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Journal Response: Sung
Key course concepts: Intelligibility, Identity
Investigating the topic:
1. Read just the “Introduction” section. What are the two
different opinions about sounding like a “native English
speaker?”
2. Sung often talks about “intelligibility” with accents. For
example, he says that “Although native-speaker accents were
thought to be the ‘ideal’ pronunciation model in their minds,
these students did not find these accents intelligible in reality”
(Sung 18).
· What does Sung mean when he talks about a speaker’s
“intelligibility”?
Take a position:
1. Is there an English model/accent that you find ideal? What is
it? (If possible, include a link to a video of it so that I can
hear!) Explain why you think that this accent is ideal for you.
2. In 1-2 paragraphs, take a position on this topic: Should EAL
(English as an Additional Language) students try to sound like
“native speakers” of English? Support your position using
experiences from your real life.
Focus on Language:
As you were reading Sung’s article, you probably noticed that
some words and phrases were highlighted in blue. These are
transition words and phrases that help the author develop an
argument over time and across multiple sentences. Each
transition word or phrase indicates to the reader how new
information is related to previous information.
Below are 4 categories of transition words/phrases. Find 2
highlighted words/phrases from Sung’s article that fit into each
category (copy and paste them in the table below and include
the page number).
Example 1
Example 2
Example 3
New information is different from the previous information
Instead (p. 17)
New information is a result of or based on previous information
therefore (p. 18)
New information is similar to previous information
In a similar vein (p. 19)
New information is an example used to support previous
information
In particular (p. 20)
English 106
University of Arizona
English Today
http://journals.cambridge.org/ENG
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‘I would like to sound like Heidi Klum’: What do non-native
speakers say about
who they want to sound like?
Chit Cheung Matthew Sung
English Today / Volume 29 / Issue 02 / June 2013, pp 17 - 21
DOI: 10.1017/S0266078413000102, Published online: 08 May
2013
Link to this article:
http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0266078413000102
How to cite this article:
Chit Cheung Matthew Sung (2013). ‘I would like to sound like
Heidi Klum’: What do non-native
speakers say about who they want to sound like?. English
Today, 29, pp 17-21 doi:10.1017/
S0266078413000102
Request Permissions : Click here
Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/ENG, IP
address: 128.196.223.107 on 25 Feb 2016
‘I would like to sound like Heidi
Klum’: What do non-native
speakers say about who they
want to sound like?
CHIT CHEUNG MATTHEW SUNG
An investigation into the place of native and non-native
speakers as role models for learners’ acquisition of English
pronunciation
Introduction
English nowadays plays an important role in the
political, diplomatic, commercial, economic and
cultural activities on the global stage (see, e.g.,
Graddol, 1997, 2006; Jenkins, 2000; Warschauer,
2000; Crystal, 2003). As a result of the widespread
use of English around the globe, several scholars
contend that English no longer exclusively rep-
resents the culture of native English-speaking
countries, nor are they the exclusive ‘owners’ of
English (see e.g. Widdowson, 1994).
More notably, English now serves as a global
lingua franca and is increasingly used by both
native and non-native speakers as a means of inter-
cultural communication. It is perhaps not surpris-
ing that English is spoken in a variety of accents
by speakers from different parts of the world. In
particular, some scholars argue that it is unnecess-
ary for non-native speakers to sound like native
speakers of English or to conform to native-speaker
norms of pronunciation in order to be seen as com-
petent speakers of English (see e.g. Jenkins, 2000,
2007; McKay, 2002; Kirkpatrick, 2007). Instead, it
is suggested that non-native speakers should be
allowed to preserve their lingua-cultural identity
by retaining some of their L1 phonological features
when speaking English, since they may like to pre-
serve their own lingua-cultural identity as
expressed in their pronunciation. As Jenkins
(2002: 85) points out, they should be entitled to
the right to ‘express their L1 regional group
identity in English by means of their accent, as
long as the accent does not jeopardize international
intelligibility’.
In addition, while native-speaker pronunciation
has traditionally been considered as a suitable
model for non-native speakers, recently several
prominent scholars (e.g. Jenkins, 2000, 2002;
Kirkpatrick, 2007) have argued that native-speaker
pronunciation should not be the objective of the
majority of non-native speakers, since they are
CHIT CHEUNG MATTHEW
SUNG recently completed a
PhD in the Department of
Linguistics and English
Language at Lancaster
University, UK. He received
a first-class degree and a
Master of Philosophy in
English from the University
of Hong Kong. He has
published in several international journals,
including Changing English, English Today, ELT
Journal, English Text Construction, Journal of
Gender Studies and The Language Teacher. His
recent book reviews have appeared in World
Englishes, Language Awareness and TESOL
Quarterly. His research interests are in the areas of
English as a Lingua Franca, discourse analysis,
language and identity, and language education.
Email: [email protected]
doi:10.1017/S0266078413000102
English Today 114, Vol. 29, No. 2 (June 2013). Printed in the
United Kingdom © 2013 Cambridge University Press 17
mailto:[email protected]
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more likely to communicate with other non-native
speakers of English than with native speakers in
today’s globalized world. Given that pronunciation
is an indispensable aspect of communicating in
speech, it is worth understanding the views of non-
native speakers about how they would like to
sound when they speak English. This article there-
fore reports on what a group of non-native speakers
of English in Hong Kong said about how they
would prefer to sound and who they would wish
to sound like in English.
Understanding non-native speakers’
views
I recently conducted a one-hour workshop on
English pronunciation with fifteen undergraduate
students at a university in Hong Kong. All of
these students were Hong Kong-born non-native
speakers of English eager to improve their
English pronunciation. At the beginning of the
workshop, I asked them about how they would
like to sound. While four of them mentioned that
they just wanted to speak English more clearly
and intelligibly, eleven of these students responded
by saying that they would like to sound like native
speakers of English as closely as possible. In other
words, the majority of them regarded ‘sounding
more native-like’ as a desirable outcome of their
pronunciation.
Another question I asked them was ‘Who do you
want to sound like when you speak English?’ By
asking them this question, I was also trying to get
a sense of which variety of English was perceived
to serve as the ideal pronunciation model for them.
To my surprise, most of these students had one or
more people in mind who they thought could serve
as a good model of English pronunciation.
However, these students seemed to hold very
different and varied views about ‘who’ (or which
particular speaker of English) could serve as an
appropriate pronunciation model of English,
which I shall discuss below.
Native speakers aren’t always
preferred as a good pronunciation
model
Although most of these students would like to
sound more native-like in terms of their pronuncia-
tion, several students mentioned that (some) native
speakers of English were not necessarily good
models of pronunciation. For example, one student
stated: ‘Native speakers, like David Beckham, are
not good pronunciation models. I never really
understand what he is talking about on TV. His
accent is a bit weird and unclear. I don’t want to
speak like him.’ Another student had a similar
view about the difficulty in understanding native-
speaker accents: ‘American accents are really diffi-
cult to understand. Sometimes, I have to read the
subtitles when I am watching Hollywood movies.
I am not sure if I should regard these American
actors as the model speakers of English. To me,
American accents are not exactly as intelligible as
I used to think.’ Another student also mentioned
that she was aware of the prestige associated with
a native-speaker accent, but did not find it intelligi-
ble: ‘To be honest with you, I don’t quite under-
stand what Harry Potter is talking about when I
watched the movie. He sounds too British, I sup-
pose. Everybody is saying how prestigious the
British accent is, but I don’t think British English
is easy to understand. Sometimes, I think it’s not
clear. And I think I had trouble understanding the
British accent.’
From the comments here, there seems to be a
mismatch between the idealized notion of a native-
speaker accent and the accent in reality. Although
native-speaker accents were thought to be the
‘ideal’ pronunciation model in their minds, these
students did not find these accents intelligible in
reality. Furthermore, while these students indicated
that they would like to achieve a native-like pro-
nunciation, they did not necessarily see native
speakers as the ‘default’, or appropriate, pronuncia-
tion model. In particular, their contact with certain
native-speaker varieties of English made them rea-
lize that native-speaker pronunciation was not
necessarily intelligible or appropriate for imitation.
In addition, two of the students explicitly stated
that they did not want to speak English with an
American accent because of it being closely associ-
ated with the American culture. One of them said:
‘I don’t think I want to sound like the Americans. I
would avoid doing so. I think we can now easily
feel the American influence around the world, but
some of their influences are not positive. More
importantly, such a development poses a threat to
the existence of cultural diversity. So I don’t
want to sound like the Americans.’ Another student
echoed this: ‘Some of the Americans I know are
very self-centred and they always think that they
are the centre of the world. I don’t want to sound
like them or be identified as Americans.’ From
the two students’ responses, it is clear that their
resistance to speaking English with an American
accent was related to their negative perceptions of
the widespread American presence in the global
18 ENGLISH TODAY 114 June 2013
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world and of the American people in general. In
other words, it seems that psychological and socio-
cultural reasons may come into play and account
for the students’ decisions as to whether or not to
sound like a particular group of native speakers
of English. In this case, as a result of the unfavour-
able impressions of native-speaker countries and
their people, particular native-speaker accents
may not be viewed positively by non-native speak-
ers, or preferred as the pronunciation model.
Local non-native speakers of English
as the pronunciation model
Four other students also mentioned examples of the
accent of educated Hong Kong speakers of English
as the ideal pronunciation model. One of the stu-
dents stated: ‘I like to sound like the news reporters
on TVB Pearl, the English TV channel in Hong
Kong. Although these reporters are from Hong
Kong, they don’t seem to speak English with an
accent. I mean their accent is quite native-like.
It’s very clear and I find them pleasant to listen
to.’ Another student also shared a similar idea
and reported that she would like to sound like the
former Chief Secretary of Hong Kong: ‘I think
Anson Chan can serve as a good model. She was
born and raised in Hong Kong, but her English pro-
nunciation is very clear. I don’t think it is any
different from native-speaker accent. She also
speaks English with good intonation. I think she
can be my pronunciation model.’ Another student
also mentioned another good example of English
pronunciation, Ti-liang Yang, the former Chief
Justice of Hong Kong: ‘He speaks English with
good pronunciation. I think he can be my model.
As far as I know, he also teaches English pronun-
ciation on the radio and speaks English with a
good accent. I think he can be the authority of
the English language. I think there is no problem
with using his English pronunciation as a model.
I think it’s quite acceptable by most people around
the world.’ What we can see here is that a number
of prominent figures in Hong Kong who are also
proficient non-native speakers of English were per-
ceived as good models of English pronunciation. It
is interesting to note here that despite evidence of
negative attitudes towards the local Hong Kong
accent in previous research (Forde, 1995; Pang,
2003; Sewell, 2009; Sung, 2010, 2011), the stu-
dents showed very positive attitudes towards the
English accent displayed by these educated speak-
ers of English. One reason for this may be that
while Hong Kong people may hold negative
attitudes towards the strongly accented local accent
(which is stigmatized in the local context), they
may not express similar feelings towards some of
the educated Hong Kong speakers who in general
show rather few traces of the local accent in their
speech. As such, the generally unfavourable per-
ceptions of the local Hong Kong accent do not
necessarily preclude non-native speakers from
looking up to educated local speakers of English
for their pronunciation model.
Foreign non-native speakers
as the pronunciation model
In addition to several local non-native speakers
being cited as providing the ideal pronunciation
model, some students also indicated that they
would like to sound like other foreign non-native
speakers of English. One of the students mentioned
the German-born world-renowned supermodel
Heidi Klum as offering an ideal pronunciation
model: ‘I would like to sound like Heidi Klum.
She is German but speaks English with a very
good American accent. Although she is not a native
speaker, I feel that her pronunciation is even clearer
than American speakers of English. Sometimes, I
find that American speakers have a strong accent
and I don’t fully understand them.’ Another stu-
dent echoed this: ‘Her German accent is sexy. I
just find it cute. Some American speakers have a
much stronger accent.’ From the responses here,
it seems that a non-native speaker of English was
not necessarily perceived to be inferior to a native
speaker of English in providing the pronunciation
model. In particular, Klum, a non-native speaker
of English, was seen to have a weaker accent
than native speakers of English, but was able to
speak English in a similar accent to a native-
speaker one. This may explain why she was per-
ceived to be the preferred pronunciation model.
In a similar vein, another student mentioned that
he wanted to sound like French actor Hugo Becker,
who appears in an American popular TV series,
Gossip Girl. The student said: ‘He plays the role
of a prince from Monaco. I mean his accent con-
jures up the image of the royal family. His accent
is very clear, but obviously with a European
flavor. It’s just special and is different from the
American accent. I think his European accent
sounds quite prestigious.’ It appears that the stu-
dent chose to sound like Hugo Becker because
his French accent was perceived to be associated
with prestige. And perhaps the ‘non-nativeness’
of his accent was not seen to be of relevance
‘I WOULD LIKE TO SOUND LIKE HEIDI KLUM’ 19
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when the student decided upon who to sound like.
In other words, it is not the ‘nativeness’ of the
accent but the connotations associated with a par-
ticular accent that accounts for the appeal of it as
the appropriate pronunciation model.
Any speakers of English
as the pronunciation model
While most of the students mentioned explicitly
people or groups they would wish to sound like,
two students stated that they were not insistent on
imitating the pronunciation of a specific person or
of a specific variety of English, despite their wish
to sound more native-like. One of the students con-
sidered it impractical to choose one particular
speaker of English as the pronunciation model: ‘I
don’t think I imitate any one speaker of English.
I come into contact with so many different speakers
of English. It’s not always possible to model my
pronunciation on one particular speaker of
English.’ Another also said: ‘I think we don’t really
sound very different from native speakers of
English. What we are speaking is English and
our pronunciation is also pretty much similar. So
I think I can learn to improve my pronunciation
by listening to different speakers of English.’ In
other words, in order to achieve a native-like pro-
nunciation, these two students did not necessarily
consider one variety of English or one particular
speaker of English to be the pronunciation model.
Instead, they may prefer to develop their own
English pronunciation through exposure to differ-
ent speakers of English.
Discussion and conclusion
What can be seen from the students’ responses is
that while most of the students indicated their
desire to sound more native-like in terms of their
pronunciation, these students did not necessarily
look up to native speakers of English only as the
‘model’. In other words, there is no deterministic
relationship between the wish to sound native-like
and the use of native speakers as the ‘model’
speaker.
It is also important to note that the accents of
native speakers were not necessarily perceived to
be superior linguistic models for non-native speak-
ers of English (cf. Braine, 1999, 2010). As one
student mentioned, for example, native-speaker
pronunciation may sometimes be strongly
‘accented’ and does not always sound clear. In
other words, ‘accentedness’ is not only associated
with a ‘foreign’, or ‘non-native’, accent, but also
with native-speaker accents as well, a point which
is generally overlooked in the public discourses
about native-speaker accents. On the other hand,
the analysis shows that a number of competent non-
native speakers of English were seen to serve as an
ideal model of English pronunciation. In particular,
these speakers were perceived to speak English
with clear, intelligible and widely acceptable pro-
nunciation, often without a noticeably ‘strong’
foreign accent. In other words, while being non-
native speakers, they were perceived to speak
English in a native-like manner.
Based on these students’ responses, it therefore
seems important for researchers to move beyond
the simplistic dichotomy between native-speaker
and non-native-speaker ‘models’ of English pro-
nunciation when they make recommendations
about how non-native speakers should sound.
Instead, it may be useful to suggest that any speak-
ers of English who display intelligible and widely
acceptable pronunciation patterns can provide an
ideal pronunciation model. In other words, what
matters is not the ‘native-speakerness’ of the
pronunciation model, but rather the specific pro-
nunciation features, both segmental and supra-
segmental, displayed by the ‘model’ speaker or
speakers of English. It should be noted, however,
that speakers who show great deviations from
‘standard’ native-speaker pronunciation were not
generally preferred. We can suggest that while
native-speaker norms of pronunciation were not
necessarily perceived as the ‘ideal’ pronunciation
model, they were still seen as an important point
of reference among non-native speakers.
Furthermore, the analysis above also reveals that
the university students surveyed were perfectly
capable of articulating their pronunciation models
and targets (i.e., who they would like to sound
like), and that their ideal pronunciation models
were quite different from one another. As a result,
it may not be appropriate for researchers to impose
a particular pronunciation model on these non-
native speakers. Indeed, the choice to sound native-
like or not is a rather personal one (Derwing &
Munro, 2009), and such a choice may vary from
one individual to another. As the choice of accent
is closely related to one’s identity (Jenkins,
2000), non-native speakers’ decision to sound
like a particular speaker of English or not may be
a reflection of the kinds of identity they would
like to project. Therefore, it may be sensible for
non-native speakers to decide upon their own pro-
nunciation model(s), or the speaker(s) upon whom
they would like to model their pronunciation.
20 ENGLISH TODAY 114 June 2013
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In summary, this article has shown the complex-
ity of non-native speakers’ perceptions of their per-
ceived ideal pronunciation model(s) and who they
would like to sound like. It is hoped that a better
understanding of these speakers’ wishes and
expectations will prompt researchers to ponder
the question concerning accent and identity with
respect to non-native speakers. However, it must
be acknowledged that, given the small sample
size, the results reported in this paper cannot be
generalized as the views of the entire global popu-
lation of non-native speakers of English.
References
Braine, G. 1999. ‘Introduction.’ In G. Braine (ed.),
Non-native Educators in English Language Teaching.
Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, pp. xiii–xx.
—. 2010. Nonnative Speaker English Teachers: Research,
Pedagogy and Professional Growth. London: Routledge.
Crystal, D. 2003. English as a Global Language. 2nd edn.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Derwing, T. M. & Munro, M. J. 2009. ‘Putting accent in its
place: rethinking obstacles to communication.’ Language
Teaching, 42(4), 476–90.
Forde, K. 1995. ‘A study of learner attitudes towards
accents of English.’ Hong Kong Polytechnic University
Working Papers in ELT & Applied Linguistics, 1(2),
59–76.
Graddol, D. 1997. The Future of English? London: British
Council.
—. 2006. English Next. London: British Council.
Jenkins, J. 2000. The Phonology of English as an
International Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
—. 2002. ‘A sociolinguistically based, empirically
researched pronunciation syllabus for English as an
international language.’ Applied Linguistics, 23(1),
83–103.
—. 2007. English as a Lingua Franca: Attitude and Identity.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Kirkpatrick, A. 2007. World Englishes: Implications for
International Communication and English Language
Teaching. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
McKay, S. 2002. Teaching English as an International
Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Pang, T. 2003. ‘Hong Kong English: a stillborn variety?’
English Today, 19(2), 12–18.
Sewell, A. 2009. ‘World Englishes, English as a lingua
franca, and the case of Hong Kong English.’ English
Today, 25(1), 37–43.
Sung, C. C. M. 2010. ‘Being a purist in Hong Kong: to use or
not to use mixed code.’ Changing English, 17(4), 411–19.
—. 2011. ‘Race and native speakers in ELT: parents’
perspectives in Hong Kong.’ English Today, 27(3), 25–9.
Warschauer, M. 2000. ‘The changing global economy and
the future of English teaching.’ TESOL Quarterly, 34(3),
511–35.
Widdowson, H. G. 1994. ‘The ownership of English.’
TESOL Quarterly, 28(2), 377–89.
‘I WOULD LIKE TO SOUND LIKE HEIDI KLUM’ 21
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Pencil‘I would like to sound like Heidi Klum : What do non-
native speakers say about who they want to sound
like?IntroductionUnderstanding non-native speakers'
viewsNative speakers aren't always preferred as a good
pronunciation modelLocal non-native speakers of English as the
pronunciation modelForeign non-native speakers as the
pronunciation modelAny speakers of English as the
pronunciation modelDiscussion and conclusionReferences
Journal Response: Sung
Key course concepts: Intelligibility, Identity
Investigating the topic:
1. Read just the “Introduction” section. What are the two
different opinions about sounding like a “native English
speaker?”
2. Sung often talks about “intelligibility” with accents. For
example, he says that “Although native-speaker accents were
thought to be the ‘ideal’ pronunciation model in their minds,
these students did not find these accents intelligible in reality”
(Sung 18).
· What does Sung mean when he talks about a speaker’s
“intelligibility”?
Take a position:
1. Is there an English model/accent that you find ideal? What is
it? (If possible, include a link to a video of it so that I can
hear!) Explain why you think that this accent is ideal for you.
2. In 1-2 paragraphs, take a position on this topic: Should EAL
(English as an Additional Language) students try to sound like
“native speakers” of English? Support your position using
experiences from your real life.
Focus on Language:
As you were reading Sung’s article, you probably noticed that
some words and phrases were highlighted in blue. These are
transition words and phrases that help the author develop an
argument over time and across multiple sentences. Each
transition word or phrase indicates to the reader how new
information is related to previous information.
Below are 4 categories of transition words/phrases. Find 2
highlighted words/phrases from Sung’s article that fit into each
category (copy and paste them in the table below and include
the page number).
Example 1
Example 2
Example 3
New information is different from the previous information
Instead (p. 17)
New information is a result of or based on previous information
therefore (p. 18)
New information is similar to previous information
In a similar vein (p. 19)
New information is an example used to support previous
information
In particular (p. 20)
English 106
University of Arizona

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Journal Response SungKey course concepts Intelligibility, Id.docx

  • 1. Journal Response: Sung Key course concepts: Intelligibility, Identity Investigating the topic: 1. Read just the “Introduction” section. What are the two different opinions about sounding like a “native English speaker?” 2. Sung often talks about “intelligibility” with accents. For example, he says that “Although native-speaker accents were thought to be the ‘ideal’ pronunciation model in their minds, these students did not find these accents intelligible in reality” (Sung 18). · What does Sung mean when he talks about a speaker’s “intelligibility”? Take a position: 1. Is there an English model/accent that you find ideal? What is it? (If possible, include a link to a video of it so that I can hear!) Explain why you think that this accent is ideal for you. 2. In 1-2 paragraphs, take a position on this topic: Should EAL (English as an Additional Language) students try to sound like “native speakers” of English? Support your position using experiences from your real life. Focus on Language:
  • 2. As you were reading Sung’s article, you probably noticed that some words and phrases were highlighted in blue. These are transition words and phrases that help the author develop an argument over time and across multiple sentences. Each transition word or phrase indicates to the reader how new information is related to previous information. Below are 4 categories of transition words/phrases. Find 2 highlighted words/phrases from Sung’s article that fit into each category (copy and paste them in the table below and include the page number). Example 1 Example 2 Example 3 New information is different from the previous information Instead (p. 17) New information is a result of or based on previous information therefore (p. 18) New information is similar to previous information In a similar vein (p. 19) New information is an example used to support previous information In particular (p. 20) English 106 University of Arizona
  • 3. English Today http://journals.cambridge.org/ENG Additional services for English Today: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here ‘I would like to sound like Heidi Klum’: What do non-native speakers say about who they want to sound like? Chit Cheung Matthew Sung English Today / Volume 29 / Issue 02 / June 2013, pp 17 - 21 DOI: 10.1017/S0266078413000102, Published online: 08 May 2013 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0266078413000102 How to cite this article: Chit Cheung Matthew Sung (2013). ‘I would like to sound like Heidi Klum’: What do non-native speakers say about who they want to sound like?. English Today, 29, pp 17-21 doi:10.1017/ S0266078413000102 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/ENG, IP
  • 4. address: 128.196.223.107 on 25 Feb 2016 ‘I would like to sound like Heidi Klum’: What do non-native speakers say about who they want to sound like? CHIT CHEUNG MATTHEW SUNG An investigation into the place of native and non-native speakers as role models for learners’ acquisition of English pronunciation Introduction English nowadays plays an important role in the political, diplomatic, commercial, economic and cultural activities on the global stage (see, e.g., Graddol, 1997, 2006; Jenkins, 2000; Warschauer, 2000; Crystal, 2003). As a result of the widespread use of English around the globe, several scholars contend that English no longer exclusively rep- resents the culture of native English-speaking countries, nor are they the exclusive ‘owners’ of English (see e.g. Widdowson, 1994). More notably, English now serves as a global lingua franca and is increasingly used by both native and non-native speakers as a means of inter- cultural communication. It is perhaps not surpris- ing that English is spoken in a variety of accents by speakers from different parts of the world. In particular, some scholars argue that it is unnecess- ary for non-native speakers to sound like native
  • 5. speakers of English or to conform to native-speaker norms of pronunciation in order to be seen as com- petent speakers of English (see e.g. Jenkins, 2000, 2007; McKay, 2002; Kirkpatrick, 2007). Instead, it is suggested that non-native speakers should be allowed to preserve their lingua-cultural identity by retaining some of their L1 phonological features when speaking English, since they may like to pre- serve their own lingua-cultural identity as expressed in their pronunciation. As Jenkins (2002: 85) points out, they should be entitled to the right to ‘express their L1 regional group identity in English by means of their accent, as long as the accent does not jeopardize international intelligibility’. In addition, while native-speaker pronunciation has traditionally been considered as a suitable model for non-native speakers, recently several prominent scholars (e.g. Jenkins, 2000, 2002; Kirkpatrick, 2007) have argued that native-speaker pronunciation should not be the objective of the majority of non-native speakers, since they are CHIT CHEUNG MATTHEW SUNG recently completed a PhD in the Department of Linguistics and English Language at Lancaster University, UK. He received a first-class degree and a Master of Philosophy in English from the University of Hong Kong. He has
  • 6. published in several international journals, including Changing English, English Today, ELT Journal, English Text Construction, Journal of Gender Studies and The Language Teacher. His recent book reviews have appeared in World Englishes, Language Awareness and TESOL Quarterly. His research interests are in the areas of English as a Lingua Franca, discourse analysis, language and identity, and language education. Email: [email protected] doi:10.1017/S0266078413000102 English Today 114, Vol. 29, No. 2 (June 2013). Printed in the United Kingdom © 2013 Cambridge University Press 17 mailto:[email protected] iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil more likely to communicate with other non-native speakers of English than with native speakers in today’s globalized world. Given that pronunciation is an indispensable aspect of communicating in speech, it is worth understanding the views of non- native speakers about how they would like to sound when they speak English. This article there-
  • 7. fore reports on what a group of non-native speakers of English in Hong Kong said about how they would prefer to sound and who they would wish to sound like in English. Understanding non-native speakers’ views I recently conducted a one-hour workshop on English pronunciation with fifteen undergraduate students at a university in Hong Kong. All of these students were Hong Kong-born non-native speakers of English eager to improve their English pronunciation. At the beginning of the workshop, I asked them about how they would like to sound. While four of them mentioned that they just wanted to speak English more clearly and intelligibly, eleven of these students responded by saying that they would like to sound like native speakers of English as closely as possible. In other words, the majority of them regarded ‘sounding more native-like’ as a desirable outcome of their pronunciation. Another question I asked them was ‘Who do you want to sound like when you speak English?’ By asking them this question, I was also trying to get a sense of which variety of English was perceived to serve as the ideal pronunciation model for them. To my surprise, most of these students had one or more people in mind who they thought could serve as a good model of English pronunciation. However, these students seemed to hold very different and varied views about ‘who’ (or which particular speaker of English) could serve as an appropriate pronunciation model of English,
  • 8. which I shall discuss below. Native speakers aren’t always preferred as a good pronunciation model Although most of these students would like to sound more native-like in terms of their pronuncia- tion, several students mentioned that (some) native speakers of English were not necessarily good models of pronunciation. For example, one student stated: ‘Native speakers, like David Beckham, are not good pronunciation models. I never really understand what he is talking about on TV. His accent is a bit weird and unclear. I don’t want to speak like him.’ Another student had a similar view about the difficulty in understanding native- speaker accents: ‘American accents are really diffi- cult to understand. Sometimes, I have to read the subtitles when I am watching Hollywood movies. I am not sure if I should regard these American actors as the model speakers of English. To me, American accents are not exactly as intelligible as I used to think.’ Another student also mentioned that she was aware of the prestige associated with a native-speaker accent, but did not find it intelligi- ble: ‘To be honest with you, I don’t quite under- stand what Harry Potter is talking about when I watched the movie. He sounds too British, I sup- pose. Everybody is saying how prestigious the British accent is, but I don’t think British English is easy to understand. Sometimes, I think it’s not clear. And I think I had trouble understanding the British accent.’ From the comments here, there seems to be a
  • 9. mismatch between the idealized notion of a native- speaker accent and the accent in reality. Although native-speaker accents were thought to be the ‘ideal’ pronunciation model in their minds, these students did not find these accents intelligible in reality. Furthermore, while these students indicated that they would like to achieve a native-like pro- nunciation, they did not necessarily see native speakers as the ‘default’, or appropriate, pronuncia- tion model. In particular, their contact with certain native-speaker varieties of English made them rea- lize that native-speaker pronunciation was not necessarily intelligible or appropriate for imitation. In addition, two of the students explicitly stated that they did not want to speak English with an American accent because of it being closely associ- ated with the American culture. One of them said: ‘I don’t think I want to sound like the Americans. I would avoid doing so. I think we can now easily feel the American influence around the world, but some of their influences are not positive. More importantly, such a development poses a threat to the existence of cultural diversity. So I don’t want to sound like the Americans.’ Another student echoed this: ‘Some of the Americans I know are very self-centred and they always think that they are the centre of the world. I don’t want to sound like them or be identified as Americans.’ From the two students’ responses, it is clear that their resistance to speaking English with an American accent was related to their negative perceptions of the widespread American presence in the global 18 ENGLISH TODAY 114 June 2013
  • 10. iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User
  • 11. Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil world and of the American people in general. In other words, it seems that psychological and socio- cultural reasons may come into play and account for the students’ decisions as to whether or not to sound like a particular group of native speakers of English. In this case, as a result of the unfavour- able impressions of native-speaker countries and their people, particular native-speaker accents may not be viewed positively by non-native speak- ers, or preferred as the pronunciation model. Local non-native speakers of English as the pronunciation model Four other students also mentioned examples of the accent of educated Hong Kong speakers of English as the ideal pronunciation model. One of the stu- dents stated: ‘I like to sound like the news reporters on TVB Pearl, the English TV channel in Hong Kong. Although these reporters are from Hong Kong, they don’t seem to speak English with an accent. I mean their accent is quite native-like. It’s very clear and I find them pleasant to listen to.’ Another student also shared a similar idea and reported that she would like to sound like the former Chief Secretary of Hong Kong: ‘I think Anson Chan can serve as a good model. She was born and raised in Hong Kong, but her English pro- nunciation is very clear. I don’t think it is any different from native-speaker accent. She also
  • 12. speaks English with good intonation. I think she can be my pronunciation model.’ Another student also mentioned another good example of English pronunciation, Ti-liang Yang, the former Chief Justice of Hong Kong: ‘He speaks English with good pronunciation. I think he can be my model. As far as I know, he also teaches English pronun- ciation on the radio and speaks English with a good accent. I think he can be the authority of the English language. I think there is no problem with using his English pronunciation as a model. I think it’s quite acceptable by most people around the world.’ What we can see here is that a number of prominent figures in Hong Kong who are also proficient non-native speakers of English were per- ceived as good models of English pronunciation. It is interesting to note here that despite evidence of negative attitudes towards the local Hong Kong accent in previous research (Forde, 1995; Pang, 2003; Sewell, 2009; Sung, 2010, 2011), the stu- dents showed very positive attitudes towards the English accent displayed by these educated speak- ers of English. One reason for this may be that while Hong Kong people may hold negative attitudes towards the strongly accented local accent (which is stigmatized in the local context), they may not express similar feelings towards some of the educated Hong Kong speakers who in general show rather few traces of the local accent in their speech. As such, the generally unfavourable per- ceptions of the local Hong Kong accent do not necessarily preclude non-native speakers from looking up to educated local speakers of English for their pronunciation model.
  • 13. Foreign non-native speakers as the pronunciation model In addition to several local non-native speakers being cited as providing the ideal pronunciation model, some students also indicated that they would like to sound like other foreign non-native speakers of English. One of the students mentioned the German-born world-renowned supermodel Heidi Klum as offering an ideal pronunciation model: ‘I would like to sound like Heidi Klum. She is German but speaks English with a very good American accent. Although she is not a native speaker, I feel that her pronunciation is even clearer than American speakers of English. Sometimes, I find that American speakers have a strong accent and I don’t fully understand them.’ Another stu- dent echoed this: ‘Her German accent is sexy. I just find it cute. Some American speakers have a much stronger accent.’ From the responses here, it seems that a non-native speaker of English was not necessarily perceived to be inferior to a native speaker of English in providing the pronunciation model. In particular, Klum, a non-native speaker of English, was seen to have a weaker accent than native speakers of English, but was able to speak English in a similar accent to a native- speaker one. This may explain why she was per- ceived to be the preferred pronunciation model. In a similar vein, another student mentioned that he wanted to sound like French actor Hugo Becker, who appears in an American popular TV series, Gossip Girl. The student said: ‘He plays the role of a prince from Monaco. I mean his accent con- jures up the image of the royal family. His accent
  • 14. is very clear, but obviously with a European flavor. It’s just special and is different from the American accent. I think his European accent sounds quite prestigious.’ It appears that the stu- dent chose to sound like Hugo Becker because his French accent was perceived to be associated with prestige. And perhaps the ‘non-nativeness’ of his accent was not seen to be of relevance ‘I WOULD LIKE TO SOUND LIKE HEIDI KLUM’ 19 iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil
  • 15. iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil when the student decided upon who to sound like. In other words, it is not the ‘nativeness’ of the accent but the connotations associated with a par- ticular accent that accounts for the appeal of it as the appropriate pronunciation model. Any speakers of English as the pronunciation model While most of the students mentioned explicitly people or groups they would wish to sound like, two students stated that they were not insistent on imitating the pronunciation of a specific person or of a specific variety of English, despite their wish to sound more native-like. One of the students con- sidered it impractical to choose one particular speaker of English as the pronunciation model: ‘I don’t think I imitate any one speaker of English. I come into contact with so many different speakers of English. It’s not always possible to model my pronunciation on one particular speaker of English.’ Another also said: ‘I think we don’t really sound very different from native speakers of English. What we are speaking is English and our pronunciation is also pretty much similar. So I think I can learn to improve my pronunciation by listening to different speakers of English.’ In other words, in order to achieve a native-like pro- nunciation, these two students did not necessarily
  • 16. consider one variety of English or one particular speaker of English to be the pronunciation model. Instead, they may prefer to develop their own English pronunciation through exposure to differ- ent speakers of English. Discussion and conclusion What can be seen from the students’ responses is that while most of the students indicated their desire to sound more native-like in terms of their pronunciation, these students did not necessarily look up to native speakers of English only as the ‘model’. In other words, there is no deterministic relationship between the wish to sound native-like and the use of native speakers as the ‘model’ speaker. It is also important to note that the accents of native speakers were not necessarily perceived to be superior linguistic models for non-native speak- ers of English (cf. Braine, 1999, 2010). As one student mentioned, for example, native-speaker pronunciation may sometimes be strongly ‘accented’ and does not always sound clear. In other words, ‘accentedness’ is not only associated with a ‘foreign’, or ‘non-native’, accent, but also with native-speaker accents as well, a point which is generally overlooked in the public discourses about native-speaker accents. On the other hand, the analysis shows that a number of competent non- native speakers of English were seen to serve as an ideal model of English pronunciation. In particular, these speakers were perceived to speak English with clear, intelligible and widely acceptable pro-
  • 17. nunciation, often without a noticeably ‘strong’ foreign accent. In other words, while being non- native speakers, they were perceived to speak English in a native-like manner. Based on these students’ responses, it therefore seems important for researchers to move beyond the simplistic dichotomy between native-speaker and non-native-speaker ‘models’ of English pro- nunciation when they make recommendations about how non-native speakers should sound. Instead, it may be useful to suggest that any speak- ers of English who display intelligible and widely acceptable pronunciation patterns can provide an ideal pronunciation model. In other words, what matters is not the ‘native-speakerness’ of the pronunciation model, but rather the specific pro- nunciation features, both segmental and supra- segmental, displayed by the ‘model’ speaker or speakers of English. It should be noted, however, that speakers who show great deviations from ‘standard’ native-speaker pronunciation were not generally preferred. We can suggest that while native-speaker norms of pronunciation were not necessarily perceived as the ‘ideal’ pronunciation model, they were still seen as an important point of reference among non-native speakers. Furthermore, the analysis above also reveals that the university students surveyed were perfectly capable of articulating their pronunciation models and targets (i.e., who they would like to sound like), and that their ideal pronunciation models were quite different from one another. As a result, it may not be appropriate for researchers to impose a particular pronunciation model on these non-
  • 18. native speakers. Indeed, the choice to sound native- like or not is a rather personal one (Derwing & Munro, 2009), and such a choice may vary from one individual to another. As the choice of accent is closely related to one’s identity (Jenkins, 2000), non-native speakers’ decision to sound like a particular speaker of English or not may be a reflection of the kinds of identity they would like to project. Therefore, it may be sensible for non-native speakers to decide upon their own pro- nunciation model(s), or the speaker(s) upon whom they would like to model their pronunciation. 20 ENGLISH TODAY 114 June 2013 iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil
  • 19. iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil
  • 20. In summary, this article has shown the complex- ity of non-native speakers’ perceptions of their per- ceived ideal pronunciation model(s) and who they would like to sound like. It is hoped that a better understanding of these speakers’ wishes and expectations will prompt researchers to ponder the question concerning accent and identity with respect to non-native speakers. However, it must be acknowledged that, given the small sample size, the results reported in this paper cannot be generalized as the views of the entire global popu- lation of non-native speakers of English. References Braine, G. 1999. ‘Introduction.’ In G. Braine (ed.), Non-native Educators in English Language Teaching. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, pp. xiii–xx. —. 2010. Nonnative Speaker English Teachers: Research, Pedagogy and Professional Growth. London: Routledge. Crystal, D. 2003. English as a Global Language. 2nd edn. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Derwing, T. M. & Munro, M. J. 2009. ‘Putting accent in its place: rethinking obstacles to communication.’ Language Teaching, 42(4), 476–90. Forde, K. 1995. ‘A study of learner attitudes towards accents of English.’ Hong Kong Polytechnic University Working Papers in ELT & Applied Linguistics, 1(2), 59–76. Graddol, D. 1997. The Future of English? London: British
  • 21. Council. —. 2006. English Next. London: British Council. Jenkins, J. 2000. The Phonology of English as an International Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. —. 2002. ‘A sociolinguistically based, empirically researched pronunciation syllabus for English as an international language.’ Applied Linguistics, 23(1), 83–103. —. 2007. English as a Lingua Franca: Attitude and Identity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Kirkpatrick, A. 2007. World Englishes: Implications for International Communication and English Language Teaching. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. McKay, S. 2002. Teaching English as an International Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pang, T. 2003. ‘Hong Kong English: a stillborn variety?’ English Today, 19(2), 12–18. Sewell, A. 2009. ‘World Englishes, English as a lingua franca, and the case of Hong Kong English.’ English Today, 25(1), 37–43. Sung, C. C. M. 2010. ‘Being a purist in Hong Kong: to use or not to use mixed code.’ Changing English, 17(4), 411–19. —. 2011. ‘Race and native speakers in ELT: parents’ perspectives in Hong Kong.’ English Today, 27(3), 25–9. Warschauer, M. 2000. ‘The changing global economy and the future of English teaching.’ TESOL Quarterly, 34(3),
  • 22. 511–35. Widdowson, H. G. 1994. ‘The ownership of English.’ TESOL Quarterly, 28(2), 377–89. ‘I WOULD LIKE TO SOUND LIKE HEIDI KLUM’ 21 iAnnotate User Pencil iAnnotate User Pencil‘I would like to sound like Heidi Klum : What do non- native speakers say about who they want to sound like?IntroductionUnderstanding non-native speakers' viewsNative speakers aren't always preferred as a good pronunciation modelLocal non-native speakers of English as the pronunciation modelForeign non-native speakers as the pronunciation modelAny speakers of English as the pronunciation modelDiscussion and conclusionReferences Journal Response: Sung Key course concepts: Intelligibility, Identity Investigating the topic: 1. Read just the “Introduction” section. What are the two different opinions about sounding like a “native English speaker?” 2. Sung often talks about “intelligibility” with accents. For example, he says that “Although native-speaker accents were thought to be the ‘ideal’ pronunciation model in their minds, these students did not find these accents intelligible in reality”
  • 23. (Sung 18). · What does Sung mean when he talks about a speaker’s “intelligibility”? Take a position: 1. Is there an English model/accent that you find ideal? What is it? (If possible, include a link to a video of it so that I can hear!) Explain why you think that this accent is ideal for you. 2. In 1-2 paragraphs, take a position on this topic: Should EAL (English as an Additional Language) students try to sound like “native speakers” of English? Support your position using experiences from your real life. Focus on Language: As you were reading Sung’s article, you probably noticed that some words and phrases were highlighted in blue. These are transition words and phrases that help the author develop an argument over time and across multiple sentences. Each transition word or phrase indicates to the reader how new information is related to previous information. Below are 4 categories of transition words/phrases. Find 2 highlighted words/phrases from Sung’s article that fit into each category (copy and paste them in the table below and include the page number). Example 1 Example 2 Example 3 New information is different from the previous information
  • 24. Instead (p. 17) New information is a result of or based on previous information therefore (p. 18) New information is similar to previous information In a similar vein (p. 19) New information is an example used to support previous information In particular (p. 20) English 106 University of Arizona