This document describes End Violence Against Women International (EVAWI), which created the "Start by Believing" public awareness campaign. The campaign aims to educate the public and professionals on providing supportive responses to disclosures of sexual assault. Research shows negative social reactions can retraumatize victims, while positive support from friends and professionals benefits recovery. The campaign provides materials to launch local initiatives and increase reporting. Preliminary evidence suggests it may be increasing reports and demand for victim services. The goal is to better prepare communities to support victims from initial disclosure.
1. END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
America’s leading nonprofit organization
dedicated to improving criminal justice
responses to sexual assault.
2. END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
A Public Awareness Campaign to Change
theWayWe Respond to SexualViolence in
Our Community.
- Feel free to alter the title to suit your purposes.
- Put the name(s) and agency of presenter(s) here.
3. Review research on positive and negative
reactions to disclosures of sexual assault.
Discuss the purpose of the Start by Believing
public awareness campaign.
Explore materials to launch a local campaign.
Review preliminary evidence for impact.
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
4. While you may add your own learning
objectives based on the goals for your
presentation, please do not edit the following
slides describing research on the reactions to
disclosures.
We have added a credit line for EndViolence
Against Women International for the slides that
should not be altered.
Some exceptions are highlighted in red.
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
6. Most victims seek help from friends, family
(estimates range from 58-94%)
Some access formal support services
Few (5-20%) report to law enforcement
Less than half seek medical care or obtain a
medical forensic exam (estimated 27-40%)
Some use mental health services (16-60%)
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
7. Research documents benefits of formal support on victim
recovery, well-being
Health Care / Forensic Medicine
VictimAdvocacy
Counseling /Therapy / Support Groups
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
For review, see Lonsway, K.A. & Archambault,J. (2013, July/August). Start by believing: Evaluating the impact of a public awareness
campaign designed to change the community response to sexual assault. Sexual Assault Report, 16. Kingston, NJ: Civic Research Institute.
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Accessing services of one professional increases likelihood of engaging others
9. Documented benefits from support of family, friends,
and intimate partners
Emotional Support
Information
Help withTangible Needs
Social support increases access of other formal
resources – and is the key to engaging the criminal
justice system and remaining engaged throughout
process
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
10. Survivors contacted an average of 2-3 informal
or formal supports before reporting to law
enforcement
Source: Patterson, D. & Campbell, R. (2010). Why rape survivors participate in the criminal justice system.
Journal ofCommunity Psychology, 38, 191-205.
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
11. Feel free to replace the next 2 slides
with examples of negative reactions
to sexual assault victims in local
media reports or other examples.
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
13. "I'm not a gynecologist, but I can tell you
something: If someone doesn't want to have
sexual intercourse, the body shuts down.The
body will not permit that to happen unless a
lot of damage is inflicted, and we heard
nothing about that in this case."
- California judge, publicly admonished by the California
Commission on Judicial Performance
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
14. If reaction is negative, this creates an
additional, measurable negative impact
Post traumatic stress
Delayed recovery
Poorer health
Over and above
the trauma of the
sexual assault
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
15. Inverse relationship:
More negative reactions, emotional and physical
health of victims deteriorates
Self-blame is particularly destructive, and can
be fueled by negative social reactions
Level of emotional distress among victims
determined in large part by self-blame
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
16. “Victims may be
better off receiving
no support at all
than receiving
reactions they
consider to be hurtful.”
Source: Campbell, R.,Ahrens, C.E., Sefl,T.,Wasco, S.M., & Barnes, H.E.
(2001). Social reactions to rape victims: Healing and hurtful effects on
psychological and physical health outcomes. Violence andVictims, 16, 287-302
(quote on p. 300).
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
17. What does positive support look like?
Victims in one study described:
Receiving emotional support
Being listened to
Not being blamed
Encouraged to talk about the sexual assault
Not being distracted with other things
Source: Filipas, H.H. & Ullman, S.E. (2001). Social reactions to sexual assault
victims from various support sources. Violence andVictims, 16, 673-692.
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
18. Key is:
(1) Being believed, and
(2) Having someone to talk to
Victims with such a response have fewer
physical and psychological symptoms
Source: Campbell, R., Ahrens, C.E., Sefl, T.,Wasco, S.M., & Barnes, H.E. (2001). Social
reactions to rape victims: Healing and hurtful effects on psychological and physical health
outcomes. Violence andVictims, 16, 287-302.
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
19. Informal support providers play absolutely
critical role in victim recovery
But they are typically
unprepared for it
Need strategies to
prepare and assist them
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
21. Public awareness campaign developed by
EndViolenceAgainstWomen International
Designed to prepare friends, family members, and
professionals to respond positively to a disclosure of
sexual assault victimization
Developed in partnership with a marketing firm, FSA
Management Group
Launched in April 2011 during Sexual Assault Awareness
Month, at EVAWI’s annual conference
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
23. Materials created for dissemination
Print materials (brochures, posters,
postcards)
Promotional items (mugs, t-shirts, bracelets)
Spanish and English language materials
Website (www.startbybelieving.org)
Video presentation (PPT slideshow,YouTube)
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
24. Facebook
SBB page - https://www.facebook.com/pages/Start-by-Believing-
Campaign/147418678643694
EVAWI page - https://www.facebook.com/pages/End-Violence-Against-Women-
EVAW-International/104495444561
Twitter
@SBB_EVAWintl - https://twitter.com/SBB_EVAWintl
@EVAWintl - https://twitter.com/EVAWintl
Instagram
@EVAWintl - https://www.instagram.com/evawintl/
Hashtag
#StartbyBelieving
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
26. Local communities across the country have launched their own campaigns
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
Utah
Post Card
27. Feel free to replace/add slides
featuring other campaigns including
your own community or region.
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
28. END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
Start by
Believing
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Mayor Sly James signs proclamation
Kansas City, Missouri
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Delta Delta Delta Sorority
University of Richmond,VA
83rd Citizen Police Academy
Austin Police Department
It Happened to Alexa Foundation
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National Clearinghouse on Abuse in Later Life
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University of Texas Health Science Center
San Antonio
35. District Attorney DonaldO’Geen kicks off campaign at the courthouse
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
36. END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
Bi-State Greater Kansas City Metropolitan Chiefs and
Sheriff’s Association
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WestValley City, Utah Police Department
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Palm Beach CountyVictim Services & Certified Rape Crisis Center
39. Sheriff’s Office remodels their
victim interview room
EndViolence AgainstWomen International
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
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CentralVirginia Police Department
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SBB CabTopper
Denver, Colorado
SBB Car Decal
Lake Havasu PD
Arizona
Spanish Billboard
Austin,TX
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CBS 11 in Dallas Fort Worth
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Jackson County Madison,TN
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Central Navajo Sexual Assault ResponseTeam
Chinle, Arizona
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Kauai, HI Police Department
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Provo, Utah
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École Universitaire
Internationale
Rome, Italy
Mountain Home Air
Force Base, Idaho
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Women’s Comfort Corner Foundation
Zimbabwe
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Mayor
Buddy Dyer
Orlando, FL
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Merriam Kansas Police Department
Night Shift
52. Please do not alter the following slides
on the evidence for potential impact.
You may delete these slides if they are
not a part of your presentation.
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
54. To the highest level in 5 years, then declined when billboards were removed
Data source: Metropolitan Organization to Counter Sexual Assault (MOCSA)
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
55. Reports of rape and forcible sodomy went up, when national reporting was down
Data source: Kansas City Police Department
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
56. Emergency summit in July 2011 to address the “unprecedented increase in the
demand for services,” stakeholder interviews conducted
Data source: Forensic Assessment Consultation andTreatment (FACT) Program
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
57. Multiple factors at play:
Economic downturn
Added new forensic examiner programs
Outreach from MOCSA and examiners
Several high profile cases
Media interviews
Increased public awareness
Increase in cases with drugs / alcohol
Better ways to track and document
Source: SexualAssault Emergency Summit hosted by MOCSA (November 17, 2011). By Dr. Ronda Jensen and Arden Day, University
of Missouri Kansas City Institute for Human Development. Also personal communication with Melanie Austin, Program Services
Coordinator for MOCSA (December 2012).
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58. Certainly role of multiple factors
No planned outcome evaluation
Yet timing is extremely coincidental
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
59. Interview respondent from KC: “We
weren’t ready for this, we didn’t see it
coming.”
What can you do to prepare for this
impact in your community?
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
60. Of 227 respondents, almost 2/3 had seen the
campaign message or logo
Most common were Facebook, billboard,
personal contact, or campus
Seemed to understand and support the message,
recognize why it was promoted
About 2/3 discussed it with someone
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
61. “I was highly shocked when I first saw the
billboard, but I know that it is something that
should be discussed with everyone in the
community. As someone who has been
sexually assaulted, it is important for me that
other people hear me and support me, and
hopefully someone can come to me when they
need help and support.”
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62. Source: NewTimes, San Luis Obispo,California, February, 12, 2014
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
64. How will you prepare?
Who will you work with?
What will you do?
What impact will you see?
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
65. I am a law enforcement officer and had the
opportunity to attend the EVAWI conference in
April. I saw the “Start by Believing” campaign
and got a bracelet. A week after returning from
the conference, I was assigned a sexual assault
case that from the beginning, the responding
officer didn’t believe. I looked at my bracelet and
decided I was going to “Start by Believing.”
During my interview with the victim, every time
there were things that were strange or didn’t
make sense, I would look at my bracelet and
BELIEVE. I obtained an indictment on the
offender and the case is awaiting trial. I “Start
by Believing!”
END VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN INTERNATIONAL — A PROFESSIONAL TRAINING ORGANIZATION
Editor's Notes
In the aftermath of a sexual assault, victims make a variety of decisions, including whether and how to seek help. Most seek help informally from friends and family members. Estimates range from 58-94% (Filipas & Ullman, 2001; Starzynski, Ullman, Filipas, & Townsend, 2005; for review, see Ménard, 2005), although the number of adolescent victims who reach out for help may be lower than for adults (Campbell et al., 2011). A smaller but still substantial percentage of sexual assault victims also access formal support systems. For example, social scientific research using community samples suggests that only about 5-20% of victims report the crime to law enforcement (e.g., Fisher, Cullen, & Turner, 2000; Frazier, Candell, Arikian, & Tofteland, 1994; Kilpatrick, Edmunds, & Seymour, 1992; Kilpatrick, Resnick, Ruggiero, Conoscenti, & McCauley, 2007; Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000). Less than half of sexual assault victims seek medical care or obtain a medical forensic exam, and estimates range from 16% to 60% for the percentage who use mental health services (for a review, see Campbell, 2008). Informal support providers such as friends and family members play a critical role in determining whether victims will access these services.
Formal Support
Research clearly documents that victims reap a variety of benefits in mitigating the negative impact of sexual trauma if they access formal support services, such as primary care by a physician (Felitti & Anda, 2010), forensic medical care by a specially trained nurse (Campbell, Patterson, & Lichty, 2005), victim advocacy services (Campbell, 2006; Wasco, Campbell, Barnes, & Ahrens, 1999), and other services such as counseling, therapy, and support groups (Foa, Hearst-Ikeda & Perry, 1995; Foa, Keane, & Friedman, 2000; Russell & Davis, 2007; Wasco et al., 2004). By accessing the services of just one professional, this can also increase the likelihood that victims will engage others.
To illustrate, reporting to police is more likely for victims who have already contacted another formal source of support. In one study of sexual assault victims who had already contacted a rape crisis center, as many as 44% also reported to law enforcement (Ménard, 2005). In a similar study of victims who were seen at a sexual assault treatment center, over 70% reported to police; in fact, over half had been referred to the sexual assault treatment center by a law enforcement officer (Ruch, Davidson-Coronado, Coyne, & Perrone, 2000). Research also finds that victims who work with an advocate experience less distress, are less likely to experience certain negative outcomes (such as self-blame or feeling bad about themselves, guilty, or depressed), and are less reluctant to seek further help (Campbell, 2006; Wasco et al., 1999).
Formal Support
Research clearly documents that victims reap a variety of benefits in mitigating the negative impact of sexual trauma if they access formal support services, such as primary care by a physician (Felitti & Anda, 2010), forensic medical care by a specially trained nurse (Campbell, Patterson, & Lichty, 2005), victim advocacy services (Campbell, 2006; Wasco, Campbell, Barnes, & Ahrens, 1999), and other services such as counseling, therapy, and support groups (Foa, Hearst-Ikeda & Perry, 1995; Foa, Keane, & Friedman, 2000; Russell & Davis, 2007; Wasco et al., 2004). By accessing the services of just one professional, this can also increase the likelihood that victims will engage others.
To illustrate, reporting to police is more likely for victims who have already contacted another formal source of support. In one study of sexual assault victims who had already contacted a rape crisis center, as many as 44% also reported to law enforcement (Ménard, 2005). In a similar study of victims who were seen at a sexual assault treatment center, over 70% reported to police; in fact, over half had been referred to the sexual assault treatment center by a law enforcement officer (Ruch, Davidson-Coronado, Coyne, & Perrone, 2000). Research also finds that victims who work with an advocate experience less distress, are less likely to experience certain negative outcomes (such as self-blame or feeling bad about themselves, guilty, or depressed), and are less reluctant to seek further help (Campbell, 2006; Wasco et al., 1999).
Informal Support
Victims can also benefit from the support of loved ones, such as family members, friends, and intimate partners (Campbell, Ahrens, Sefl, Wasco, & Barnes, 2001; Filipas & Ullman, 2001; Ullman, 1996). When victims disclose to such informal support providers, they often receive emotional support, information, and help with tangible needs (for review, see Ménard, 2005), and these can assist with recovery. For example, in one study of female sexual assault victims, those who received positive reactions from their romantic partners had fewer PTSD symptoms than other women (Filipas & Ullman, 2001). In another study, “emotional support from a friend was related to significantly better recovery” (Ullman, 1996, p. 152). Clearly, positive reactions of informal support providers can be one of the most powerful factors in improving the recovery of sexual assault victims.
Yet positive social support is not only critical for assisting in victim recovery, it is also a key requirement for victims to engage the criminal justice system – and stay engaged – to hold offenders accountable for their crimes. In a recent study, for example, Dr. Rebecca Campbell and colleagues (Campbell, Bybee, Ford, & Patterson, 2009) found that two elements must come together for a sexual assault case to have a chance for prosecution. First, there has to be a thorough, evidence-based investigation. Second, the victim has to be willing and able to participate in the criminal justice process. As the researchers concluded, "Our interviews with both survivors and police revealed that victims can give more detailed statements to law enforcement, remember more information, and can otherwise engage more fully with the investigation when they are not so traumatized and have adequate support" (p. 121). This may be especially true for adolescent victims, for whom the support of professionals as well as friends and family members determines in large part whether they will become engaged, and remain engaged, with the criminal justice system (Campbell, Greeson, Bybee, Kennedy, & Patterson, 2011).
In November of 2009, the Cleveland Plain Dealer reported on the discovery of 11 decomposing bodies of women inside a house in Cleveland. The owner of the home was a convicted sex offender named Anthony Sowell who was arrested and charged with numerous counts of rape and murder. However, the year before, a woman had run to the police bleeding and screaming for help. She had been attacked by Anthony Sowell, and put her hand through a window in her desperate attempt to escape. As a result, her thumb required more than a dozen stitches. Police interviewed the woman, collected her clothing, and took pictures of her injuries. Hospital personnel conducted an exam. At Sowell’s home, police found signs of a struggle and blood. They interviewed Sowell and took pictures of injuries on his shoulders and legs. Yet prosecutors concluded that there was insufficient evidence to charge, indicating that “the detective did not believe the victim was credible.” The detective noted in his report: “Clean up report – Unfounded.” Such examples – drawn from research and the media – illustrate the critical need for change in our attitudes toward sexual assault. Cuyahoga Juvenile Court Judge Alison Floyd orders sex assault victims to take polygraph test. By Rachel Dissell, The Plain Dealer, March 19, 2010. Available at: http://blog.cleveland.com/metro/2010/03/juvenile_court_judge_alison_fl.html.
Cleveland woman says she fought, fled Anthony Sowell in 2008 attack but authorities didn't believe her. By Rachel Dissell, The Plain Dealer, November 16, 2009. http://blog.cleveland.com/metro/2009/11/cleveland_woman_says_police_fa.html
In December 2012, MSN News announced that a judge in Southern California was publicly admonished for saying that a rape victim in one of his cases "didn't put up a fight" and for claiming that a woman's body would not permit sexual intercourse if it was unwanted. The judge, a former sex crimes prosecutor, reportedly said:
"I'm not a gynecologist, but I can tell you something: If someone doesn't want to have sexual intercourse, the body shuts down. The body will not permit that to happen unless a lot of damage is inflicted, and we heard nothing about that in this case."
The California Commission on Judicial Performance voted unanimously in support of the public admonishment of this judge, citing a "breach of judicial ethics." The case involved “a man who threatened to mutilate the face and genitals of his ex-girlfriend with a heated screwdriver before committing rape, forced oral copulation, and other crimes.” MSN News. Judge says victim’s body can prevent rape. December 14, 2012. http://news.msn.com/us/judge-says-victims-body-can-prevent-rape#tscptme.
Sadly, the attitudes displayed in this type of quote is not unique to this judge. Rather, they permeate our society and cause untold damage to victims who have the courage to disclose that they were sexually assaulted. These attitudes also cripple our ability to hold sex offenders accountable for their crimes. The Start by Believing public awareness campaign was created to change this tragic reality. It was specifically designed to improve the reactions of professionals and other support people when someone turns to them and says, “I was raped.” If we can change what happens in that moment of initial disclosure, we can prevent a devastating cascade of harms and instead put sexual assault victims on a path toward justice and healing.
If the response to such a disclosure is negative, this creates an additional, measurable and decidedly negative impact on the victim – over and above the traumatic effects of the rape. Negative social reactions have a detrimental impact on the psychological adjustment of sexual assault victims, including increased psychological symptomology such as post traumatic stress, delayed recovery, and poorer perceived health (Campbell, Ahrens et al., 2001; Filipas & Ullman, 2001; Ullman, 1999; Ullman & Filipas, 2001). Self-blame is particularly destructive; it is associated with poorer psychological adjustment (for a review, see Ullman, 1999), and it can be fueled by the negative reactions of doubt or blame that victims receive from friends and family members, as well as responding professionals. In fact, research demonstrates that the level of emotional distress victims experience is determined in large part by their degree of self-blame (Koss & Figueredo, 2004; Koss, Figueredo, & Prince, 2002). Therefore, as the number of negative reactions increase, the emotional and physical health of sexual assault victims deteriorates (Campbell, Ahrens et al., 2001).
Indeed, such negative reactions to a disclosure of sexual assault victimization are worse than no reaction at all. As Campbell, Ahrens et al. (2001) conclude, "Victims may be better off receiving no support at all than receiving reactions they consider to be hurtful (p. 300). Yet it is not enough to simply prevent such negative reactions. The goal must be to replace them with positive responses:
Refraining from negative reactions may be enough to protect victims from additional harmful psychological consequences … this does not substitute for the added positive impact of overtly positive responses such as belief, listening, and emotional support (Filipas & Ullman, 2001, p. 689).
Recent research is documenting that the same pattern is true for other traumatic events as well; both humans and rats may be generally resilient in the wake of traumatic events if they receive a positive and normalized social response; whereas a negative social response exacerbates the trauma and hinders recovery (Dobbs, 2012).
Such negative reactions from informal support providers include being blamed or patronized (Campbell, Ahrens et al., 2001). They can also include being doubted, stigmatized, or shamed. From formal support providers such as police, negative reactions can take the form of being discouraged from reporting or questioned about what they were wearing, their prior sexual history, or whether they “responded sexually” to the assault (for review, see Campbell, 2008). From health care providers, negative reactions can include treatment that is experienced by victims as “cold, impersonal, and detached” (Campbell, 2008). At the prosecution stage, negative reactions can include being provided inadequate information or preparation, and being forced to “go through a punishing process of reliving the assaults and defending their characters” (Koss & Achilles, 2008; cited in Campbell, 2008, p. 704). In general, worse physical and psychological outcomes are seen among victims who perceive their contact with the criminal justice system and/or medical professionals as having been hurtful (Campbell, Wasco et al., 2001). The percentage of victims rating their experience with the criminal justice system as unhelpful and/or hurtful ranges from 43-52% (for a review, see Campbell, 2008).
If the response to such a disclosure is negative, this creates an additional, measurable and decidedly negative impact on the victim – over and above the traumatic effects of the rape. Negative social reactions have a detrimental impact on the psychological adjustment of sexual assault victims, including increased psychological symptomology such as post traumatic stress, delayed recovery, and poorer perceived health (Campbell, Ahrens et al., 2001; Filipas & Ullman, 2001; Ullman, 1999; Ullman & Filipas, 2001). Self-blame is particularly destructive; it is associated with poorer psychological adjustment (for a review, see Ullman, 1999), and it can be fueled by the negative reactions of doubt or blame that victims receive from friends and family members, as well as responding professionals. In fact, research demonstrates that the level of emotional distress victims experience is determined in large part by their degree of self-blame (Koss & Figueredo, 2004; Koss, Figueredo, & Prince, 2002). Therefore, as the number of negative reactions increase, the emotional and physical health of sexual assault victims deteriorates (Campbell, Ahrens et al., 2001).
Indeed, such negative reactions to a disclosure of sexual assault victimization are worse than no reaction at all. As Campbell, Ahrens et al. (2001) conclude, "Victims may be better off receiving no support at all than receiving reactions they consider to be hurtful (p. 300). Yet it is not enough to simply prevent such negative reactions. The goal must be to replace them with positive responses:
Refraining from negative reactions may be enough to protect victims from additional harmful psychological consequences … this does not substitute for the added positive impact of overtly positive responses such as belief, listening, and emotional support (Filipas & Ullman, 2001, p. 689).
Recent research is documenting that the same pattern is true for other traumatic events as well; both humans and rats may be generally resilient in the wake of traumatic events if they receive a positive and normalized social response; whereas a negative social response exacerbates the trauma and hinders recovery (Dobbs, 2012).
Such negative reactions from informal support providers include being blamed or patronized (Campbell, Ahrens et al., 2001). They can also include being doubted, stigmatized, or shamed. From formal support providers such as police, negative reactions can take the form of being discouraged from reporting or questioned about what they were wearing, their prior sexual history, or whether they “responded sexually” to the assault (for review, see Campbell, 2008). From health care providers, negative reactions can include treatment that is experienced by victims as “cold, impersonal, and detached” (Campbell, 2008). At the prosecution stage, negative reactions can include being provided inadequate information or preparation, and being forced to “go through a punishing process of reliving the assaults and defending their characters” (Koss & Achilles, 2008; cited in Campbell, 2008, p. 704). In general, worse physical and psychological outcomes are seen among victims who perceive their contact with the criminal justice system and/or medical professionals as having been hurtful (Campbell, Wasco et al., 2001). The percentage of victims rating their experience with the criminal justice system as unhelpful and/or hurtful ranges from 43-52% (for a review, see Campbell, 2008).
If the response to such a disclosure is negative, this creates an additional, measurable and decidedly negative impact on the victim – over and above the traumatic effects of the rape. Negative social reactions have a detrimental impact on the psychological adjustment of sexual assault victims, including increased psychological symptomology such as post traumatic stress, delayed recovery, and poorer perceived health (Campbell, Ahrens et al., 2001; Filipas & Ullman, 2001; Ullman, 1999; Ullman & Filipas, 2001). Self-blame is particularly destructive; it is associated with poorer psychological adjustment (for a review, see Ullman, 1999), and it can be fueled by the negative reactions of doubt or blame that victims receive from friends and family members, as well as responding professionals. In fact, research demonstrates that the level of emotional distress victims experience is determined in large part by their degree of self-blame (Koss & Figueredo, 2004; Koss, Figueredo, & Prince, 2002). Therefore, as the number of negative reactions increase, the emotional and physical health of sexual assault victims deteriorates (Campbell, Ahrens et al., 2001).
Indeed, such negative reactions to a disclosure of sexual assault victimization are worse than no reaction at all. As Campbell, Ahrens et al. (2001) conclude, "Victims may be better off receiving no support at all than receiving reactions they consider to be hurtful (p. 300). Yet it is not enough to simply prevent such negative reactions. The goal must be to replace them with positive responses:
Refraining from negative reactions may be enough to protect victims from additional harmful psychological consequences … this does not substitute for the added positive impact of overtly positive responses such as belief, listening, and emotional support (Filipas & Ullman, 2001, p. 689).
Recent research is documenting that the same pattern is true for other traumatic events as well; both humans and rats may be generally resilient in the wake of traumatic events if they receive a positive and normalized social response; whereas a negative social response exacerbates the trauma and hinders recovery (Dobbs, 2012).
Such negative reactions from informal support providers include being blamed or patronized (Campbell, Ahrens et al., 2001). They can also include being doubted, stigmatized, or shamed. From formal support providers such as police, negative reactions can take the form of being discouraged from reporting or questioned about what they were wearing, their prior sexual history, or whether they “responded sexually” to the assault (for review, see Campbell, 2008). From health care providers, negative reactions can include treatment that is experienced by victims as “cold, impersonal, and detached” (Campbell, 2008). At the prosecution stage, negative reactions can include being provided inadequate information or preparation, and being forced to “go through a punishing process of reliving the assaults and defending their characters” (Koss & Achilles, 2008; cited in Campbell, 2008, p. 704). In general, worse physical and psychological outcomes are seen among victims who perceive their contact with the criminal justice system and/or medical professionals as having been hurtful (Campbell, Wasco et al., 2001). The percentage of victims rating their experience with the criminal justice system as unhelpful and/or hurtful ranges from 43-52% (for a review, see Campbell, 2008).
What does this positive social support look like? Victims in one study were asked to indicate which responses were helpful, and they described receiving emotional support, being listened to, not being blamed, being encouraged to talk about the sexual assault, and not being distracted with other things. Victims who received such reactions from friends and family members exhibited better psychological adjustment than those who did not (Filipas & Ullman, 2001). In fact, the two specific behaviors that seem to have the most significant positive effect on victim well-being in the aftermath of a sexual assault are having someone to talk to and being believed. Victims who are believed and encouraged to talk about their experience – and who view these responses positively – have fewer physical and psychological symptoms than victims who do not receive such reactions or consider them to be negative (Campbell, Ahrens et al., 2001).
What does this positive social support look like? Victims in one study were asked to indicate which responses were helpful, and they described receiving emotional support, being listened to, not being blamed, being encouraged to talk about the sexual assault, and not being distracted with other things. Victims who received such reactions from friends and family members exhibited better psychological adjustment than those who did not (Filipas & Ullman, 2001). In fact, the two specific behaviors that seem to have the most significant positive effect on victim well-being in the aftermath of a sexual assault are having someone to talk to and being believed. Victims who are believed and encouraged to talk about their experience – and who view these responses positively – have fewer physical and psychological symptoms than victims who do not receive such reactions or consider them to be negative (Campbell, Ahrens et al., 2001).
In Caldwell, Idaho, the Canyon County Sheriff's Office recently announced the opening of their remodeled room for interviewing victims. They call it the Start by Believing room, a warm and safe space where detectives, victim witness coordinators, prosecutors and victims can meet for interviews and prepare for court. The team wants victims to feel supported during each stage of the investigation and prosecution of crimes involving sexual assault and domestic violence.
As Aleshea Boals, the Canyon County Sheriff's Office Victim Witness Coordinator describes:
It is our privilege to help victims become survivors. We know it is our duty to take special care of the brave victims that walk through our doors. When victims feel they are believed, they are able to provide more information that will assist with the investigation. This is the only way our communities will even begin to hold offenders accountable.
MOCSA reported that hospital callouts for their advocates increased dramatically when the billboards first appeared, to highest level in previous five years, then declined once they were removed. (Thanks to Melanie Austin, Program Services Coordinator at MOCSA for this data, available upon request).
Billboards were up:
May 3 to July 3, 2011
November 21, 2011 to January 15, 2012
June 1, to December, 2012 (to the end of the current year)
The number of rape reports to KCPD also increased when the billboards were introduced, although national figures for rape reporting were generally in decline. The number of rape reports to KCPD then decreased when the billboards were removed. (Thanks to Captain Mark Folsom and Captain David Lindaman of KCPD for the data, which is available upon request. For national statistics, see the latest data publised by the FBI through their UCR Program at http://www.fbi.gov/about-us/cjis/ucr/crime-in-the-u.s/2011/crime-in-the-u.s.-2011/tables/table_12_crime_trends_by_population_group_2010-2011.xls).
Using an email survey, team members in San Luis Obispo documented that many community residents were familiar with the campaign and understood its message. The level of support was also found to be high, and the effort widely regarded as a success. [24] The key to such success is in reaching community members through the media, which includes not only talking about the campaign but also helping residents to understand the realistic dynamics of sexual assault and how they influence the response to high profile cases.
The San Luis Obispo team used an email survey to document that many community residents were familiar with the campaign and understood its message. The level of support was also found to be high, and the effort was widely regarded as a success. The key to success, however, is in reaching community members through the media, which includes not only talking about the campaign but also helping residents to understand the realistic dynamics of sexual assault in local cases as well as high profile national media stories.
Using an email survey, team members in San Luis Obispo documented that many community residents were familiar with the campaign and understood its message. The level of support was also found to be high, and the effort widely regarded as a success. [24] The key to such success is in reaching community members through the media, which includes not only talking about the campaign but also helping residents to understand the realistic dynamics of sexual assault and how they influence the response to high profile cases.
The San Luis Obispo team used an email survey to document that many community residents were familiar with the campaign and understood its message. The level of support was also found to be high, and the effort was widely regarded as a success. The key to success, however, is in reaching community members through the media, which includes not only talking about the campaign but also helping residents to understand the realistic dynamics of sexual assault in local cases as well as high profile national media stories.
Using an email survey, team members in San Luis Obispo documented that many community residents were familiar with the campaign and understood its message. The level of support was also found to be high, and the effort widely regarded as a success. [24] The key to such success is in reaching community members through the media, which includes not only talking about the campaign but also helping residents to understand the realistic dynamics of sexual assault and how they influence the response to high profile cases.
The San Luis Obispo team used an email survey to document that many community residents were familiar with the campaign and understood its message. The level of support was also found to be high, and the effort was widely regarded as a success. The key to success, however, is in reaching community members through the media, which includes not only talking about the campaign but also helping residents to understand the realistic dynamics of sexual assault in local cases as well as high profile national media stories.
