rights, money,
power, etc.), they will protest. Symbolic interactionists are inte

41. rested in the shared language and symbolism—
likethe peace sign—
that hold social movements together and help spread their messa
ge.
14.5 What are the steps a social movement must take to become
successful?
Social movements that succeed follow the following steps:
1. Identify a social change goal
2. Form a group of likeminded people committed to the goal
3. Create a strategy (a plan of action to achieve the goal)
4. Mobilize resources
5. Organize actions
6. Build power
Movement success arrives when the problem is solved or the go
al achieved.
14.6 What tactics do social movements use to achieve their goal
s, and what kind of backlash do they face?
Some organizations stay within the limits of the law, protesting
with permits and cooperating with police and officials. Otherorg
anizations may decide to participate in civil disobedience—
blocking roads or buildings—
to make their point heard. Othermore radical organizations migh
t break into buildings, destroy property, and further disrupt peo
ple’s lives. Each of these tacticshas positive and negative aspect
s the movement must consider. Organizations often do research
and work with communities tofind the best tactics for social cha
nge. Effective tactics build support for a movement, but this gro
wth in support can inspire fearand resentment of change among
those most ardently opposed to the movement. This can lead to i
ncreased acts ofdiscrimination.
14.7 How can we create social change?
Social change can come from the top or the bottom, but it requir
es getting involved. Examine inequality and discrimination from
an intersectional perspective. Raise awareness about the things t
hat matter to you and engage in the political process. Speak upw
hen you disagree with what you see around you, but be sure to li

42. sten to people with other perspectives and consider theirviews.
Key Terms
· ally 314
· alternative social movements 299
· beneficiary constituents 297
· civil disobedience 296
· collective solidarity 314
· co-optation 310
· coalescence 298
· collective behavior theory 301
· community-based organizing 298
· conscience constituents 297
· difference feminism 305
· emergence 298
· feminist 306
· feminist organization 306
· frame competition 303
· framing 303
· interdependent power 313
· mass society theory 301
· master frames 303
· mobilizing 298
· new social movement theory 304
· organizing 298
· participatory action research 313
· protest 296
· redemptive social movements 300
· reformative social movements 300
· relative deprivation theory 302
· repression 310
· resource mobilization theory 302
· revolutionary social movements 300
· social movement 295
· women’s movement 304

43. Examples of Nonprofits in San Antonio
Family Violence Prevention Services: https://fvps.org
Haven for Hope: https://www.havenforhope.org
Theories to help you is below
Commercialization and Digitization of Social Movement
Society
GUOBIN YANG University of Pennsylvania [email protected]
In Western democracies, popular political radicalism declined
in the wake of the protest cycle of the 1960s and 1970s. What
appeared instead is a ‘‘social movement society,’’ where protest
becomes increasingly institutionalized and ‘‘civic’’ rather than
disruptive. As the editors of the volume The Social Movement
Society put it, ‘‘although disruption appears to be the most
effective political tool of the disadvantaged, the majority of
episodes of movement activity we see today disrupt few
routines’’ (Meyer and Tarrow 1998:20). A study of over 4,000
events in the greater Chicago area from 1970 to 2000 finds that
‘‘sixties-style’’ protest decreased while hybrid events
combining public claims-making with civic forms of behavior
increased (Samson et al. 2005). Although researchers have since
expanded on and revised the ‘‘social movement society’’ thesis,
Ramos and Rodgers (2015) find it to be still applicable to
contemporary society in a new edited volume that aims to
reassess the thesis. The Commercialization of Activism What
the social movement society thesis does not consider, however,
is the extent to which social movements have been
commercialized. Several important books have already shown

44. that the commercialization of activism is a notable trend since
the 1990s (Fisher 2006; Dauvergne and LeBaron 2014; Walker
2015). Caroline Lee’s DoIt-Yourself Democracy broadens this
scholarship by presenting a beautifully written ethnography of
an important new phenomenon—the public engagement
industry. Defined as ‘‘facilitation services aimed at engaging
the public and relevant stakeholders with organizations in more
intensive ways than traditional, one-way public outreach and
information’’ (p. 56), the public engagement industry developed
in the 1980s and 1990s as a solution to declining citizen
participation. Yet, ironically, as Lee shows, it has produced
more professionalization and less public participation. At one
level, Do-It-Yourself Democracy is about the passions,
energies, and creativity of the individuals involved in a quest
for new methods of democratic participation and inclusion.
Three of the seven chapters of the book are devoted almost
entirely to the stories of these individuals, who are ‘‘process
evangelists’’ committed to ‘‘spreading the gospel of
deliberation.’’ Especially fascinating are the ‘‘origin stories’’ in
Chapter Three. Lee finds that although the engagement field is
young, the practitioners are not as young, and many had prior
activism experience in the 1960s. Their attitude toward 1960s-
style radicalism, however, is ambivalent. They maintain a sense
of pride in the Expect Us: Online Communities and Political
Mobilization, by Jessica L. Beyer. New York: Oxford
University Press, 2014. 192 pp. $29.95 paper. ISBN:
9780199330768. Do-It-Yourself Democracy: The Rise of the
Public Engagement Industry, by Caroline W. Lee. New York:
Oxford University Press, 2015. 304 pp. $29.95 cloth. ISBN:
9780199987269. The Coming Swarm: DDOS Actions,
Hacktivism, and Civil Disobedience on the Internet, by Molly
Sauter. New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2014. 192 pp. $19.95
paper. ISBN: 9781623564568. Contemporary Sociology 45, 2
120 American Sociological Association 2016 DOI:
10.1177/0094306116629409 http://cs.sagepub.com 1960s
experience but put more emphasis on their personal journeys

45. from being adversarial and anti-institutional to being
cooperative and willing to work within institutions. In fact,
banishing 1960s language ‘‘was seen as necessary to be taken
seriously’’ (p. 79). Yet as some sociologists (Whalen and Flacks
1990; Whittier 1995) have argued and as the Occupy Wall Street
protests have shown, 1960s-style radicalism persists among
some members of that politicized generation. Exactly how it has
come to be banished from the public engagement industry is an
interesting question worth further elaboration. Chapter Five of
the book, titled ‘‘The Arts and Crafts of Real Engagement,’’
offers a Bourdieusian analysis of how engagement practitioners
construct a non-market and anti-commercial professional
identity. They shun the terminology of ‘‘profession’’ and
‘‘industry’’ in favor of ‘‘a community of practice.’’ They
cultivate the appearance of a homemade and caring artisanal
craft for their work. Abhorring the logic of rational calculation,
they describe a compulsion to share their knowledge and
services. At another level, however, Do-It-Yourself Democracy
subverts its own story of noncalculating individual passion by
charting the growth of public engagement as a new business and
its disempowering effects on citizen participation. The book
begins by describing the varieties of sponsors of the public
engagement industry. The author finds in her survey that a full
quarter of the sponsors are local and regional governments,
followed by local nonprofits at 22 percent, and business,
industry associations, and chambers of commerce at 17 percent.
Questions about why the for-profit sector and local governments
have embraced public engagement are taken up in Chapter Six,
which shows that it is less about empowerment than about
ameliorating the harsh results of contemporary capitalism and
legitimating decisions to cut services and raise taxes. Aiming to
understand ‘‘how public engagement can be authentically real
and disempowering at the same time’’ (p. 29), Lee is
unequivocal, and at times meditative and philosophical, about
the tensions and contradictions in the public engagement
industry. It is the disempowering aspect that comes across more

46. powerfully. In the concluding part of the book, Lee argues that
although deliberation processes have positive short-term and
individual-level effects, in the long run, they function as a new
mechanism of social control. This is because in these
deliberative processes, individual citizens are trained to
empathize with decision-makers while institutions become
collaborative stakeholders ready to ‘‘subsidize’’ individual
actions in processes of cocreation. In essence, then, deliberative
processes individualize problems and solutions while creating a
spirit of authentic sacrifice. This is what Lee calls the spirit of
deliberative capitalism in a DIY democracy. The Rise of Online
Activism Even as the social movement society was taking shape
and before its commercialization had begun in earnest, activists
were already turning elsewhere for possibilities of rejuvenating
grassroots activism. A natural place to look was the newly but
rapidly developing Internet. The result was the birth of cyber-
activism, now often called online activism, internet activism, or
digital activism. The earliest practices of cyber-activism started
in the 1980s, but it was only in the 1990s that cyber-activism
began to catch on. Initially, computer hacking was associated
with efforts to bring computing power to the people and thus
had a radical politics to it (Jordan and Taylor 2004:13;
Lievrouw 2011). Online electronic bulletin boards were used
effectively by revolutionaries like the Zapatista Army of
National Liberation (Wolfson 2014). During the Tiananmen
student protests in 1989, Chinese students in North America and
Europe used newsgroups on Usenet to mobilize support for
protesters in China (Yang 2009:28–29). Early online activism
thus had a radical side, but it also had a moderate, civic side. In
the United States and other western democracies, online
activism was born into a well-established civil society of
nonprofit, community, and social movement organizations. A
notable feature of online activism at that time was the use of the
Internet by civic associations for carrying out routine
organizational activities (Burt and Taylor 2000; Bach and Stark
2002; Hick and McNutt 2002). Although one of the most

47. influential Review Essays 121 Contemporary Sociology 45, 2
books on web activism published by sociologists (Earl and
Kimport 2011) shows how the low cost of online participation
and the possibility of online organizing reduce the roles of
traditional social movement organizations, the four main e-
tactics studied in their book—online petitions, boycotts, e-mail
campaigns and letter-writing—are on the civil side of the
spectrum of online protest. The examples in that study also fall
on the more institutional end of activism rather than the more
extra-institutional and radical end. Meanwhile, public discourse
has produced a binary image of online activism. While the Arab
Spring protests are called Twitter or Facebook Revolutions, a
discourse of ‘‘clicktivism’’ and ‘‘slacktivism’’ denies that
online activism can be meaningful political action. Against the
background of this confused public discourse, Jessica L.
Beyer’s Expect Us: Online Communities and Political
Mobilization and Molly Sauter’s The Coming Swarm: DDOS
Actions, Hacktivism, and Civil Disobedience on the Internet are
forceful statements that online activism is not at all about the
clicking of a mouse. The Suppressed Online Radicalism Molly
Sauter studies distributed denial of service (DDoS) actions,
which she defines as ‘‘concerted efforts by many individuals to
bring down websites by making repeated requests of the
websites’ servers in a short amount of time’’ (p. 2). She calls
them actions rather than the more common name of DDoS
attacks in order to avoid any negative connotations. Many of the
cases examined in her book, such as actions by Anonymous,
have been studied by others (Downing 2001; Coleman 2013,
2014). Yet unlike other studies, Sauter’s book is a focused
analysis of one single tactic. By tracing the history and politics
of DDoS as a tool of protest, Sauter’s book serves as a strong
and timely reminder of a nearly forgotten history of Internet
radicalism and a reclamation of DDoS as a legitimate tool for
civil disobedience. In seven short chapters, Sauter presents a
spirited and vigorous argument that DDoS actions can be a
meaningful and powerful form of civil disobedience consistent

48. with the principles of democratic politics. She cites theorists
and practices of civil disobedience from Henry Thoreau and
Hannah Arendt to Martin Luther King, Jr. and the American
Civil Rights movement to show that DDoS actions, like acts of
civil disobedience in the street, use public disruptions to
challenge power. Because power has moved online in the digital
age, acts of civil disobedience have to go online as well in order
to have any efficacy. The most interesting chapters of the book
examine examples of major DDoS actions and show how they
are stigmatized by mass media and criminalized by states and
corporations. Chapter Two studies several cases of DDoS
actions since the 1990s, starting with the publication of the
Electronic Civil Disobedience (ECD) manifesto by the Critical
Art Ensemble in 1994. The chapter also examines DDoS actions
in Spain in 1997 to force the Institute for Global
Communication (IGC) to stop hosting the Basque publication
Euskal Herria Journal, the DDoS action by the British
organization the electrohippies against the WTO in Seattle in
1999, and the ‘‘Deportation Class’’ DDoS action against
Lufthansa airlines for letting the German government use its
flights to deport immigrants. Both in the scale of participation
(easily tens of thousands) and their impact, these cases stand on
a par with ‘‘traditional’’ forms of street protest. Although
Sauter points out that not all DDoS actions are legitimate
political protest and many are criminal activities, she is explicit
about the moral legitimacy of DDoS actions as a method of civil
disobedience. Chapter Seven shows how states and corporations
criminalize DDoS actions. For example, the activists of the
electrohippies involved in the protest against the WTO in 1999
were declared terrorists. The main activist in the ‘‘Deportation
Class’’ action against Lufthansa airlines in 2001 was arrested
on charges of coercion and found guilty by a lower court in
Frankfurt in 2005 (the verdict was later overturned by a higher
court). Sauter notes there is no such precedentsetting case in
U.S. courts, but there are several cases where individuals
pleaded guilty after being arrested for DDoS actions. For

49. example, two individuals were arrested in connection with
Anonymous DDoS actions against the Church of Scientology in
2007 122 Review Essays Contemporary Sociology 45, 2 and
2008. They were sentenced to serve a year in prison and to pay
$37,500 and $20,000 respectively in restitution to the Church of
Scientology. In another case, Wisconsin truck driver Eric J.
Rosol participated in a DDoS action against the Koch Industries
website in 2011. In 2013, Rosol pleaded guilty to one
misdemeanor count of accessing a protected computer and was
sentenced to two years’ probation and ordered to pay $183,000
in restitution to Koch Industries. Anonymous’s Operation
Payback DDoS actions against MasterCard and PayPal and other
firms in 2010 resulted in 14 individuals being charged. Sauter
explains that DDoS actions are prosecuted as fraud under Title
18, Section 1030 (a)(5) of the U.S. Code, also known as the
CFAA. In 46 of the 50 U.S. states, defendants may be subject to
joint and several liability, meaning that one individual may be
held liable for damages caused by large numbers of individuals.
This is an effective method of suppressing online collective
action. The Forgotten Online Community In what Wellman
(2004) calls the ‘‘first age of Internet studies,’’ online
community was a new phenomenon of great research interest
(Rheingold 1993; Wellman 1997; Calhoun 1998). The views
about online communities were sanguine, reflecting both
optimism about the new technologies and the actual conditions
of online communities in the 1990s. While research on online
communities continues to appear, more attention has since
shifted to the study of the relationship between information
technologies and political activism (Castells 1997; Earl and
Kimport 2011; Lievrouw 2011). In focusing on how internet
technologies link individual voices into collective action,
however, the connections between online activism and online
communities have not been systematically studied. In this
context, Jessica Beyer’s book Expect Us, an ethnography of
four online communities, bridges a major gap. Two of the
communities, the massive, multiplayer, online role-playing

50. game World of Warcraft (WoW) and the posting boards of IGN
Entertainment, are communities of entertainment. The third
community, Anonymous, according to Beyer, had been mainly a
community of entertainment before it launched a protest
movement against the Church of Scientology in 2008. The
fourth one, Pirate Bay, is a popular file-sharing website where
people exchange music, movie, and TV show files. Beyer finds
that political conversations take place in all four communities,
but political mobilization occurs only in two of them. Beyer
argues that this disparity is due to the structural features of the
four online communities. She finds that the two communities
where mobilization took place had higher levels of anonymity,
lower levels of formal regulation, and minimal access to small-
group interaction. These features result in distinct communities
with their own norms and behavior expectations. When
community norms conflict with offline norms and realities,
normative conflict results, leading to mobilization. Beyer’s
analysis shows that website ownership and management
significantly influence the nature of online participation.
Although Beyer suggests that community norms and beliefs are
the result of the structural features of the websites, at times she
notes that the values that community members bring to the
community also influence the nature of the communities (p.
104). Thus it is not entirely clear whether it is external or
internal norms that shape mobilization. Whether and how the
goals of online communities may influence mobilization is
another question of interest left unexplored. In a sense, it is not
surprising that the two cases of mobilization took place in
Anonymous and Pirate Bay and not in WoW or IGN, because
the former two are more politicized communities than the latter
in the first place. Expect Us is most fascinating in its
ethnographic narrative of the operations and interactions in the
individual online communities, a narrative that can only come
from long periods of immersion. For example, it illuminates the
otherwise dark and mysterious social world of WoW by
providing a clear sense of the hierarchies of its complex group

51. structures as well as its internal culture and the importance of
reputation to WoW players. The analysis of the long
conversation threads in IGN shows clearly the Review Essays
123 Contemporary Sociology 45, 2 politicized topics on IGN
posting boards. The riveting ethnographic details present a
strong argument that meaningful civic engagement takes place
in online communities, including in nonpolitical communities.
Expect Us leaves readers with no doubt that there is serious and
impassioned politics to be expected of online communities. The
Future of Social Movement Society The three books under
review convey mixed messages about the future of social
movement society. Caroline Lee’s book suggests that the
institutionalized social movement society of the 1990s has
undergone significant commercialization, to the extent that even
civic engagement has become a profitable industry. Initially,
online activism offered some new hope of repoliticizing the
social movement field, but as Molly Sauter shows, the radical
wing of online activism, represented in her book by the use of
DDoS actions for civil disobedience, has been tamed through
criminalization by the state and stigmatization by an ideological
media discourse. Jessica Beyer’s book directs our attention back
to a taken-for-granted aspect of online space to reveal both
impassioned political conversations on a daily basis and
occasional contentious political mobilization. While Expect Us
conveys a note of cautious hope in everyday political
participation and The Coming Swarm reclaims the moral
legitimacy of radical protest, Do-It-Yourself Democracy offers
a deep and sensitive critique of the contemporary conundrum
between achieving individual authenticity and collective social
change in American society. Of course, three books that landed
rather randomly on my desk for review cannot be expected to
represent the complexity and diversity of political activism,
civil engagement, and social movements in contemporary
American society. I have suggested, however, that they have
each captured an important trend. Together, they delineate an
image of contemporary social movement society as

52. commercialized, digitized, and nostalgic for a bygone era.
Although the digitalized social movement society has a radical
side (such as in the use of DDoS actions), the broader trend is
one of containment and moderation. The conundrum of
contemporary activism was revealed thoroughly in the Occupy
Wall Street (OWS) movement. One of the most radical moments
of contemporary protest, OWS brought forth a new form of
‘‘political disobedience’’—’’a type of political as opposed to
civil disobedience that fundamentally rejects the ideological
landscape that has dominated our collective imagination, in the
United States at least, since before the Cold War’’ (Harcourt
2013:46). Harcourt continues: The Occupy movement rejects
conventional political rationality, discourse, and strategies. It
does not lobby Congress. It defies the party system. It refuses to
align or identify itself along traditional political lines. It refuses
even to formulate a reform agenda or to endorse the platform of
any existing political group . . . . Occupy Wall Street is
politically disobedient to the core—it even resists attempts to
be categorized politically. (Harcourt 2013:47) Nothing can be
more radical than a complete rejection of the existing system,
and for this reason alone, OWS was radically revolutionary. Yet
it is supremely ironic that the political disobedience of OWS
had to be expressed in non-conventional forms in order to resist
attempts ‘‘to be categorized politically.’’ It is ironic that it had
to be non-political in order to pronounce a new politics. The
full implications of this irony begin to unravel in the three
books under review. It is the same kind of irony that is captured
in Caroline Lee’s analysis of ‘‘how public engagement can be
authentically real and disempowering at the same time.’’
References Bach, Jonathan, and David Stark. 2002. ‘‘Innovative
Ambiguities: NGOs’ Use of Interactive Technology in Eastern
Europe.’’ Studies in Comparative International Development
37(2):3–23. Burt, Eleanor, and John Taylor. 2000. ‘‘Information
and Communication Technologies: Reshaping Voluntary
Organizations?’’ Nonprofit Management and Leadership 11(2):
131–143. 124 Review Essays Contemporary Sociology 45, 2