This paper aims to present the obstacles to Brazil's economic progress throughout history and to demonstrate the need to replace the current neoliberal economic model by national developmentalist model adjusted to the new times. This need arises because the neoliberal economic model failed to bring Brazil into the current economic debacle, promoted its deindustrialization and denationalization, increased its dependence on foreign countries and aggravated its social and regional inequalities.
Economic legacy of the neoliberal governments of cardoso, lula and roussef in...Fernando Alcoforado
The legacy of FHC, Lula and Dilma Rousseff in the last 20 years is of serious consequences for Brazil. Low economic growth in Brazil and the disproportionate rise in federal debt during the Cardoso, Lula and Dilma Rousseff governments demonstrate the infeasibility of the neoliberal model implemented in the country and the incompetence of those rulers who conducted the destinies of the Brazilian nation. FHC not only left a legacy of compromising economic development of Brazil. The future of Brazil is demanding not just replacing a president incompetent by a more capable, but mostly replacing the failed neoliberal model on the other, national developmentist, based on the selective opening of the Brazilian economy from the outside.
HOW TO RELEASE BRAZIL FROM ECONOMIC DELAY RESULTING FROM ITS SECULAR DEPENDENCEFernando Alcoforado
This article aims to present how Brazil can release itself from the economic backwardness resulting from its secular dependence from the colonial period to the contemporary era. In order to achieve this objective, the trajectory of Brazil as a country dependent on the Portuguese, British and North American empires and imperialism exercised by globalized capitalism throughout history was analyzed and the true causes of its political, economic and technological dependence were identified.
The 1964 coup d'état in Brazil was caused by several factors: 1) Economic decline after a period of growth exacerbated social tensions. 2) Increasing conflicts between capital/labor and landowners/peasants. 3) Conflict between forces wanting national economic independence and those defending subordination to international capital. 4) Conflict between the capitalist system led by the US and the socialist system led by the Soviet Union. 5) Crisis between the presidency and the armed forces under President Goulart. These factors contributed to the 1964 coup and 21 years of military dictatorship in Brazil.
This article aims to demonstrate that the republican period in Brazil that completes 130 years of existence since its proclamation on November 15, 1889 has been deplorable. Brazil has nothing to celebrate with the Republic established in 1889 through a coup d´état that, throughout its history, has not contributed to social change for the benefit of the people and national independence.
Republic of brazil - from the public thing to the private thingFernando Alcoforado
Republic is a form of organization of the State whose term comes from the Latin res public that means "public thing", "people's thing ". In theory, a republican government is one that puts emphasis on the common interest, in the interest of the community, as opposed to private interests and private business. In the history of the Republic in Brazil since 1889, upon its proclamation through a coup d´état, these principles have not been respected. The History of the Brazilian Republic began in 1889 with the Proclamation of the Republic and followed the whole period after, until the 21st century.In Brazil, there is no reason to celebrate 127 years of the Republic on November 15.
Interventions by the armed forces in brazil throughout history and its conseq...Fernando Alcoforado
The balance of military interventions was extremely negative for Brazil because democracy did not take place after the proclamation of the Republic in 1889 and was struck in 1930 and in 1964 with the dictatorship, despite the economic advances obtained with the military interventions in 1930 and 1964. Therefore, those who think that military interventions are beneficial for the country are mistaken.
Agreements summit, coup d´état and lack of revolutions have prevented the pro...Fernando Alcoforado
Throughout Brazil's history, there have been agreements between ruling classes to maintain the status quo during political crises, preventing progress. When agreements failed, coups d'état occurred in 1889, 1930, and 1964. Revolutions that could enact deep structural change for the benefit of the population were suppressed. As a result, the Brazilian people have never been the protagonists of political, economic, and social changes in their country.
The national outcry against the permanence of Dilma Rousseff in power is considered by politicians linked to PT (Workers Party) as a coup d'etat attempt by comparing the current situation to the situation experienced by presidents Getúlio Vargas in 1954 and Joao Goulart in 1964. It is a attempt to save a dying government that has completely lost the ability to govern the nation because only count on the support of 7% of the population according to recent research. Unlike Vargas and Goulart governments which marked their actions in defense of national interests and workers, the Dilma Rousseff government as its predecessor, Lula, is characterized by the lack of commitment of both government and PT with the great struggles of the Brazilian people taken along the last 50 years, a historical inconsistency traitor. It can be seen from this article that the alleged coup d'etat that was being articulated against Dilma Rousseff bears no resemblance to the coup d'etat that led to the suicide of Getulio Vargas and the deposition of João Goulart. Unlike Vargas and Goulart governments, the Dilma Rousseff government is submissive to the national and international financial capital, and devastate the Brazilian economy.
Economic legacy of the neoliberal governments of cardoso, lula and roussef in...Fernando Alcoforado
The legacy of FHC, Lula and Dilma Rousseff in the last 20 years is of serious consequences for Brazil. Low economic growth in Brazil and the disproportionate rise in federal debt during the Cardoso, Lula and Dilma Rousseff governments demonstrate the infeasibility of the neoliberal model implemented in the country and the incompetence of those rulers who conducted the destinies of the Brazilian nation. FHC not only left a legacy of compromising economic development of Brazil. The future of Brazil is demanding not just replacing a president incompetent by a more capable, but mostly replacing the failed neoliberal model on the other, national developmentist, based on the selective opening of the Brazilian economy from the outside.
HOW TO RELEASE BRAZIL FROM ECONOMIC DELAY RESULTING FROM ITS SECULAR DEPENDENCEFernando Alcoforado
This article aims to present how Brazil can release itself from the economic backwardness resulting from its secular dependence from the colonial period to the contemporary era. In order to achieve this objective, the trajectory of Brazil as a country dependent on the Portuguese, British and North American empires and imperialism exercised by globalized capitalism throughout history was analyzed and the true causes of its political, economic and technological dependence were identified.
The 1964 coup d'état in Brazil was caused by several factors: 1) Economic decline after a period of growth exacerbated social tensions. 2) Increasing conflicts between capital/labor and landowners/peasants. 3) Conflict between forces wanting national economic independence and those defending subordination to international capital. 4) Conflict between the capitalist system led by the US and the socialist system led by the Soviet Union. 5) Crisis between the presidency and the armed forces under President Goulart. These factors contributed to the 1964 coup and 21 years of military dictatorship in Brazil.
This article aims to demonstrate that the republican period in Brazil that completes 130 years of existence since its proclamation on November 15, 1889 has been deplorable. Brazil has nothing to celebrate with the Republic established in 1889 through a coup d´état that, throughout its history, has not contributed to social change for the benefit of the people and national independence.
Republic of brazil - from the public thing to the private thingFernando Alcoforado
Republic is a form of organization of the State whose term comes from the Latin res public that means "public thing", "people's thing ". In theory, a republican government is one that puts emphasis on the common interest, in the interest of the community, as opposed to private interests and private business. In the history of the Republic in Brazil since 1889, upon its proclamation through a coup d´état, these principles have not been respected. The History of the Brazilian Republic began in 1889 with the Proclamation of the Republic and followed the whole period after, until the 21st century.In Brazil, there is no reason to celebrate 127 years of the Republic on November 15.
Interventions by the armed forces in brazil throughout history and its conseq...Fernando Alcoforado
The balance of military interventions was extremely negative for Brazil because democracy did not take place after the proclamation of the Republic in 1889 and was struck in 1930 and in 1964 with the dictatorship, despite the economic advances obtained with the military interventions in 1930 and 1964. Therefore, those who think that military interventions are beneficial for the country are mistaken.
Agreements summit, coup d´état and lack of revolutions have prevented the pro...Fernando Alcoforado
Throughout Brazil's history, there have been agreements between ruling classes to maintain the status quo during political crises, preventing progress. When agreements failed, coups d'état occurred in 1889, 1930, and 1964. Revolutions that could enact deep structural change for the benefit of the population were suppressed. As a result, the Brazilian people have never been the protagonists of political, economic, and social changes in their country.
The national outcry against the permanence of Dilma Rousseff in power is considered by politicians linked to PT (Workers Party) as a coup d'etat attempt by comparing the current situation to the situation experienced by presidents Getúlio Vargas in 1954 and Joao Goulart in 1964. It is a attempt to save a dying government that has completely lost the ability to govern the nation because only count on the support of 7% of the population according to recent research. Unlike Vargas and Goulart governments which marked their actions in defense of national interests and workers, the Dilma Rousseff government as its predecessor, Lula, is characterized by the lack of commitment of both government and PT with the great struggles of the Brazilian people taken along the last 50 years, a historical inconsistency traitor. It can be seen from this article that the alleged coup d'etat that was being articulated against Dilma Rousseff bears no resemblance to the coup d'etat that led to the suicide of Getulio Vargas and the deposition of João Goulart. Unlike Vargas and Goulart governments, the Dilma Rousseff government is submissive to the national and international financial capital, and devastate the Brazilian economy.
Brazil's failure to build its political, economic and social progress through...Fernando Alcoforado
This article presents the factors that contributed to Brazil's failure to achieve high levels of political, economic and social development throughout its history.
Between 1889 and 1930, Brazil experienced significant political and economic instability due to its total dependency on coffee exports. The Great Depression had a major impact on Brazil's economy, with coffee prices falling and external debt reaching 1.3 billion. In 1930, Getulio Vargas came to power through a bloodless coup, establishing an authoritarian regime called the Estado Novo and prioritizing industrialization. Vargas ruled as a dictator from 1937 to 1945, repressing opposition and censorship. Though Brazil declared war on Germany in 1942, Vargas ensured the US had control over the military to focus on industrial growth aided by US investment during World War 2.
This document provides an overview of the causes and impacts of the Great Depression in Canada and Latin America. It discusses the political responses in Canada under Prime Ministers Mackenzie King and R.B. Bennett, as well as the response in Brazil under dictator Getulio Vargas. King and Bennett pursued relatively limited reforms to address the Depression, while Vargas instituted more radical changes that transformed Brazil's economy and politics. The document also examines the effects of the Depression on minority groups and changes in various art forms during this era.
This article demonstrates that Brazil failed to achieve high levels of political, economic and social development. It can be seen from the analysis of our article that the problems faced by Brazil at the moment and unresolved result from causes that have been added and accumulated throughout its history of more than 500 years, that is, in the colonial period and during the Empire and the Republic. The trajectory of Brazil throughout its history is deplorable because the country still faces problems that were created and persist since the colonial period and the attempts of their overcoming were aborted by the repression against the social movements, by the overthrow of governments committed to the progress of the country and with the adoption of anti-national and anti-social government policies.
SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS, THEIR TRIGGERS FACTORS AND CURRENT BRAZILFernando Alcoforado
This article aims to analyze the triggering factors of social revolutions that have occurred throughout human history and assess the possibility of their occurrence in contemporary Brazil.
The document summarizes key political and economic developments in Argentina between 1916-1943, a period that included the Great Depression. It notes that Argentina transitioned to democracy in 1916 with the election of Hipolito Yrigoyen and his Radical Party, until a 1930 military coup began a decade-long dictatorship. The coup was influenced by economic struggles during the Great Depression, as Argentina's agricultural export-based economy suffered from falling global demand. The dictatorship pursued import substitution industrialization policies to reduce foreign dependence and stimulate domestic industry, though this further hurt agriculture. Subsequent leaders after the 1943 coup attempted reforms toward greater democracy and economic stability.
The document provides an overview of the history and economy of Chile and Peru. It discusses that Chile was led by President Eduardo Frei in the 1960s and had a strong democracy, but the economy struggled when Salvador Allende implemented social reforms. The economy recovered under the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet from 1974-1990, with guidance from University of Chicago economists. Meanwhile, Peru had several dictatorships between 1968-1980 while trying to develop import substitution industrialization. The economy faced challenges including the El Nino weather pattern. Guerrilla groups emerged in response to inequality of land ownership.
Some similarities between the ascension of nazism in germany and neofascism i...Fernando Alcoforado
The consequences of Hitler's rise to power in Germany were disastrous for the German people and for humanity as are known to all scholars of history. The true democrats of Brazil need to prevent Bolsonaro from succeeding in his purpose of burying democracy in the country as Hitler did in Germany.
Rapport 1992 paavonen_welfare_state_and_political_forces_in_finland_in_the_20...SFAH
1. The document discusses the development of the welfare state in Finland in the 20th century. It analyzes factors like economic development, political ideas/competition, and the automatic growth of the public sector that influenced the welfare state's formation.
2. In the period until WWII, Finland developed more slowly than other Nordic countries. Agrarian interests dominated, and social reforms faced opposition. Unemployment insurance was the main social program. The labor movement grew but faced resistance after the 1918 civil war.
3. By the late 1930s, cooperation between labor and agrarian parties was forming, as in other Nordic states, but the labor movement's influence in Finland remained relatively small compared to neighbors.
This document provides a history of peasant political movements in Brazil from 1946 onwards. It discusses the emergence of the first peasant leagues organized by the Communist Party in the 1940s in response to the end of Vargas's authoritarian rule. In the 1950s and 1960s, rural workers organized further into associations and unions to demand better wages and working conditions. The military coup in 1964 repressed the peasant movements and banned organizations. In the 1980s, the landless movement MST was founded and used confrontational tactics like land occupations to demand agrarian reform. The MST became a major force and continues to advocate for land redistribution.
Economic policies of different philippine presidentsShyra BrOqueza
The document summarizes the economic policies of different Philippine presidents from Elpidio Quirino to Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Key policies included import substitution under Quirino, land reform under Magsaysay and Garcia, decontrol and liberalization under Macapagal, industrialization under Marcos and Ramos, poverty alleviation under Estrada, and transparency under Arroyo. Each administration addressed economic issues prevalent at the time such as the trade deficit, land ownership, foreign intervention, and corruption.
HOW AND WHY POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROGRESS WAS ABORTED IN BRAZIL OVE...Fernando Alcoforado
This article aims to present the factors responsible for Brazil's failure to build its political, economic and social progress throughout history and to point out what to do to reverse this situation.
This document provides background information on economic and social conditions in the United States in the aftermath of World War II. It discusses the postwar economic anxieties Americans faced, the passage of the Taft-Hartley Act, failed efforts to unionize southern workers, legislation to promote employment, and benefits provided by the GI Bill. It also covers the postwar economic boom, roots of the postwar economy including defense spending and cheap energy, gains in productivity and education, migration trends, the postwar baby boom, and establishment of the Marshall Plan and United Nations.
The conciliation in the high spheres of power to keep the status quo and save...Fernando Alcoforado
Conciliation "on the top" is now under way in Brazil in order to keep “status quo” and to save President Michel Temer in power and corrupt politicians. In the meantime, Brazil is on the brink of economic and political collapse. The critical political, economic and social situation in which Brazil is at the moment may abort conciliation "on the top" because social upheaval may occur with the worsening of the crisis.
A lack of brazilian people´s protagonism in brazil historyFernando Alcoforado
Throughout the history of Brazil is flagrant the failure of the Brazilian people to play a protagonism role in the structural changes necessary for economic and social progress of the country. Generally, in times of political and economic crisis ever occurred agreements between the dominant economic classes and holders of political power that allowed maintain the "status quo". The critical political, economic and social situation in Brazil at the time may have to reconcile "by the high" among holders of economic and political power to keep the Dilma Rousseff government in power if the majority of the Brazilian people remains passive in regarding political, economic and social devastation in progress. This is the trump card of the incompetent and corrupt holders of Brazil's political power who do not fear of the people of Brazil that is primarily responsible for the rise them to power.
The 1964 coup d'état in Brazil occurred amid tensions between the United States and Soviet Union during the Cold War. The Brazilian government under João Goulart pursued policies like land reform that concerned the U.S., as it saw Brazil as within its sphere of influence. Growing political unrest and opposition to Goulart's administration led the military, with U.S. support, to depose Goulart in a coup in 1964 to prevent Brazil from moving closer to the Soviet Union. The coup received U.S. backing to maintain American influence over Brazil.
The Great Depression affected most of the world in the 1930s. In both the US and Germany, around 15 million were unemployed. Both Franklin Roosevelt and Adolf Hitler rose to power in 1933 seeking to address unemployment. Roosevelt introduced the New Deal, establishing programs to put millions back to work through public works projects. Similarly, Hitler established public works programs and subsidized companies that hired new workers. However, the Nazi regime soon began militarizing the economy and strictly controlling industries to prepare for war, while Roosevelt's New Deal aimed to help workers and regulate industries without total government control. While the initial responses to the economic crisis shared some similarities, the goals of the two leaders and their governments ultimately diverged greatly.
Crisis and National Breakdown: Martial LawJustine Tavera
Marcos declared martial law in 1972 citing threats from communist forces and increasing unrest, though the Senate found no evidence of insurrection. Martial law suspended civil liberties and concentrated power in Marcos. Resistance grew through the 1970s as the regime became increasingly authoritarian and corrupt. Economic crisis and the assassination of Benigno Aquino in 1983 further weakened Marcos. Defections by military leaders and mass protests led by Corazon Aquino forced Marcos to flee in 1986, marking the peaceful People Power Revolution. Subsequent presidents like Ramos achieved stability and growth through peace agreements and economic reforms, while Estrada focused on poverty programs.
Ferdinand Marcos was born in 1917 in the Philippines. He attended the University of the Philippines, excelling in academics and sports. Marcos had a political career, being elected twice to the House of Representatives and then becoming Senate President from 1959-1965. He was then elected as the 6th President of the Philippines from 1965-1986. During his presidency, the Philippines experienced rapid economic growth through various development programs and policies in agriculture, tourism, and overseas workers' remittances. However, Marcos eventually declared martial law in 1972 and ruled as a dictator until being ousted in 1986.
The Philippine During Martial law years Hanan Edres
During Martial Law years in the Philippines, President Ferdinand Marcos initially ruled effectively during his first term from 1965-1969, increasing infrastructure development and modernizing the military. However, growing unrest due to a communist insurgency, student protests, and rising crime led Marcos to declare Martial Law in 1972, suspending civil liberties. Martial Law allowed Marcos to rule by decree and arrest opponents until 1981, though economic troubles emerged in its later years as foreign debt mounted and cronyism impacted industries. Martial Law was formally lifted in January 1981 ahead of the country's first election in over a decade.
The 1964 coup d'état in Brazil that overthrew President João Goulart was the result of several factors, including declining economic growth, rising social tensions, conflicts between political and economic forces, and tensions between Goulart and the military. Goulart sought to implement economic and social reforms through popular support, but faced opposition from conservative sectors. As political and social conflicts intensified, the military staged a coup on March 31, 1964, establishing a 21-year military dictatorship.
THE FRAGILE REPUBLIC BUILT IN BRAZIL THROUGHOUT HISTORY.pdfFaga1939
This article aims to demonstrate that the Republic proclaimed in Brazil on November 15, 1889 is fragile because, in addition to having emerged without the participation of the Brazilian people thanks to a military coup, it was characterized throughout 133 years of history by the attempts and the occurrence of numerous coups d'état and the existence of 81 years of oligarchic and dictatorial governments and only 52 years of relative democracy. The Republic only assumed democratic airs in Brazil from 1946 to 1964 and from 1988 until the present moment without having been truly democratic. It is necessary that a truly democratic Republic be implanted in Brazil so that the governments make the common interest prevail, the interest of the community, as opposed to private interests and private business, as has always been the case in Brazil in the 133 years since the Proclamation of the Republic. Despite the 1988 Constitution being the most democratic in the history of Brazil, it needs to be greatly improved to provide Brazil with a truly democratic Republic with the construction of a Social Welfare State that ensures the supreme interests of the entire Brazilian population without exception and also prevent the occurrence of new coups d'état to implant dictatorships in Brazil.
Brazil's failure to build its political, economic and social progress through...Fernando Alcoforado
This article presents the factors that contributed to Brazil's failure to achieve high levels of political, economic and social development throughout its history.
Between 1889 and 1930, Brazil experienced significant political and economic instability due to its total dependency on coffee exports. The Great Depression had a major impact on Brazil's economy, with coffee prices falling and external debt reaching 1.3 billion. In 1930, Getulio Vargas came to power through a bloodless coup, establishing an authoritarian regime called the Estado Novo and prioritizing industrialization. Vargas ruled as a dictator from 1937 to 1945, repressing opposition and censorship. Though Brazil declared war on Germany in 1942, Vargas ensured the US had control over the military to focus on industrial growth aided by US investment during World War 2.
This document provides an overview of the causes and impacts of the Great Depression in Canada and Latin America. It discusses the political responses in Canada under Prime Ministers Mackenzie King and R.B. Bennett, as well as the response in Brazil under dictator Getulio Vargas. King and Bennett pursued relatively limited reforms to address the Depression, while Vargas instituted more radical changes that transformed Brazil's economy and politics. The document also examines the effects of the Depression on minority groups and changes in various art forms during this era.
This article demonstrates that Brazil failed to achieve high levels of political, economic and social development. It can be seen from the analysis of our article that the problems faced by Brazil at the moment and unresolved result from causes that have been added and accumulated throughout its history of more than 500 years, that is, in the colonial period and during the Empire and the Republic. The trajectory of Brazil throughout its history is deplorable because the country still faces problems that were created and persist since the colonial period and the attempts of their overcoming were aborted by the repression against the social movements, by the overthrow of governments committed to the progress of the country and with the adoption of anti-national and anti-social government policies.
SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS, THEIR TRIGGERS FACTORS AND CURRENT BRAZILFernando Alcoforado
This article aims to analyze the triggering factors of social revolutions that have occurred throughout human history and assess the possibility of their occurrence in contemporary Brazil.
The document summarizes key political and economic developments in Argentina between 1916-1943, a period that included the Great Depression. It notes that Argentina transitioned to democracy in 1916 with the election of Hipolito Yrigoyen and his Radical Party, until a 1930 military coup began a decade-long dictatorship. The coup was influenced by economic struggles during the Great Depression, as Argentina's agricultural export-based economy suffered from falling global demand. The dictatorship pursued import substitution industrialization policies to reduce foreign dependence and stimulate domestic industry, though this further hurt agriculture. Subsequent leaders after the 1943 coup attempted reforms toward greater democracy and economic stability.
The document provides an overview of the history and economy of Chile and Peru. It discusses that Chile was led by President Eduardo Frei in the 1960s and had a strong democracy, but the economy struggled when Salvador Allende implemented social reforms. The economy recovered under the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet from 1974-1990, with guidance from University of Chicago economists. Meanwhile, Peru had several dictatorships between 1968-1980 while trying to develop import substitution industrialization. The economy faced challenges including the El Nino weather pattern. Guerrilla groups emerged in response to inequality of land ownership.
Some similarities between the ascension of nazism in germany and neofascism i...Fernando Alcoforado
The consequences of Hitler's rise to power in Germany were disastrous for the German people and for humanity as are known to all scholars of history. The true democrats of Brazil need to prevent Bolsonaro from succeeding in his purpose of burying democracy in the country as Hitler did in Germany.
Rapport 1992 paavonen_welfare_state_and_political_forces_in_finland_in_the_20...SFAH
1. The document discusses the development of the welfare state in Finland in the 20th century. It analyzes factors like economic development, political ideas/competition, and the automatic growth of the public sector that influenced the welfare state's formation.
2. In the period until WWII, Finland developed more slowly than other Nordic countries. Agrarian interests dominated, and social reforms faced opposition. Unemployment insurance was the main social program. The labor movement grew but faced resistance after the 1918 civil war.
3. By the late 1930s, cooperation between labor and agrarian parties was forming, as in other Nordic states, but the labor movement's influence in Finland remained relatively small compared to neighbors.
This document provides a history of peasant political movements in Brazil from 1946 onwards. It discusses the emergence of the first peasant leagues organized by the Communist Party in the 1940s in response to the end of Vargas's authoritarian rule. In the 1950s and 1960s, rural workers organized further into associations and unions to demand better wages and working conditions. The military coup in 1964 repressed the peasant movements and banned organizations. In the 1980s, the landless movement MST was founded and used confrontational tactics like land occupations to demand agrarian reform. The MST became a major force and continues to advocate for land redistribution.
Economic policies of different philippine presidentsShyra BrOqueza
The document summarizes the economic policies of different Philippine presidents from Elpidio Quirino to Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Key policies included import substitution under Quirino, land reform under Magsaysay and Garcia, decontrol and liberalization under Macapagal, industrialization under Marcos and Ramos, poverty alleviation under Estrada, and transparency under Arroyo. Each administration addressed economic issues prevalent at the time such as the trade deficit, land ownership, foreign intervention, and corruption.
HOW AND WHY POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROGRESS WAS ABORTED IN BRAZIL OVE...Fernando Alcoforado
This article aims to present the factors responsible for Brazil's failure to build its political, economic and social progress throughout history and to point out what to do to reverse this situation.
This document provides background information on economic and social conditions in the United States in the aftermath of World War II. It discusses the postwar economic anxieties Americans faced, the passage of the Taft-Hartley Act, failed efforts to unionize southern workers, legislation to promote employment, and benefits provided by the GI Bill. It also covers the postwar economic boom, roots of the postwar economy including defense spending and cheap energy, gains in productivity and education, migration trends, the postwar baby boom, and establishment of the Marshall Plan and United Nations.
The conciliation in the high spheres of power to keep the status quo and save...Fernando Alcoforado
Conciliation "on the top" is now under way in Brazil in order to keep “status quo” and to save President Michel Temer in power and corrupt politicians. In the meantime, Brazil is on the brink of economic and political collapse. The critical political, economic and social situation in which Brazil is at the moment may abort conciliation "on the top" because social upheaval may occur with the worsening of the crisis.
A lack of brazilian people´s protagonism in brazil historyFernando Alcoforado
Throughout the history of Brazil is flagrant the failure of the Brazilian people to play a protagonism role in the structural changes necessary for economic and social progress of the country. Generally, in times of political and economic crisis ever occurred agreements between the dominant economic classes and holders of political power that allowed maintain the "status quo". The critical political, economic and social situation in Brazil at the time may have to reconcile "by the high" among holders of economic and political power to keep the Dilma Rousseff government in power if the majority of the Brazilian people remains passive in regarding political, economic and social devastation in progress. This is the trump card of the incompetent and corrupt holders of Brazil's political power who do not fear of the people of Brazil that is primarily responsible for the rise them to power.
The 1964 coup d'état in Brazil occurred amid tensions between the United States and Soviet Union during the Cold War. The Brazilian government under João Goulart pursued policies like land reform that concerned the U.S., as it saw Brazil as within its sphere of influence. Growing political unrest and opposition to Goulart's administration led the military, with U.S. support, to depose Goulart in a coup in 1964 to prevent Brazil from moving closer to the Soviet Union. The coup received U.S. backing to maintain American influence over Brazil.
The Great Depression affected most of the world in the 1930s. In both the US and Germany, around 15 million were unemployed. Both Franklin Roosevelt and Adolf Hitler rose to power in 1933 seeking to address unemployment. Roosevelt introduced the New Deal, establishing programs to put millions back to work through public works projects. Similarly, Hitler established public works programs and subsidized companies that hired new workers. However, the Nazi regime soon began militarizing the economy and strictly controlling industries to prepare for war, while Roosevelt's New Deal aimed to help workers and regulate industries without total government control. While the initial responses to the economic crisis shared some similarities, the goals of the two leaders and their governments ultimately diverged greatly.
Crisis and National Breakdown: Martial LawJustine Tavera
Marcos declared martial law in 1972 citing threats from communist forces and increasing unrest, though the Senate found no evidence of insurrection. Martial law suspended civil liberties and concentrated power in Marcos. Resistance grew through the 1970s as the regime became increasingly authoritarian and corrupt. Economic crisis and the assassination of Benigno Aquino in 1983 further weakened Marcos. Defections by military leaders and mass protests led by Corazon Aquino forced Marcos to flee in 1986, marking the peaceful People Power Revolution. Subsequent presidents like Ramos achieved stability and growth through peace agreements and economic reforms, while Estrada focused on poverty programs.
Ferdinand Marcos was born in 1917 in the Philippines. He attended the University of the Philippines, excelling in academics and sports. Marcos had a political career, being elected twice to the House of Representatives and then becoming Senate President from 1959-1965. He was then elected as the 6th President of the Philippines from 1965-1986. During his presidency, the Philippines experienced rapid economic growth through various development programs and policies in agriculture, tourism, and overseas workers' remittances. However, Marcos eventually declared martial law in 1972 and ruled as a dictator until being ousted in 1986.
The Philippine During Martial law years Hanan Edres
During Martial Law years in the Philippines, President Ferdinand Marcos initially ruled effectively during his first term from 1965-1969, increasing infrastructure development and modernizing the military. However, growing unrest due to a communist insurgency, student protests, and rising crime led Marcos to declare Martial Law in 1972, suspending civil liberties. Martial Law allowed Marcos to rule by decree and arrest opponents until 1981, though economic troubles emerged in its later years as foreign debt mounted and cronyism impacted industries. Martial Law was formally lifted in January 1981 ahead of the country's first election in over a decade.
The 1964 coup d'état in Brazil that overthrew President João Goulart was the result of several factors, including declining economic growth, rising social tensions, conflicts between political and economic forces, and tensions between Goulart and the military. Goulart sought to implement economic and social reforms through popular support, but faced opposition from conservative sectors. As political and social conflicts intensified, the military staged a coup on March 31, 1964, establishing a 21-year military dictatorship.
THE FRAGILE REPUBLIC BUILT IN BRAZIL THROUGHOUT HISTORY.pdfFaga1939
This article aims to demonstrate that the Republic proclaimed in Brazil on November 15, 1889 is fragile because, in addition to having emerged without the participation of the Brazilian people thanks to a military coup, it was characterized throughout 133 years of history by the attempts and the occurrence of numerous coups d'état and the existence of 81 years of oligarchic and dictatorial governments and only 52 years of relative democracy. The Republic only assumed democratic airs in Brazil from 1946 to 1964 and from 1988 until the present moment without having been truly democratic. It is necessary that a truly democratic Republic be implanted in Brazil so that the governments make the common interest prevail, the interest of the community, as opposed to private interests and private business, as has always been the case in Brazil in the 133 years since the Proclamation of the Republic. Despite the 1988 Constitution being the most democratic in the history of Brazil, it needs to be greatly improved to provide Brazil with a truly democratic Republic with the construction of a Social Welfare State that ensures the supreme interests of the entire Brazilian population without exception and also prevent the occurrence of new coups d'état to implant dictatorships in Brazil.
Similarities between the crisis of 1930 and 2015 in brazilFernando Alcoforado
The political and economic crises that shake Brazil at the moment have some similarities to those that occurred in 1930 and led to the deposition of President of Republic, Washington Luis. The political crisis in 1930 was the product of exhaustion of the oligarchic regime inaugurated in 1889 with the proclamation of the Republic and the economic crisis was a consequence of economic infeasibility of the existing agro-export model in Brazil since the colonial period that suffered heavy blow to the global economic crisis of 1929. In turn, the 2015 political crisis in Brazil is the product of exhaustion of the social contract established with the 1988 Constitution and the current economic crisis is a result of the exhaustion of the neoliberal economic model dependent on the outside in place since 1990 and it is also suffering the consequences of the 2008 economic crisis that erupted in the United States and spilled over the world.
THE MODEL OF ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT BRAZIL NEEDSFernando Alcoforado
This article aims to demonstrate the need for the Brazilian people to reject, in the next elections, all candidates for the Presidency of the Republic, the State governments and the state and national parliament who seek to maintain the neoliberal economic model that, since 1990, has been compromising the economic and social development of the country, given that he is the main responsible for leading Brazil to economic bankruptcy and social devastation today. Neoliberal economic globalization began in the 1990s when the neoliberal economic model was imposed on the world and largely benefited big capital, imposed restrictive limits on the action of the national state, sacrificed local production in favor of imported products, privatized assets of the public sector that were sold at degrading prices and decimated labor rights. In Brazil, the neoliberal economic model was adopted as an alternative to the national developmentalist economic model inaugurated with the 1930 Revolution by the Getúlio Vargas government, which came to a melancholy end in the Ernesto Geisel government in 1979 with the bankruptcy of the Brazilian State and the stagnation of the Brazilian economy in the 1980s. The neoliberal economic model implemented in the 1990s further worsened Brazil's economic and social outlook by contributing to the weakening of the state's role in the economy and providing greater opening of the national market to foreign capital. The events that took place from 1930 to the present show that the national developmentalist model failed in Brazil because its development process was not sustainable, but the neoliberalism that replaced it failed even more by dismantling the Brazilian economy from 1990 to the present, making it extremely dependent on foreigners capital and contribute to producing the greatest social devastation ever recorded in the country.
Passive revolution, counter reform or popular revolution in brazilFernando Alcoforado
The main political events of Brazil have presented in the moments of deep crisis throughout history as the main characteristic the conciliation between the representative political forces of the ruling classes with the maintenance of the economic and social status quo as happened with the Independence of the Country in 1822, the Proclamation of the Republic in 1889 and the end of the Oligarchic Republic in 1930. The conciliation between the representative political forces of the ruling classes can assume two characteristics, according to the Italian philosopher Antonio Gramsci: 1) passive revolution; and 2) counter-reform .
The most important historical events in Brazil found an answer that was configured on the explicit intention of keeping outside of decisions, classes and social strata "from low" to "conciliation by the high" as with the Independence and the Abolition of Slavery or the realization of coups d´état, when the "conciliation by the high" has become impossible as occurred in the Proclamation of the Republic, in the 1930 revolution and the deployment of the military dictatorship in 1964. It can be said that the changes occurred in the history of Brazil not was the result of authentic revolutions, movements from the bottom to up, involving the whole population, but always made their way through a compromise between the representatives of the economically dominant groups or conducting coups d´état when conciliation was not possible. The "conciliation by the high" is consequence, therefore, fundamentally from fragile role of the Brazilian people which results, on the one hand, by the absence of political parties and reliable leaders with proposals capable of galvanizing the vast majority of the population and, on the other, the policy alienation of the population. Without the leadership of the Brazilian people in defining the direction of the Brazilian society, Brazil will not turn into a developed country.
The decline of parties, traditional political leaders and political power in ...Fernando Alcoforado
Mass movements in several Brazilian cities are incorporating broader economic, political, and social goals and those in power can no longer govern as they have in Brazil's history. This shows Brazil is in a pre-revolutionary state. The government has failed to change its flawed economic and social policies in response to the protests, and over time both the movements and government will grow weary unless victories for the movements can be achieved. The events demonstrate a deep divide between the state and civil society in Brazil, as those in power can no longer govern as before and civil society is rebellious and unwilling to be governed as in the past.
Conciliation between those in econonomic and political power prevents the pro...Fernando Alcoforado
Throughout the history of Brazil, the Brazilian people have never been protagonist of political, economic and social changes. This needs to change so that it will be possible to build a bright future for Brazil.The critical political, economic and social situation in Brazil at the moment does not involve the conciliation "by above" as to what is outlined between holders of economic and political power to keep the Dilma Rousseff government in power. It seems that if Dilma Rousseff is not destitute of power through impeachment by crime of fiscal responsibility or electoral crime, social unrest may occur with the confrontation between the vast majority of the Brazilian people that want their deposition of power and government supporters.
Electronic media and technological convergenceJoana Andrade
This essay has a proposal to evaluate the role of the electronic media within the history of a developing country such as Brazil, addressing its social, political and economic impact and considering the contemporary convergence of new media technologies.
HOW TO REINDUSTRIALIZE BRAZIL AND DECONCENTRATE, MODERNIZE AND MAKE BRAZILIAN...Faga1939
The document discusses the history of industrialization in Brazil in five phases:
1) Implementation of sugar mills from 1500-1808
2) Opening of factories and small factories from 1808-1929
3) Import-substituting industrialization from 1930-1955
4) Internationalization of import-substituting industrialization from 1956-1990
5) Deindustrialization of the Brazilian economy from 1990 to present
It notes that Brazilian industry is currently concentrated in the southeast and south and faces challenges of deindustrialization, technological backwardness, and lack of environmental sustainability. Measures are needed to deconcentrate, modernize, and make Brazilian industry more sustainable.
1. Brazil and India have a long history of political cooperation dating back to the 1960s on multilateral forums like the UN, but economic relations were limited until the 2000s.
2. Trade has increased in recent decades, with Brazil becoming one of India's most important trading partners in Latin America. However, total bilateral trade fell in 2013 due to reduced oil exports from Brazil.
3. Key areas of cooperation now include trade, especially in areas like diesel, chemicals, drugs, cotton and polyester. Both countries also work together in multilateral groups like BRICS and seek to increase economic ties further.
Brazil has a federal presidential representative democratic republic system of government. Major political parties include the Alliance for National Renovation, Brazilian Democratic Movement, Liberal Front Party, Progresses Party, Social Democracy Party, Brazil Labor Party, and Worker's Party. Brazil's economy was historically influenced by exports of commodities and government intervention in foreign trade. More recently, Brazil has moved towards a more open economy and uses trade policy to promote industrialization and development objectives. As one of the largest democracies, Brazil seeks to be a global diplomatic player on international issues.
Brazil has a federal presidential representative democratic republic system of government. Major political parties include the Alliance for National Renovation, Brazilian Democratic Movement, Liberal Front Party, Progresses Party, Social Democracy Party, Brazil Labor Party, and Worker's Party. Brazil's economy was historically influenced by foreign trade of commodities like sugar, gold, coffee and rubber. The government has a long history of intervention in foreign trade including import restrictions and using exchange rates to encourage or discourage certain trade transactions. In recent decades Brazil has become a more open economy and seeks to be a global diplomatic player on international issues.
VARGAS, LOTT, BRIZOLA AND ULYSSES WERE THE MAIN CHARACTERS IN THE HISTORY OF ...Fernando Alcoforado
This article aims to highlight the role of four characters in the republican history of Brazil who were the most striking and decisive in the direction of future events for the benefit of the country. This was the case of Getúlio Vargas who stood out for making profound changes economic and social and modernize the country when he ruled Brazil from 1930 to 1945 and, also from 1950 to 1954. It was also the case of Marshal Henrique Teixeira Lott who prevented attempts of coup d'état in 1954 and 1961 when he was Minister of War, ensuring the respect for democratic and constitutional legality. Also noteworthy was the decisive role by Leonel Brizola that prevented the coup d'état in Brazil in 1961 and his constant fight for the economic and social progress of Brazil and for national independence from the great powers from 1961 until his death in 2004. Finally, the last great character in Brazilian republican history was Ulysses Guimarães, who stood out in the fight against the tyranny of the military dictatorship implanted in 1964 and his struggle for the redemocratization of Brazil from 1964 to 1988.
The pt workers´party governments are not progress forces in brazilFernando Alcoforado
Governments of the PT cannot be considered forces of progress because the balance of 13 years of Lula and Dilma Rousseff governments is the denial of the great struggles of the Brazilian people carried on in the twentieth century, a historical inconsistency traitor. Inconsistency in the economic sphere is manifested in the fact that both PT governments have given continuity to the neoliberal and anti-national policy of the Fernando Collor, Itamar Franco and Fernando Henrique Cardoso governments following what established the Washington Consensus in the 1990s. One of the great expectations that are created with the electoral victory of the PT governments from 2002 was that it would be continued Brazilian economic and social development process and national emancipation triggered by the presidents Getúlio Vargas and João Goulart to overcome the dependence on Brazil to foreign capital and the strengthening of production belonging to Brazilian sectors. Rather, what we found was the increased financial and technological dependence of Brazil in relation to the outside and the denationalization of the Brazilian economy.
The document discusses two different economic models for Brazil - a national development model implemented under Vargas and a neoliberal model introduced under Collor. The national development model emphasized industrialization, protecting national industry, and alliances between government and business to develop Brazil. This model led to high growth. However, debt and other issues caused its decline in the 1980s, leading to adoption of a neoliberal model focused on privatization and free markets. However, this neoliberal model has failed to generate sufficient growth and has increased debt, demonstrating the need to return to a national development model tailored to Brazil.
This document discusses the Bolsa Familia program in Brazil, a conditional cash transfer program aimed at reducing poverty. It provides context on Brazil's history of high inequality and poverty levels. The Bolsa Familia program began in the late 1980s/early 1990s and provides cash assistance to families contingent on children's school attendance. The program has been credited with reducing poverty and inequality in Brazil. The document discusses whether Bolsa Familia represents another "economic miracle" for Brazil, following a period of high growth in the 1960s-1970s, and whether such social programs can end poverty globally.
This document provides an overview of Brazil's Bolsa Familia conditional cash transfer program. It discusses how Bolsa Familia was launched in 2003 under President Lula da Silva to help reduce poverty and inequality in Brazil by providing monthly cash payments to low-income families conditional on children's school attendance and health care visits. The program reached about a quarter of Brazil's population and is credited with more than halving extreme poverty and significantly reducing income inequality in the country. While some were initially skeptical of the program, most analyses now see it as playing a key role in Brazil's improvements in socioeconomic conditions over the last decade.
The document provides a detailed overview of the history, geography, climate, culture, economy, and society of Brazil. Some key points:
- Portugal colonized Brazil in 1500 and it remained a Portuguese colony until gaining independence in 1822.
- Brazil has a large and diverse geography, with varied climate zones ranging from equatorial rainforests to temperate forests.
- Brazilian culture was shaped by influences from indigenous peoples, Portuguese colonists, African slaves, and later European immigrants. Popular music, cuisine, and arts reflect these diverse influences.
- Brazil has a population of over 200 million and a large, diverse economy focused on agriculture, industry, and services. Major exports include commodities like beef
Brazil facing internal economic problems and the ruin of the world economyFernando Alcoforado
Brazil faces two major obstacles to its development: 1) the neoliberalism that has been devastating the country since 1990; and 2) the process of ruining the world economy. The economic model. It is urgent that the Brazilian State take the reins of the national economy by abandoning the failed neoliberal economic model to reactivate the Brazilian economy and full employment. Brazil should fight in international fora for the establishment of a stable international financial system not subordinated to financial capital and the establishment of a democratic world government that, in addition to promoting economic ordering on a world scale, should create the conditions to meet the great challenges of the world. humanity in the 21st century.
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Este artigo tem por objetivo demonstrar que o povo brasileiro vive o inferno representado pelas catástrofes políticas, econômicas, sociais e ambientais que estão conduzindo o País a um desastre humanitário sem precedentes em sua história de gigantescas proporções. A catástrofe política no Brasil poderá ocorrer com o fim do processo democrático resultante da escalada do fascismo na sociedade pela ação do presidente Jair Bolsonaro que busca colocar em prática sua proposta de governo tipicamente fascista baseada no culto explícito da ordem, na violência de Estado, em práticas autoritárias de governo, no desprezo social por grupos vulneráveis e fragilizados e no anticomunismo. Soma-se à catástrofe política, a catástrofe econômica caracterizada pela estagnação da economia brasileira que amarga uma recessão em 2020 agravada pela pandemia do novo coronavirus porque o PIB caiu 4,1% em relação ao de 2019, a menor taxa da série histórica, iniciada em 1996, bem como com a taxa de desemprego em patamar recorde de 14,8 milhões de pessoas em busca de emprego no País. A catástrofe social se manifesta no fato de o governo Bolsonaro nada fazer para reduzir as taxas de desemprego reativando a economia, atuar em prejuízo dos interesses dos trabalhadores promovendo medidas contra os direitos sociais da população e contribuir para o número elevado de infectados e mortos pelo coronavirus no Brasil ao sabotar o combate ao vírus. Finalmente, a catástrofe ambiental se manifesta no fato de o governo Bolsonaro contribuir para a inação de órgãos governamentais responsáveis pela fiscalização contra as agressões ao meio ambiente, abrir caminho para atividades de mineração, agricultura, pecuária e madeireira na Floresta Amazônica e afastar o Brasil do Acordo do Clima de Paris.
Cet article vise à démontrer que le peuple brésilien vit l'enfer représenté par les catastrophes politiques, économiques, sociales et environnementales qui conduisent le pays à une catastrophe humanitaire sans précédent dans son histoire aux proportions gigantesques. La catastrophe politique au Brésil pourrait survenir avec la fin du processus démocratique résultant de l'escalade du fascisme dans la société par l'action du président Jair Bolsonaro, qui cherche à mettre en pratique sa proposition de gouvernement typiquement fasciste. fondée sur le culte explicite de l'ordre, la violence d'État, les pratiques gouvernementales autoritaires, le mépris social pour les groupes vulnérables et fragiles et l'anticommunisme. Outre la catastrophe politique, la catastrophe économique caractérisée par la stagnation de l'économie brésilienne après une récession en 2020, aggravée par la nouvelle pandémie de coronavirus, car le PIB a baissé de 4,1% par rapport à 2019, le taux le plus bas du série historique, commencée en 1996, ainsi qu'avec le taux de chômage à un niveau record de 14,8 millions de personnes à la recherche d'un emploi dans le pays.La catastrophe sociale se manifeste par le fait que le gouvernement Bolsonaro ne fait rien pour réduire les taux de chômage en réactivant la économique, agissant au détriment des intérêts des travailleurs, promouvant des mesures contre les droits sociaux de la population et contribuant au nombre élevé de personnes infectées et tuées par le coronavirus au Brésil en sabotant la lutte contre le virus. Enfin, la catastrophe environnementale se manifeste par le fait que le gouvernement Bolsonaro contribue à l'inaction des agences gouvernementales chargées de surveiller les agressions contre l'environnement, ouvrant la voie aux activités minières, agricoles, d'élevage et d'exploitation forestière dans la forêt amazonienne et retirant le Brésil de l'Accord de Paris sur le climat.
Cet article a pour objectif de présenter et d'analyser le rapport du Groupe d'experts intergouvernemental sur l'évolution du climat (GIEC), agence liée à l'ONU, rendu public le 9 août 2021 à travers lequel il montre l'ensemble des connaissances acquises depuis la publication de son précédent rapport en 2014 sur le climat de la planète Terre. 234 auteurs de 66 pays ont examiné plus de 14 000 études scientifiques et leur travail a été reçu avec plus de 78 000 commentaires et observations de chercheurs et d'experts qui travaillant pour les 195 gouvernements auxquels ce travail est destiné. Ce rapport révèle une connaissance approfondie du climat passé, présent et futur de la Terre. Le résumé de ce rapport est à lire dans l'article Selon le GIEC, le changement climatique est irréversible, mais peut encore être corrigé disponible sur le site <https://www.sciencesetavenir.fr/nature-environnement/climat/selon-le-giec-le-changement-climatique-s-accelere-est-irreversible-mais-peut-etre-corrige_156431>. Alors que peut-on faire pour éviter cette catastrophe climatique ? La solution est de réduire de moitié les émissions mondiales de gaz à effet de serre d'ici 2030 et de zéro émission nette d'ici le milieu de ce siècle pour arrêter et éventuellement inverser la hausse des températures. La réduction à zéro des émissions nettes consiste à réduire autant que possible les émissions de gaz à effet de serre en utilisant les technologies propres et les énergies renouvelables, ainsi que comme capter et stocker le carbone, ou l'absorber en plantant des arbres. Très probablement, le monde ne réussira pas à empêcher d'autres changements climatiques en raison de l'absence d'un système de gouvernance mondiale capable d'empêcher l'augmentation du réchauffement climatique et le changement climatique catastrophique résultant de l'impuissance de l'ONU.
AQUECIMENTO GLOBAL, MUDANÇA CLIMÁTICA GLOBAL E SEUS IMPACTOS SOBRE A SAÚDE HU...Fernando Alcoforado
Este artigo tem por objetivo apresentar os impactos do aquecimento global e da consequente mudança climática sobre a saúde humana e as soluções que permitam evitar suas maléficas consequências contra a humanidade. Para alcançar este objetivo, é necessário promover uma transformação profunda da sociedade atual que tem sido extremamente destruidora das condições de vida do planeta. Diante disso, é imprescindível que seja edificada uma sociedade sustentável substituindo o atual modelo econômico dominante em todo o mundo por outro que leve em conta o homem integrado com o meio ambiente, com a natureza, ou seja, o modelo de desenvolvimento sustentável. Foi analisado o Acordo de Paris com base na COP 21 organizada pela ONU através do qual 195 países e a União Europeia definiram como a humanidade lutará contra o aquecimento global nas próximas décadas, bem como foi analisada literatura relacionada com o aquecimento global e a mudança climática para extrair as conclusões que apontam como substituir o modelo de desenvolvimento atual pelo modelo de desenvolvimento sustentável.
GLOBAL WARMING, GLOBAL CLIMATE CHANGE AND ITS IMPACTS ON HUMAN HEALTHFernando Alcoforado
This article aims to present the impacts of global warming and the consequent global climate change on human health and the solutions to avoid its harmful consequences against humanity. In order to achieve this goal, it is necessary to promote a profound transformation of current society, which has been extremely destructive of the planet's living conditions. Therefore, it is essential to build a sustainable society, replacing the current dominant economic model throughout the world with one that takes into account man integrated with the environment, with nature, that is, the model of sustainable development. The Paris Agreement was analyzed based on the COP 21 organized by the UN through which 195 countries and the European Union defined how humanity will fight global warming in the coming decades, as well as was analyzed literature related to global warming and climate change to extract the conclusions that point out how to replace the current development model with the sustainable development model.
LE RÉCHAUFFEMENT CLIMATIQUE, LE CHANGEMENT CLIMATIQUE MONDIAL ET SES IMPACTS ...Fernando Alcoforado
Cet article a pour objectif de présenter les impacts du réchauffement climatique et du changement climatique qui en découle sur la santé humaine et les solutions pour éviter ses conséquences néfastes contre l'humanité. Pour atteindre cet objectif, il est nécessaire de promouvoir une transformation profonde de la société d'aujourd'hui qui a été extrêmement destructrice des conditions de vie sur la planète. Il est donc essentiel de construire une société durable, en remplaçant le modèle économique actuel dominant à travers le monde par un autre qui prenne en compte l'homme intégré à l'environnement, à la nature, c'est-à-dire le modèle de développement durable. L'Accord de Paris a été analysé sur la base de la COP 21 organisée par l'ONU à travers laquelle 195 pays et l'Union européenne ont défini comment l'humanité luttera contre le réchauffement climatique dans les prochaines décennies, ainsi que a été analysée la littérature liée au réchauffement climatique et au changement climatique pour extraire les conclusions qui indiquent comment remplacer le modèle de développement actuel par le modèle de développement durable.
Cet article a trois objectifs : 1) démontrer qu'il y a un changement drastique du climat de la Terre grâce au réchauffement climatique, qui contribue à la survenue d'inondations dans les villes aux effets de plus en plus catastrophiques ; 2) proposer des mesures pour lutter contre le changement climatique mondial ; et 3) proposer des mesures pour préparer les villes à faire face à des événements météorologiques extrêmes. Récemment, des inondations se sont produites qui exposent la vulnérabilité des villes d'Europe et de Chine aux conditions météorologiques les plus extrêmes. Après les inondations qui ont fait des morts en Allemagne, en Belgique et en Chine, le message a été renforcé que des changements importants sont nécessaires pour préparer les villes à faire face à des événements similaires à l'avenir. Les gouvernements doivent admettre que les infrastructures qu'ils ont construites dans le passé pour les villes, même à une époque plus récente, sont vulnérables à ces phénomènes météorologiques extrêmes. Pour faire face aux inondations qui deviendront de plus en plus fréquentes, les gouvernements doivent agir simultanément dans trois directions : la première est de lutter contre le changement climatique mondial ; le second est de préparer les villes à faire face à des événements météorologiques extrêmes et le troisième est de mettre en œuvre une société durable aux niveaux national et mondial.
This article has three objectives: 1) to demonstrate that there is a drastic change in the Earth's climate thanks to global warming, which is contributing to the occurrence of floods in cities that are increasingly catastrophic in their effects; 2) propose measures to combat global climate change; and 3) propose measures to prepare cities to face extreme weather events. Recently, floods have occurred that expose the vulnerability of cities in Europe and China to the most extreme weather. After the floods that killed people in Germany, Belgium and China, the message was reinforced that significant changes are needed to prepare cities to face similar events in the future. Governments need to admit that the infrastructure they built in the past for cities, even in more recent times, is vulnerable to these extreme weather events. To deal with the floods that will become more and more frequent, governments need to act simultaneously in three directions: the first is to combat global climate change; the second is to prepare cities to face extreme weather events and the third is to implement a sustainable society at the national and global levels.
Este artigo tem três objetivos: 1) demonstrar que está havendo uma mudança drástica no clima da Terra graças ao aquecimento global que está contribuindo para a ocorrência de inundações nas cidades que se repetem de forma cada vez mais catastrófica em seus efeitos; 2) propor medidas para combater a mudança climática global; e, 3) propor medidas visando preparar as cidades para enfrentar eventos climáticos extremos. Recentemente, ocorreram enchentes que expõem a vulnerabilidade das cidades da Europa e da China ao clima mais extremo. Depois das enchentes que mataram pessoas na Alemanha, Bélgica e China foi reforçada a mensagem de que são necessárias mudanças significativas para preparar as cidades para enfrentar eventos similares no futuro. Os governos precisam admitir que a infraestrutura que construíram no passado para as cidades, mesmo em tempos mais recentes, é vulnerável a esses eventos de clima extremo. Para lidar com as inundações que serão cada vez mais frequentes, os governos precisam agir simultaneamente em três direções: a primeira consiste em combater a mudança climática global; a segunda consiste em preparar as cidades para enfrentar eventos extremos no clima e a terceira consiste em implantar uma sociedade sustentável nas esferas nacional e global.
CIVILIZAÇÃO OU BARBÁRIE SÃO AS ESCOLHAS DO POVO BRASILEIRO NAS ELEIÇÕES DE 2022 Fernando Alcoforado
Este artigo tem por objetivo demonstrar que as eleições de 2022 são decisivas para o futuro do Brasil porque que o povo brasileiro terá que decidir entre os valores da civilização e da democracia ou os da barbárie e do fascismo defendidos pelos candidatos à Presidência da República. É preciso observar que a Civilização é considerada o estágio mais avançado que uma sociedade humana pode alcançar do ponto de vista político, econômico, social, cultural, científico e tecnológico. O contrário de civilização é a Barbárie que é a condição daquilo que é selvagem, cruel, desumano e grosseiro, ou seja, quem ou o que é tido como bárbaro que atenta contra o progresso político, econômico, social, cultural, científico e tecnológico. A barbárie sempre se caracterizou ao longo da história da humanidade por grupos que usam a força e a crueldade para alcançar seus objetivos.
CIVILISATION OU BARBARIE SONT LES CHOIX DU PEUPLE BRÉSILIEN AUX ÉLECTIONS DE ...Fernando Alcoforado
Cet article vise à démontrer que les élections de 2022 sont décisives pour l'avenir du Brésil car le peuple brésilien devra trancher entre les valeurs de civilisation et de démocratie ou celles de barbarie et de fascisme défendues par les candidats à la Présidence de la République. Il convient de noter que la civilisation est considérée comme le stade le plus avancé qu'une société humaine puisse atteindre d'un point de vue politique, économique, social, culturel, scientifique et technologique. Le contraire de la civilisation est la barbarie, qui est la condition de ce qui est sauvage, cruel, inhumain et grossier, c'est-à-dire qui ou ce qui est considéré comme barbare qui attaque le progrès politique, économique, social, culturel, scientifique et technologique. La barbarie a toujours été caractérisée tout au long de l'histoire de l'humanité par des groupes qui utilisent la force et la cruauté pour atteindre leurs objectifs.
CIVILIZATION OR BARBARISM ARE THE CHOICES OF THE BRAZILIAN PEOPLE IN THE 2022...Fernando Alcoforado
This article aims to demonstrate that the 2022 elections are decisive for the future of Brazil because the Brazilian people will have to decide between the values of civilization and democracy or those of barbarism and fascism defended by candidates for the Presidency of the Republic. It should be noted that Civilization is considered the most advanced stage that a human society can reach from a political, economic, social, cultural, scientific and technological point of view. The opposite of civilization is Barbarism, which is the condition of what is savage, cruel, inhuman and coarse, that is, who or what is considered barbaric that attacks political, economic, social, cultural, scientific and technological progress. Barbarism has always been characterized throughout human history by groups that use force and cruelty to achieve their goals.
COMO EVITAR A PREVISÃO DE STEPHEN HAWKING DE QUE A HUMANIDADE SÓ TEM MAIS 100...Fernando Alcoforado
Este artigo tem por objetivo apresentar o que foi dito pelo falecido cientista Stephen Hawking que afirmou em 2018 que a espécie humana poderia ser levada à extinção em 100 anos e que, devido a isto, forçaria os seres humanos a saírem da Terra, bem como demonstrar que as ameaças de extinção da espécie humana citadas por Hawking podem ser enfrentadas sem que haja a necessidade de fuga de seres humanos da Terra.
COMMENT ÉVITER LA PRÉVISION DE STEPHEN HAWKING QUE L'HUMANITÉ N'A QUE 100 ANS...Fernando Alcoforado
Cet article vise à présenter ce qu'a dit le regretté scientifique Stephen Hawking qui a déclaré en 2018 que l'espèce humaine pourrait être amenée à l'extinction dans 100 ans et que, de ce fait, il forcerait les êtres humains à quitter la Terre, ainsi que démontrer que les menaces d'extinction de l'espèce humaine citées par Hawking peuvent être affrontées sans que les êtres humains aient besoin de s'échapper de la Terre.
Today the French Revolution is commemorated, which was a dividing mark in the history of humanity, starting the contemporary age. It was such an important event that its ideals influenced many movements around the world.
On commémore aujourd'hui la Révolution française, qui a marqué l'histoire de l'humanité en commençant l'ère contemporaine. C'était un événement si important que ses idéaux ont influencé de nombreux mouvements à travers le monde.
Hoje é comemorada a Revolução Francesa que foi um marco divisório da história da humanidade dando início à idade contemporânea. Foi um acontecimento tão importante que seus ideais influenciaram vários movimentos ao redor do mundo.
O TARIFAÇO DE ENERGIA É SINAL DE INCOMPETÊNCIA DO GOVERNO FEDERAL NO PLANEJAM...Fernando Alcoforado
O documento discute a incompetência do governo federal brasileiro no planejamento do setor elétrico nacional que levou à crise energética atual. A estiagem histórica reduziu a produção de hidrelétricas, forçando o uso de termelétricas mais caras e aumentos nas tarifas de energia. O governo sabia dos riscos da estiagem mas não tomou medidas preventivas, ameaçando racionamentos.
LES RÉVOLUTIONS SOCIALES, LEURS FACTEURS DÉCLENCHEURS ET LE BRÉSIL ACTUELFernando Alcoforado
Cet article vise à analyser les facteurs déclencheurs des révolutions sociales qui se sont produites tout au long de l'histoire de l'humanité et à évaluer la possibilité de leur occurrence dans le Brésil contemporain.
AS REVOLUÇÕES SOCIAIS, SEUS FATORES DESENCADEADORES E O BRASIL ATUAL Fernando Alcoforado
Este artigo tem por objetivo analisar os fatores desencadeadores das revoluções sociais que ocorreram ao longo da história da humanidade e avaliar a possibilidade de sua ocorrência no Brasil contemporâneo.
[4:55 p.m.] Bryan Oates
OJPs are becoming a critical resource for policy-makers and researchers who study the labour market. LMIC continues to work with Vicinity Jobs’ data on OJPs, which can be explored in our Canadian Job Trends Dashboard. Valuable insights have been gained through our analysis of OJP data, including LMIC research lead
Suzanne Spiteri’s recent report on improving the quality and accessibility of job postings to reduce employment barriers for neurodivergent people.
Decoding job postings: Improving accessibility for neurodivergent job seekers
Improving the quality and accessibility of job postings is one way to reduce employment barriers for neurodivergent people.
"Does Foreign Direct Investment Negatively Affect Preservation of Culture in the Global South? Case Studies in Thailand and Cambodia."
Do elements of globalization, such as Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), negatively affect the ability of countries in the Global South to preserve their culture? This research aims to answer this question by employing a cross-sectional comparative case study analysis utilizing methods of difference. Thailand and Cambodia are compared as they are in the same region and have a similar culture. The metric of difference between Thailand and Cambodia is their ability to preserve their culture. This ability is operationalized by their respective attitudes towards FDI; Thailand imposes stringent regulations and limitations on FDI while Cambodia does not hesitate to accept most FDI and imposes fewer limitations. The evidence from this study suggests that FDI from globally influential countries with high gross domestic products (GDPs) (e.g. China, U.S.) challenges the ability of countries with lower GDPs (e.g. Cambodia) to protect their culture. Furthermore, the ability, or lack thereof, of the receiving countries to protect their culture is amplified by the existence and implementation of restrictive FDI policies imposed by their governments.
My study abroad in Bali, Indonesia, inspired this research topic as I noticed how globalization is changing the culture of its people. I learned their language and way of life which helped me understand the beauty and importance of cultural preservation. I believe we could all benefit from learning new perspectives as they could help us ideate solutions to contemporary issues and empathize with others.
Economic Risk Factor Update: June 2024 [SlideShare]Commonwealth
May’s reports showed signs of continued economic growth, said Sam Millette, director, fixed income, in his latest Economic Risk Factor Update.
For more market updates, subscribe to The Independent Market Observer at https://blog.commonwealth.com/independent-market-observer.
Abhay Bhutada, the Managing Director of Poonawalla Fincorp Limited, is an accomplished leader with over 15 years of experience in commercial and retail lending. A Qualified Chartered Accountant, he has been pivotal in leveraging technology to enhance financial services. Starting his career at Bank of India, he later founded TAB Capital Limited and co-founded Poonawalla Finance Private Limited, emphasizing digital lending. Under his leadership, Poonawalla Fincorp achieved a 'AAA' credit rating, integrating acquisitions and emphasizing corporate governance. Actively involved in industry forums and CSR initiatives, Abhay has been recognized with awards like "Young Entrepreneur of India 2017" and "40 under 40 Most Influential Leader for 2020-21." Personally, he values mindfulness, enjoys gardening, yoga, and sees every day as an opportunity for growth and improvement.
STREETONOMICS: Exploring the Uncharted Territories of Informal Markets throug...sameer shah
Delve into the world of STREETONOMICS, where a team of 7 enthusiasts embarks on a journey to understand unorganized markets. By engaging with a coffee street vendor and crafting questionnaires, this project uncovers valuable insights into consumer behavior and market dynamics in informal settings."
Independent Study - College of Wooster Research (2023-2024) FDI, Culture, Glo...AntoniaOwensDetwiler
"Does Foreign Direct Investment Negatively Affect Preservation of Culture in the Global South? Case Studies in Thailand and Cambodia."
Do elements of globalization, such as Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), negatively affect the ability of countries in the Global South to preserve their culture? This research aims to answer this question by employing a cross-sectional comparative case study analysis utilizing methods of difference. Thailand and Cambodia are compared as they are in the same region and have a similar culture. The metric of difference between Thailand and Cambodia is their ability to preserve their culture. This ability is operationalized by their respective attitudes towards FDI; Thailand imposes stringent regulations and limitations on FDI while Cambodia does not hesitate to accept most FDI and imposes fewer limitations. The evidence from this study suggests that FDI from globally influential countries with high gross domestic products (GDPs) (e.g. China, U.S.) challenges the ability of countries with lower GDPs (e.g. Cambodia) to protect their culture. Furthermore, the ability, or lack thereof, of the receiving countries to protect their culture is amplified by the existence and implementation of restrictive FDI policies imposed by their governments.
My study abroad in Bali, Indonesia, inspired this research topic as I noticed how globalization is changing the culture of its people. I learned their language and way of life which helped me understand the beauty and importance of cultural preservation. I believe we could all benefit from learning new perspectives as they could help us ideate solutions to contemporary issues and empathize with others.
OJP data from firms like Vicinity Jobs have emerged as a complement to traditional sources of labour demand data, such as the Job Vacancy and Wages Survey (JVWS). Ibrahim Abuallail, PhD Candidate, University of Ottawa, presented research relating to bias in OJPs and a proposed approach to effectively adjust OJP data to complement existing official data (such as from the JVWS) and improve the measurement of labour demand.
In a tight labour market, job-seekers gain bargaining power and leverage it into greater job quality—at least, that’s the conventional wisdom.
Michael, LMIC Economist, presented findings that reveal a weakened relationship between labour market tightness and job quality indicators following the pandemic. Labour market tightness coincided with growth in real wages for only a portion of workers: those in low-wage jobs requiring little education. Several factors—including labour market composition, worker and employer behaviour, and labour market practices—have contributed to the absence of worker benefits. These will be investigated further in future work.
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1. 1
THE OBSTACLES TO BRAZIL'S ECONOMIC PROGRESS
THROUGHOUT HISTORY
Fernando Alcoforado*
This paper aims to present the obstacles to Brazil's economic progress throughout
history and to demonstrate the need to replace the current neoliberal economic model by
national developmentalist model adjusted to the new times. This need arises because the
neoliberal economic model failed to bring Brazil into the current economic debacle,
promoted its deindustrialization and denationalization, increased its dependence on
foreign countries and aggravated its social and regional inequalities.
During its history, Brazil adopted the agrarian-export model for over 400 years, which
constituted a huge obstacle to the country's development. The agrarian-export model
was structured on the latifundium and slave labor until 1888 and on the latifundium
from 1888 to 1930. The agrarian-export model was replaced by the national-
developmentalist model from 1930, when Getúlio Vargas came to power and began the
period of industrialization in Brazil with a delay of 200 years compared to the 1st
Industrial Revolution in England. This economic model promoted the development of
Brazil with a policy of import substitution based mainly on government investments,
especially in infrastructure, investments by state-owned companies and investments by
national private capital.
Vargas based his administration on the precepts of populism, nationalism, and labor.
Economic policy began to value the internal market that favored industrial growth and,
consequently, the urbanization process. The Vargas Era, therefore, marks the change in
the direction of the Brazilian economy, transferring the core of the political power from
agriculture to industry. The Vargas administration's economic policy and public
investment made it possible to remove the main barriers to national market integration.
The centralism of the Vargas period paved the way for the complete unification of the
internal market, which was all the more important as the driving force of the economy
became industrial activity. Until 1930, the participation of industry in the Brazilian
economy was insignificant. The economic crisis of 1929 and the rise of Getúlio Vargas
to power in 1930 created the conditions for the beginning of Brazil's rupture process
with the past and the takeoff of the country's industrialization process
The political forces that took power in Brazil in 1930 supported and implemented an
industrialization project with the aim of removing it from economic backwardness and
propelling it towards progress with the establishment of its own industrial park, in the
mold of European and from United States. It was the first time in the history of Brazil
that a government made such a choice. In 1930, the ideology of nationalism with
autonomous development and strong industrial base becomes victorious.
Industrialization developed through the process of import substitution, that is, producing
in the country what was previously imported from abroad. In the first phase of
industrialization in the 1930s and 1940s, the emphasis was on the production of
immediate consumer goods (non-durable goods). On October 29, 1945, under pressure
from the United States government, military personnel invaded the Catete Palace in Rio
de Janeiro and forced President Vargas to resign.
After the deposition of Getúlio Vargas, General Eurico Dutra was the first president
2. 2
elected by direct vote whose government did not continue the Vargas administration's
economic policy. During the Dutra administration, the country's foreign exchange
reserves declined, domestic industry slowed and foreign debt grew again making the
country increasingly economically vulnerable. Brazil was ruled again in the first half of
the 1950s by President Getúlio Vargas, who rose to power by the electoral route and, by
implementing to his government the same populist and nationalist policy adopted from
1930 to 1945, became target the US government and its internal allies, who wanted it
out of power. The deposition of Getúlio Vargas in 1945 and his suicide in 1954 were
consequences of this process. At that historic moment in the midst of the Cold War, it
was of fundamental importance for the United States, in its confrontation with the
former Soviet Union, to keep under its control its areas of influence in Latin America,
including Brazil, and in other parts of the world.
In the period 1951/1953, during the Vargas administration, a much more ambitious and
complete planning effort was made than in the previous period (1930/1945). On this
occasion, there was one of the most complete study of the Brazilian economy, besides
proposing a series of infrastructure projects with their execution programs, including
projects for the modernization of railways, ports, cabotage navigation, electricity
generation, etc. Measures were taken to overcome regional income disparities, that is, to
better integrate the Northeast with the rest of the national economy and to achieve
monetary stability. BNDES and Petrobras were also created. By not accepting his
deposition by the military in 1954, President Vargas committed suicide, and his attitude
also represented the final act of the first ruler of Brazil who guided his action in defense
of national sovereignty.
Vargas's national developmentalist model was replaced by the dependent capitalist
development model from the Juscelino Kubitschek government in 1955 and maintained
until 1985 by the military rulers who took power with the 1964 coup d'état. This
economic model promoted the development of Brazil with the policy of replacing
imports supported by government investments, especially in infrastructure, domestic
private capital investments and also foreign investment and technology, as well as
financing from international banks. During the rule of President Juscelino Kubitschek
(JK), elected in 1955, the broad program of public and private investments made
between 1956 and 1961, when heavy industry and durable consumer goods industry
were introduced, changed the pattern of market domination. national. On the one hand,
it reinforced the industrial concentration that occurred in São Paulo and in neighboring
regions and, on the other, demanded greater agricultural and industrial complementarity
between São Paulo and the rest of the country.
In the JK government, it was believed that it would be possible to realize the
development of the country from a single dynamic center (in this case, São Paulo). The
policy of centralizing development in São Paulo has decisively contributed to widening
the existing regional inequalities in Brazil. The expansion of the Brazilian economy was
made with increasing participation of the oligopolized foreign capital that made its
investments aiming at the complete conquest of the national market during the Juscelino
Kubitschek government. Since the administration of Kubitschek, the denationalization
of the national economy has deepened with foreign capital assuming control of the
process of industrialization in Brazil and the national industry has been relegated to its
own destiny because of competition external groups attracted by official incentives and
benefits. In the mid-1950s, Brazilian industrialization took a new turn. Until then,
3. 3
during the Vargas administration, the industrialization process had advanced under the
leadership of the Brazilian company. From the Juscelino Kubitscheck government,
foreign capital will progressively take control of the most dynamic branches of the
Brazilian economy.
Janio Quadros, who was elected to replace Juscelino Kubitschek, resigned after 7
months in office. Vice President João Goulart assumed the Presidency of the Republic
in 1961 succeeding Jânio Quadros. Faced with the major structural problems
experienced by Brazil and to face the economic, political and social crisis that existed in
the early 1960s, the João Goulart government sought to implement the so-called Base
Reforms. Under the heading of “grassroots reforms” were initiatives aimed at banking,
fiscal, urban, administrative, agrarian and university reforms. It also included offering
the right to vote for illiterate and subordinate ranks of the Armed Forces. The measures
also sought greater state participation in economic affairs by regulating foreign
investment in Brazil. Among the changes intended by the basic reforms was, first, land
reform. The aim was to enable thousands of rural workers to access land in the hands of
the landlord. The profit remittance law sought to reduce the very high profit rate that
large foreign companies sent from Brazil to their headquarters.
The João Goulart administration's push for the implementation of the basic reforms
began on March 13, 1964 through a large rally at Brazil Central Station in Rio de
Janeiro. At this rally, President Joao Goulart announced the signing of the decree
nationalizing private oil refineries and the decree expropriating unproductive lands
located near the roads and railways. As the proposals were influenced by leftist
thinking, the defenders of capitalism, the landlord, and members of the Brazilian right
were afraid of the growth of a possible communist government in the country. The rally
in Brazil Central Station was the decisive moment to determine the organization of the
military to initiate the coup d'état that erupted on March 31, 1964 establishing a military
dictatorship in the country.
From 1968 to 1973, Brazil experienced high rates of economic growth, generating a
climate of general optimism, soon dubbed “the economic miracle,” and industry
constituted the main sector in the 1968 development boom. From 1968 to 1985, 3
National Development Plan (PNDs) were implemented by Garrastazu Médici, Ernesto
Geisel and João Figueiredo. It was mainly in the Ernesto Geisel administration, with the
II PND, that the objectives were defined as completing the Brazilian industrial structure,
replacing imports of basic inputs and capital goods, overcoming the exchange rate
problems resulting from the oil crisis, developing coal projects, non-ferrous products,
sugarcane alcohol, electricity and oil implemented in the 1970s in various parts of the
country and contribute to the deconcentration of productive activity in Brazil.
The struggle to end the presence of the military in central power was multiplying. In the
last months of 1983, a campaign for direct elections for president, the "Direct Now",
began, which united several political leaders. The movement peaked in 1984, when the
Dante de Oliveira Amendment was voted to reestablish direct elections for president.
On April 25, the amendment, despite winning the majority of votes, failed to get the 2/3
required for its approval by the National Congress. Shortly after the April 25 defeat,
most opposition forces decided to participate in the indirect presidential elections. The
PMDB has launched Tancredo Neves for president and José Sarney for vice president.
Once the Electoral College was assembled, the majority of votes went to Tancredo
4. 4
Neves, who defeated Paulo Maluf of the PDS, candidate of the military dictatorship.
This ended the military dictatorship. Tancredo Neves passed away before taking office,
a fact that made Vice-President José Sarney occupy the Presidency of the Republic.
From 1980 to 1989, under the João Figueiredo and José Sarney governments, there was
a profound deterioration of Brazil's economic and social situation. In the 1980s, Brazil
had a balance of payments deficit that was aggravated by the second “oil shock” and the
sharp rise in interest rates in the international market that aggravated the balance of
payments and significantly increased the country's external debt, a fact that made the
government had to raise funds from the IMF. The development model based on the
process of import substitution and dependent on technology and foreign capital, which
peaked in the 1970s, was exhausted in the early 1980s and nothing has been done in this
decade to restructure the Brazilian economy on new foundations. The 1980s mark the
longest and most serious crisis in Brazil in its history only surpassed by the current
crisis that erupted in 2014. The recession and rising unemployment of the early and late
1980s took on a hitherto unknown dimension. The most striking feature of the Brazilian
economy is that the sharp drop in the pace of growth indicated the exhaustion of a
pattern that gave it impressive dynamism throughout the period of modern
industrialization, particularly after the mid-1950s.
It can be said that the developmental experience in Brazil from 1930 to 1985 had as its
main agent the federal government and as its main support the industrialization process.
Inspired by the ECLAC-Economic Commission for Latin America theses, the Brazilian
rulers of the 1950s believed that import-substituting industrialization would make the
economy less dependent of the central capitalist countries. The hope of achieving a
greater degree of economic independence through industrialization faded because it
came to the awareness that it brought a new and more complex type of dependence
upon the penetration of multinational companies in the Brazilian domestic market. In
addition, the coup d'état that deposed João Goulart aborted the attempt to retake the
national developmentalism model initiated by Getúlio Vargas.
The main deplorable fact of this period in the history of Brazil was undoubtedly the
abandonment during the Juscelino Kubitscheck administration of the national
developmentalist model adopted by the Getúlio Vargas government that aimed to
promote autonomous development and combat the country's economic and
technological dependence on foreign countries. Another deplorable event, too, was the
replacement of the dependent capitalist development model adopted by the Juscelino
Kubitschek government and the post-1964 military governments by the neoliberal
economic model that led Brazil to the current economic debacle, promoted its
deindustrialization and denationalization, expanded its dependence on abroad and
aggravated their social and regional inequalities. The neoliberal economic model was
first implemented in Brazil under the Fernando Collor government in 1990, when began
the process of dismantling the existing institutional apparatus resulting from the national
developmentalist model of the Vargas Era and the capitalist development model
dependent on the Kubitschek government and and of the rulers of the military regime
in Brazil that were characterized by the active participation of the government in
conducting the development process. With the neoliberal model, the government
abdicated this role by transferring it to the market.
Internal and external factors contributed to changes in this existing institutional
5. 5
apparatus in Brazil. Internally, the financial crisis of the Brazilian state, which made it
unable to act as an investor and the insufficiency of internal private savings for
investments and, externally, the cessation of financing from international banks and the
reduction of foreign direct investments in Brazil from the external debt crisis of the
1980s, they put in check the financially and technologically dependent model of
capitalist development from abroad hitherto in force.
Adopting the neoliberal adjustment strategy formulated by the Washington Consensus,
the Itamar Franco government, which replaced Fernando Collor, and the Fernando
Henrique Cardoso (FHC) government, which replaced the Itamar Franco government,
began to fulfill its three steps described below: 1 ) stabilization of the economy
(combating inflation); 2) structural reforms (privatization, market deregulation, financial
and trade liberalization), and 3) resumption of foreign investment to leverage
development. The Itamar Franco and FHC governments sued the fight against inflation
with the Real Plan, privatized state-owned companies and further opened the national
economy to international capital. The Lula administration maintained the same policy of
its predecessor FHC, except for the privatization policy. The Dilma Rousseff
administration continued the FHC and Lula governments that preceded it by resuming
the privatization policy that was called the public-private partnership.
The neoliberal economic model in Brazil has brought low economic growth and also the
largest economic recession in the country's history that began in 2014, resulting in
widespread business failure, mass unemployment reaching 13 million workers,
underutilization of 27 million workers, the deindustrialization of the country and the
increase in the denationalization of what is still left of the public patrimony in Brazil
and, consequently, in greater subordination of the country in relation to the exterior. The
Michel Temer government, which replaced Dilma Rousseff's after impeachment, further
aggravated Brazil's economic and social situation by adopting measures that deepened
the recession and made it impossible for Brazil to resume its development. The results
are: negative economic growth, external imbalances, deindustrialization of the country,
denationalization of state-owned enterprises, stagnation of productivity, widespread
corporate failure, mass unemployment, high domestic debt, fiscal crisis of federal, state
and municipal governments, and now also setback in the field of social achievements
with the adoption of labor reform.
Prospects for Brazil's future are extremely negative with the Jair Bolsonaro government
elected in 2018 whose actions will be disastrous for Brazil in the face of the threat it
poses to Brazil's democracy, social rights and independence from the major powers,
especially the United States, and international capital, and further radicalize the
adoption of the neoliberal model. In the neoliberal era in which we live with the
Bolsonaro government, there is no space for the advancement of democracy, social
rights and national independence. On the contrary, there is the elimination of democracy
and social rights and the deconstruction and denial of the achievements already made by
Brazil and the subordinate classes. The so-called "reforms" of social security, labor
laws, the privatization of public enterprises, etc. - “reforms” that are on the Bolsonaro
government's agenda aim at the pure and simple restoration of the conditions proper to a
“savage” capitalism, in which the laws of the market must be without restrictions.
Faced with the disaster that the fascist Bolsonaro government represents for Brazil, the
Brazilian people must mobilize in the struggle for democracy and for the immediate
6. 6
replacement of the neoliberal model with the national developmentalist model adjusted
to the new times so that Brazil can achieve greater economic and social development
with GDP growth rates of over 7% per year, such as those obtained in the 1930-1980
period thanks to the active participation of the Brazilian State in promoting its
development.
* Fernando Alcoforado, 79, condecorado com a Medalha do Mérito da Engenharia do Sistema
CONFEA/CREA, membro da Academia Baiana de Educação, engenheiro e doutor em Planejamento
Territorial e Desenvolvimento Regional pela Universidade de Barcelona, professor universitário e
consultor nas áreas de planejamento estratégico, planejamento empresarial, planejamento regional e
planejamento de sistemas energéticos, é autor dos livros Globalização (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1997),
De Collor a FHC- O Brasil e a Nova (Des)ordem Mundial (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1998), Um Projeto
para o Brasil (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2000), Os condicionantes do desenvolvimento do Estado da
Bahia (Tese de doutorado. Universidade de Barcelona,http://www.tesisenred.net/handle/10803/1944,
2003), Globalização e Desenvolvimento (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2006), Bahia- Desenvolvimento do
Século XVI ao Século XX e Objetivos Estratégicos na Era Contemporânea (EGBA, Salvador, 2008), The
Necessary Conditions of the Economic and Social Development- The Case of the State of Bahia (VDM
Verlag Dr. Müller Aktiengesellschaft & Co. KG, Saarbrücken, Germany, 2010), Aquecimento Global e
Catástrofe Planetária (Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2010), Amazônia
Sustentável- Para o progresso do Brasil e combate ao aquecimento global (Viena- Editora e Gráfica,
Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2011), Os Fatores Condicionantes do Desenvolvimento Econômico
e Social (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2012), Energia no Mundo e no Brasil- Energia e Mudança Climática
Catastrófica no Século XXI (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2015), As Grandes Revoluções Científicas,
Econômicas e Sociais que Mudaram o Mundo (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2016), A Invenção de um novo
Brasil (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2017), Esquerda x Direita e a sua convergência (Associação Baiana de
Imprensa, Salvador, 2018, em co-autoria) e Como inventar o futuro para mudar o mundo (Editora CRV,
Curitiba, 2019).