This document discusses recommendations for strengthening US engagement with the UN in response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine. It recommends that the US (1) rebuild the case for US leadership in the UN system by emphasizing the threats to the international order from authoritarian powers and the benefits of UN conflict management and burden sharing; (2) pursue UN Security Council reform including adding permanent members from other regions and limiting veto powers; and (3) strengthen other UN mechanisms for peace and security and build a stronger system of international accountability.
Dynamic Stability: US Strategy for a World in Transitionatlanticcouncil
We have entered a new era in world history, a post-post-Cold War era that holds both great promise and great peril for the United States, its allies, and everyone else. We now can call this a "Westphalian-Plus" world, in which nation-states will have to engage on two distinct levels: dealing with other nation-states as before, and dealing with a vast array of important nonstate actors. This era calls for a new approach to national strategy called "dynamic stability."
The authors of this paper—Atlantic Council Vice President and Scowcroft Center Director Barry Pavel and Senior Fellow Peter Engelke, with the help of Assistant Director Alex Ward—kick off the Atlantic Council Strategy Paper series by telling the United States to seek stability while leveraging dynamic trends at the same time. The central task facing America is "to harness change in order to save the system," meaning the preservation of the rules-based international order that has benefited billions around the world, including Americans themselves, since 1945. Within its pages, the paper outlines the components of strategy in a swiftly-changing world.
Dynamic Stability: US Strategy for a World in Transitionatlanticcouncil
We have entered a new era in world history, a post-post-Cold War era that holds both great promise and great peril for the United States, its allies, and everyone else. We now can call this a "Westphalian-Plus" world, in which nation-states will have to engage on two distinct levels: dealing with other nation-states as before, and dealing with a vast array of important nonstate actors. This era calls for a new approach to national strategy called "dynamic stability."
The authors of this paper—Atlantic Council Vice President and Scowcroft Center Director Barry Pavel and Senior Fellow Peter Engelke, with the help of Assistant Director Alex Ward—kick off the Atlantic Council Strategy Paper series by telling the United States to seek stability while leveraging dynamic trends at the same time. The central task facing America is "to harness change in order to save the system," meaning the preservation of the rules-based international order that has benefited billions around the world, including Americans themselves, since 1945. Within its pages, the paper outlines the components of strategy in a swiftly-changing world.
The Exercise of National Sovereignty by Jofi JosephJofi Joseph
Jofi Joseph assesses the nonproliferation approach of the Bush Administration through the prism of a national sovereignty-focused approach. Jofi published this piece for the Nonproliferation Review in their Winter 2004 issue.
This working paper unites the articles prepared within the framework of Russian International Affairs Council and «Valdai» discussion forum. The author shares his view on key trends in Russia-NATO and Russia-EU relations after the NATO Summit in Warsaw and new EU Global Strategy being announced. The paper evaluates the causes of crisis in the relations as well as suggests possible measures to solve the issues in the sphere of security.
#38 who is the true threat to the west-5pgDaniel Wambua
Very good essay about threats to the west. America and other western have had threats coming from the middle west and economic threats from Asia particularly China.
Crisis and Opportunity
Maintaining international security and pursuing American interests is more difficult now than perhaps at any time in history. The security environment that the United States faces is more complex, dynamic, and difficult to predict. At the same time, no domestic consensus exists on the purposes of American power and how best to pursue them.
Write two reflection response in Political science at least 20.docxambersalomon88660
Write two reflection response in Political science at least 200 words.
Respond to the postings of a least two other students, no later than midnight on Sunday, April 30. What are the strengths and shortcomings of the other students' arguments? How?
Q : Which system is better for managing global affairs, collective security or the balance of power?
Classmate's answer A : balance of power.
I believe it. A global affair is an event or a sequence of events that show the relationship between states, their economies, and societies. It is a sensitive topic that needs to be tackled and analyzed by professionals. The aim of studying global affairs is to prepare interdisciplinary critical thinkers on the process of globalization and international connectedness. Collective security is acceptance of the fact that security for one, is for all and therefore committing to a collective responsibility to any threats and breaches of the peace. It covers an entire region, even to the global extent (Orakhelashvili, 2011). The balance of power is the stability between competing forces. In this case, security is attained by distributing military, so that a state or region, is not strong enough to dominate others. Therefore, both systems keep the relationship between states, economies, and societies in check and are effective. However, in managing the global affairs, a balance of power is the ultimate and very effective and efficient system.
As stated earlier, a balance of power ensures that a country does not feel all powerful over a state it interacts with, for instance through trade. This is because it can result to overtaking of boundaries of other states because they believe they have the power to do so. For instance, Russia wanted to reclaim the Ukraine, to become a region within its borders. The world has become interconnected due to the current technology, that it is even termed as a global village. A balance of power ensures that each and every of the states on the surface of the earth has a “voice.” This is mainly to safeguard the underdeveloped countries in trade deals and international conferences, protecting them from unfair treatment because of their weak economies. In a nut shell, it is that it hinders one sided decision making concerning issues such as military incursions, anti-dumping duties, and business practices. For instance, in the Kyoto protocol that checked on the carbon dioxide emissions that was approved in the United States of America.
A balance of power is also dynamic in nature, rather, it is flexible (Paul, Wirtz, & Fortmann, 2004). In that, it can accommodate the continuous adjustments and readjustments to international relations, without any risk of war. Also, it ensures the preservation of weak states since it favors the continued existence of all states. Hence, all states feel secure about its security. This system also discourages war. Any nation knows that an attempt to become unduly powerful will invoke a war from the other.
When are international organisations effective in international politicsAmougou Aristide Agbor
For international organisations to be effective, their leadership must be able to consolidate the trust of member states and secure sufficient resources from them to fulfil assigned mandates and objectives. As entities devoid of autonomous enforcement capabilities, international institutions are effective when they build credibility, strengthen appropriate agency relationships and avoid mission creep.
Topic The US Foreign Policy in the Middle EastIntroductionThe.docxedwardmarivel
Topic: The US Foreign Policy in the Middle East
Introduction
The US foreign policy is characterised by its persistence to prevent any nation or group of nations from challenging American primacy. The US as a superpower wants to make sure that no other players would be able to compete with its economic, political and military dominance. One part of the world that is affected by this foreign policy is the Middle East region, which has witnessed many critical changes, especially after the Post-Cold War. Since this region is rich of natural resources, it has grasped the attention of many players and become one of the most dangerous conflict zones in the world. However, the US foreign policy in that region is still playing a major role trying to preserve unipolar character of the international system, hegemonic position of the USA and its dominance in this region. According to a Pentagon’s document that was published in the New York Times, “In the Middle East and Southwest Asia, our overall objective is to remain the predominant outside power in the region and preserve U.S. and Western access to the region’s oil. We also seek to deter further aggression in the region, foster regional stability, protect U.S. nationals and property, and safeguard our access to international air and seaways. As demonstrated by Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, it remains fundamentally important to prevent a hegemon or alignment of powers from dominating the region. This pertains especially to the Arabian Peninsula. Therefore, we must continue to play a role through enhanced deterrence and improved cooperative security.” (Tyler, 1992) Therefore, the main question that the essay will try to answer is that: Does the US through its foreign policy in the Middle East seek to ensure economic, military and political control over the region? In answering that question, this essay will use three major events happened in the Middle East after the era of Cold War. Those events include the war in Iraq, the Iranian nuclear weapons, and the Egyptian revolution all demonstrate US intention to dominate that region militarily, economically, and politically.
The US Policy Towards the Nuclear Program of Iran
During the last few decades, Iran has been striving to develop its nuclear weapons and that was a source of concern to the US. The two countries went through many negotiations in order to make sure that the deal will cut off all of Iran’s potential pathways to a bomb. Finally, Iran agreed upon a short-term freeze of portions of its nuclear weapons. According to the White House website, “This deal removes the key elements needed to create a bomb and prolongs Iran’s breakout time from 2-3 months to 1 year or more if Iran broke its commitments”. (The White House, The Iran Deal, 2105)
So, when taking into account the case of Iran and its plan of having nuclear weapons, it becomes clear within the negotiations between Washington and Tehran that the US tried its best to prevent the prolifera ...
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The Exercise of National Sovereignty by Jofi JosephJofi Joseph
Jofi Joseph assesses the nonproliferation approach of the Bush Administration through the prism of a national sovereignty-focused approach. Jofi published this piece for the Nonproliferation Review in their Winter 2004 issue.
This working paper unites the articles prepared within the framework of Russian International Affairs Council and «Valdai» discussion forum. The author shares his view on key trends in Russia-NATO and Russia-EU relations after the NATO Summit in Warsaw and new EU Global Strategy being announced. The paper evaluates the causes of crisis in the relations as well as suggests possible measures to solve the issues in the sphere of security.
#38 who is the true threat to the west-5pgDaniel Wambua
Very good essay about threats to the west. America and other western have had threats coming from the middle west and economic threats from Asia particularly China.
Crisis and Opportunity
Maintaining international security and pursuing American interests is more difficult now than perhaps at any time in history. The security environment that the United States faces is more complex, dynamic, and difficult to predict. At the same time, no domestic consensus exists on the purposes of American power and how best to pursue them.
Write two reflection response in Political science at least 20.docxambersalomon88660
Write two reflection response in Political science at least 200 words.
Respond to the postings of a least two other students, no later than midnight on Sunday, April 30. What are the strengths and shortcomings of the other students' arguments? How?
Q : Which system is better for managing global affairs, collective security or the balance of power?
Classmate's answer A : balance of power.
I believe it. A global affair is an event or a sequence of events that show the relationship between states, their economies, and societies. It is a sensitive topic that needs to be tackled and analyzed by professionals. The aim of studying global affairs is to prepare interdisciplinary critical thinkers on the process of globalization and international connectedness. Collective security is acceptance of the fact that security for one, is for all and therefore committing to a collective responsibility to any threats and breaches of the peace. It covers an entire region, even to the global extent (Orakhelashvili, 2011). The balance of power is the stability between competing forces. In this case, security is attained by distributing military, so that a state or region, is not strong enough to dominate others. Therefore, both systems keep the relationship between states, economies, and societies in check and are effective. However, in managing the global affairs, a balance of power is the ultimate and very effective and efficient system.
As stated earlier, a balance of power ensures that a country does not feel all powerful over a state it interacts with, for instance through trade. This is because it can result to overtaking of boundaries of other states because they believe they have the power to do so. For instance, Russia wanted to reclaim the Ukraine, to become a region within its borders. The world has become interconnected due to the current technology, that it is even termed as a global village. A balance of power ensures that each and every of the states on the surface of the earth has a “voice.” This is mainly to safeguard the underdeveloped countries in trade deals and international conferences, protecting them from unfair treatment because of their weak economies. In a nut shell, it is that it hinders one sided decision making concerning issues such as military incursions, anti-dumping duties, and business practices. For instance, in the Kyoto protocol that checked on the carbon dioxide emissions that was approved in the United States of America.
A balance of power is also dynamic in nature, rather, it is flexible (Paul, Wirtz, & Fortmann, 2004). In that, it can accommodate the continuous adjustments and readjustments to international relations, without any risk of war. Also, it ensures the preservation of weak states since it favors the continued existence of all states. Hence, all states feel secure about its security. This system also discourages war. Any nation knows that an attempt to become unduly powerful will invoke a war from the other.
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The US foreign policy is characterised by its persistence to prevent any nation or group of nations from challenging American primacy. The US as a superpower wants to make sure that no other players would be able to compete with its economic, political and military dominance. One part of the world that is affected by this foreign policy is the Middle East region, which has witnessed many critical changes, especially after the Post-Cold War. Since this region is rich of natural resources, it has grasped the attention of many players and become one of the most dangerous conflict zones in the world. However, the US foreign policy in that region is still playing a major role trying to preserve unipolar character of the international system, hegemonic position of the USA and its dominance in this region. According to a Pentagon’s document that was published in the New York Times, “In the Middle East and Southwest Asia, our overall objective is to remain the predominant outside power in the region and preserve U.S. and Western access to the region’s oil. We also seek to deter further aggression in the region, foster regional stability, protect U.S. nationals and property, and safeguard our access to international air and seaways. As demonstrated by Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, it remains fundamentally important to prevent a hegemon or alignment of powers from dominating the region. This pertains especially to the Arabian Peninsula. Therefore, we must continue to play a role through enhanced deterrence and improved cooperative security.” (Tyler, 1992) Therefore, the main question that the essay will try to answer is that: Does the US through its foreign policy in the Middle East seek to ensure economic, military and political control over the region? In answering that question, this essay will use three major events happened in the Middle East after the era of Cold War. Those events include the war in Iraq, the Iranian nuclear weapons, and the Egyptian revolution all demonstrate US intention to dominate that region militarily, economically, and politically.
The US Policy Towards the Nuclear Program of Iran
During the last few decades, Iran has been striving to develop its nuclear weapons and that was a source of concern to the US. The two countries went through many negotiations in order to make sure that the deal will cut off all of Iran’s potential pathways to a bomb. Finally, Iran agreed upon a short-term freeze of portions of its nuclear weapons. According to the White House website, “This deal removes the key elements needed to create a bomb and prolongs Iran’s breakout time from 2-3 months to 1 year or more if Iran broke its commitments”. (The White House, The Iran Deal, 2105)
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Rethinking U.S. Engagement with U.N. in the Context of Ukraine: Part Two.pdf
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https://www.usip.org /publications/2022/03/rethinking-us-engagement-un-context-ukraine-part-two
Rethinking U.S. Engagement with U.N. in the
Context of Ukraine: Part Two
Four recommendations for using U.S. leadership to reinvigorate multilateral
diplomacy.
Thursday, March 31, 2022 / By: Andrew Cheatham
Editor’s Note: Read part one of this series on renewing U.S. engagement in
multilateral institutions.
Russia’s war in Ukraine is a salient reminder of the world’s vulnerabilities to the
potential cataclysmic impact of modern warfare. Russia’s nuclear arsenal, the
world’s largest, is one of the underlying reasons why its actions in Ukraine
have gone unchecked directly by NATO forces. Amid these threats, rules-
based international institutions such as the United Nations have long been
crucial to peaceful conflict prevention and resolution — but their effectiveness
has been hampered in recent years by the United States’ withering
commitment to multilateralism.
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President Biden departs after addressing the 76th Session of the U.N. General Assembly
at the U.N. headquarters in New York. September 21, 2021. (Doug Mills/The New York
Times)
Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine Should Drive the U.S. to
Reinvest in U.N. System
In this context, the U.N.’s main organ of hard power, the Security Council, is left
powerless with Russia’s guaranteed veto as a permanent member. For cynics,
this adds to the argument that the U.N. is toothless and obsolete. But rather, it
should be a reason to deepen engagement and work to adapt the U.N. — the
best mechanism for global security that humankind has ever known — to
reflect the world as it is in 2022 rather than 1945.
As mentioned in part one, the Biden administration has been reengaging with
the U.N. system following several rapid withdrawals in recent years. Much of
the work of the Biden administration started straight away, including rejoining
the U.N. Human Rights Council and the Paris Climate Agreement, expanding
support for COVAX and rejoining the World Health Organization, as well as
committing to a national budget with fully assessed dues and the partial
repayment of U.N. peacekeeping arrears.
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Using the Russian invasion of Ukraine as a catalyst, there might now be an
opportunity to pivot from being “back at the table” to a more proactive strategy
of multilateral renewal and strengthening. Despite the prospect of continued
gridlock in the Security Council, renewed U.S. leadership now could
significantly increase the effectiveness of the U.N. system to meaningfully
address the world’s most pressing peace and security challenges. Below are
some recommendations that might support that approach:
Rebuild Case for U.S. Leadership in the U.N. System
Using America’s largely unified position on Ukraine, we should rebuild the case
for U.S. leadership in the U.N. system. American leadership in the international
system is considerably stronger when we stand united, and the Ukraine crisis
puts into stark focus the consequences of letting the international system
atrophy. Some of the pillars of the argument should include:
Great power competition: It is easily forgotten that the post-World War II
international order was modeled on U.S. values and rights, enshrined in
the U.N. Charter and brought about one of the most prosperous periods
of human history. Those values are now under threat by Russia, China
and other rising authoritarian powers who seek to reshape the
international system — including the U.N. — in their image. It is critical
that the United States holds the line within the U.N. system and continues
to build a broad coalition of states to defend and advance these values
against a growing authoritarian onslaught.
Conflict Management: While U.N. peacekeepers are often in the news for
their challenges, evidence of their effectiveness is clear and compelling:
Peacekeeping works and is a remarkably sound investment for U.S.
taxpayers relative to direct U.S. or allied military engagement in conflicts
around the globe. And peacekeeping is not the only mechanism at the
U.N.’s disposal to mitigate and contain a conflict. U.N. political and
specialized agencies are often on the front lines of responses to conflicts,
as they are in Ukraine.
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Global burden-sharing: Though imperfect, the U.N.’s system for
assessing dues helps spread the cost across all member states based on
their relative economic size. This global burden-sharing is unique in
history and underappreciated domestically. While the United States
continues to shoulder the burden of the largest percentage of U.N. dues,
it is a relatively low percentage (less than one-third) and is a mere
pittance in comparison to the cost of direct U.S. or allied military
engagement. The U.N. system remains the best, and indeed only,
mechanism to ensure that the international community — U.S. allies and
adversaries alike — share the burden of maintaining global peace and
security.
Pursue U.N. Security Council Reform
Next, the United States should lead an international coalition to consider
options for Security Council reform. Russia’s ability to veto any meaningful
Security Council action has renewed longstanding calls to reconsider the
conditions of the Security Council, including the body’s membership and under
what conditions permanent members can (or should) be able to use their veto
power.
Security Council reform has historically been the third rail of international
politics, with the status quo winning out. But Russia’s flagrant war of
aggression in Ukraine has laid bare just how starkly the current power
imbalances at the U.N. are at odds with 2022 geopolitical and normative
realities. And while those imbalances have long hampered the Security
Council’s effectiveness, the current situation may threaten to break it entirely.
That’s why we should put serious ideas for reform back on the table. The
issues plaguing the Security Council are not due to innate flaws, as some
critics might contend, but rather with a reticence to incorporate how
international power dynamics have shifted over the body’s lifespan.
The Ukraine crisis offers a chance for us to update the Security Council in a
way that rectifies these imbalances and generates collective goodwill among
member states. In particular, the United States could demonstrate its
commitment to multilateralism by considering options for substantive changes
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in membership, including by adding more permanent members from the
“Global South,” particularly leading states from Africa and Latin America, who
continue to demand a greater voice in international decision-making.
The United States could also seek to adjust the conditions under which
permanent members can exercise their veto, including by strengthening the
conditions when belligerent states must recuse themselves from Security
Council decisions and considering stronger measures to prevent the use of the
veto in situations credibly determined to involve mass atrocities or crimes
against humanity. While this would entail reforming the United States’ veto
power as well, such a concession could be used to signal the seriousness of
our efforts to reinvigorate the U.N. system.
Given the vagaries of the existing U.N. Charter, any reform effort is likely to
stall — amendments to the U.N. Charter require a two-thirds majority vote in
the General Assembly, and ratification by two-thirds of all member states,
including all permanent members of the Security Council. However, this
moment is an opportunity to show good faith and signal a shift in the exercise
of American power.
Strengthen Other U.N. Mechanisms for Peace and
Security
In the absence of substantive reform, stasis could be the norm in the Security
Council for the foreseeable future. In that case, it’s possible to work around the
Security Council to meaningfully address salient peace and security
challenges. While the United States should not stop making every effort to
influence Security Council deliberations on critical peace and security issues —
including Syria, Myanmar and Ethiopia — it should aim to strengthen
mechanisms of multilateral conflict prevention and resolution that don’t require
Security Council unanimity. The recent U.S.-U.N. Re-Engagement Roundtable
series offered some recommendations for accomplishing this, including
increasing funding for the U.N. Peacebuilding Fund, special political missions
and resident coordinator work in fragile states.
Build a Stronger System of International Accountability
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The United States should also strengthen the international legal architecture to
deter future crimes of aggression. With some calling for the need to prosecute
Putin as a war criminal, the International Criminal Court has rarely had a
moment of such strong support. To be sure, accountability for Russia’s war in
Ukraine will be critical not only to the terms of an eventual peace settlement
there, but also to deter future crimes of aggression. The United States has
always had a complicated relationship with the ICC, and while ratification of the
Rome Statute is likely a non-starter domestically, there are a number of steps
that the United States can take to strengthen the court and the growing
network of accountability mechanisms in Ukraine:
Take a forward-leaning approach to intelligence declassification and
sharing with international prosecutors and fact-finding commissions and
ask our “Five Eyes” partners to do the same.
Support grassroots efforts to collect open-source data as evidence of
international crimes.
Augment the capacity of international proceedings and investigations.
This would involve possibly seconding Department of Justice or other
Federal justice staff to various international criminal courts (not
necessarily the ICC) — similar to the Nuremburg and Tokyo trials after
WWII, where U.S. officials served as judges and defense council,
respectively.
Increase credibility through continuing sound congressional and military
investigations into alleged U.S. violations of international law (e.g., illegal
detention and torture), limiting any room for the International Criminal
Court’s complementarity jurisdiction.
Andrew Cheatham and a senior expert in the Executive Office where he
advises on issues programs, policies and field operations.
Type: Analysis and Commentary