The document summarizes the political situation in Ukraine as of February 6, 2014. It states that President Yanukovych is refusing to make real compromises with protesters, instead pursuing policies that increase the likelihood of military escalation. Specifically, the document notes that Yanukovych passed an amnesty law that critics say treats detained protesters as "state hostages" and pushed other laws through parliament unconstitutionally. It also argues Yanukovych's concessions are "traps" meant to mislead observers and that he maintains control over key government bodies. The document warns that Yanukovych's intransigence risks provoking further violence in Ukraine.
This document provides an overview of the mass anti-government protests in Ukraine (known as Euromaidan) that began in late 2013 in response to the Ukrainian government suspending plans to sign an association agreement with the European Union. It describes how peaceful protests emerged and grew in size in Kiev and other regions of Ukraine throughout November 2013. However, on November 30th security forces violently dispersed protesters in Kiev, beating dozens and leaving some missing. This crackdown transformed the protests into more openly anti-government demonstrations and led to further government oppression of activists and journalists.
Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 15 May 2014DonbassFullAccess
The present report is based on the findings of the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine (HRMMU)1 covering the period of 2 April - 6 May 2014. It follows the first report on the human rights situation in Ukraine released by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) on 15 April 2014.
Gender-based violense in the conflict zone of eastern UkraineDonbassFullAccess
The document summarizes the results of monitoring gender-based violence during the conflict in eastern Ukraine between 2014-2016. It finds that both women and men experienced violence, with over half of victims being women. Violence occurred in illegal detention facilities and included rape, sexual abuse, and torture targeting genitals. Women faced additional risks like sexual exploitation and loss of pregnancy due to harsh treatment. Overall, gender-based violence increased during the conflict and remains underreported due to social stigma and lack of legal protections or justice.
Current events in the «People’s Republics» of eastern UkraineDonbassFullAccess
This document provides a summary of political events in 2018 in the separatist-controlled regions of eastern Ukraine known as the "People's Republics" of Donetsk and Luhansk. It discusses the assassination of Alexander Zakharchenko, the leader of the Donetsk People's Republic, and the consolidation of power by Denis Pushilin. It also describes increased Russian political, military, and economic control over the regions, including the transfer of industrial assets to a secretive Russian holding company. The document raises questions about the internal stability of the separatist governments and their legitimacy under the Minsk peace agreement.
1. A Ukrainian soldier was killed and two others wounded during a storming of a Ukrainian military unit in Simferopol, Crimea. According to eyewitnesses, Russian special forces fired first at Ukrainian soldiers and Crimean self-defense forces, sparking return fire.
2. The incident has moved the conflict between Ukraine and Russia from political to military spheres. Ukraine's Prime Minister called for a commission to investigate at the defense ministry level, as outlined in the Budapest Memorandum.
3. Ukraine has permitted its military units in Crimea to use weapons in self-defense following the soldier's death. Attacks on Ukrainian military sites in Crimea by pro-Russian forces continued the next day.
Findings on Formerly State-Financed Institutions in the Donetsk and Luhansk R...DonbassFullAccess
As of February 2015, following nearly a year of conflict, the civilian population of Ukraine’s Donetsk and Luhansk regions (the “Donbas” region) faces a continuously challenging
humanitarian situation. In spring 2014 armed uprisings led to the loss of control by the Government of Ukraine over portions of the Donbas.
This document provides an overview of the mass anti-government protests in Ukraine (known as Euromaidan) that began in late 2013 in response to the Ukrainian government suspending plans to sign an association agreement with the European Union. It describes how peaceful protests emerged and grew in size in Kiev and other regions of Ukraine throughout November 2013. However, on November 30th security forces violently dispersed protesters in Kiev, beating dozens and leaving some missing. This crackdown transformed the protests into more openly anti-government demonstrations and led to further government oppression of activists and journalists.
Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 15 May 2014DonbassFullAccess
The present report is based on the findings of the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine (HRMMU)1 covering the period of 2 April - 6 May 2014. It follows the first report on the human rights situation in Ukraine released by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) on 15 April 2014.
Gender-based violense in the conflict zone of eastern UkraineDonbassFullAccess
The document summarizes the results of monitoring gender-based violence during the conflict in eastern Ukraine between 2014-2016. It finds that both women and men experienced violence, with over half of victims being women. Violence occurred in illegal detention facilities and included rape, sexual abuse, and torture targeting genitals. Women faced additional risks like sexual exploitation and loss of pregnancy due to harsh treatment. Overall, gender-based violence increased during the conflict and remains underreported due to social stigma and lack of legal protections or justice.
Current events in the «People’s Republics» of eastern UkraineDonbassFullAccess
This document provides a summary of political events in 2018 in the separatist-controlled regions of eastern Ukraine known as the "People's Republics" of Donetsk and Luhansk. It discusses the assassination of Alexander Zakharchenko, the leader of the Donetsk People's Republic, and the consolidation of power by Denis Pushilin. It also describes increased Russian political, military, and economic control over the regions, including the transfer of industrial assets to a secretive Russian holding company. The document raises questions about the internal stability of the separatist governments and their legitimacy under the Minsk peace agreement.
1. A Ukrainian soldier was killed and two others wounded during a storming of a Ukrainian military unit in Simferopol, Crimea. According to eyewitnesses, Russian special forces fired first at Ukrainian soldiers and Crimean self-defense forces, sparking return fire.
2. The incident has moved the conflict between Ukraine and Russia from political to military spheres. Ukraine's Prime Minister called for a commission to investigate at the defense ministry level, as outlined in the Budapest Memorandum.
3. Ukraine has permitted its military units in Crimea to use weapons in self-defense following the soldier's death. Attacks on Ukrainian military sites in Crimea by pro-Russian forces continued the next day.
Findings on Formerly State-Financed Institutions in the Donetsk and Luhansk R...DonbassFullAccess
As of February 2015, following nearly a year of conflict, the civilian population of Ukraine’s Donetsk and Luhansk regions (the “Donbas” region) faces a continuously challenging
humanitarian situation. In spring 2014 armed uprisings led to the loss of control by the Government of Ukraine over portions of the Donbas.
Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 16 August to 15 November 2018DonbassFullAccess
The UN report documents human rights issues in Ukraine from August to November 2018. Some key points:
1) OHCHR documented 242 human rights violations, an increase from the previous period. The Government of Ukraine was responsible for 147, armed groups for 28, and Russia for 32 as the occupying power in Crimea.
2) Civilian casualties continued to decline due to ceasefires but insecurity remained as forces positioned near populated areas. 36% of casualties were from shelling and light weapons.
3) Large segments of the population, especially vulnerable groups, suffered from socio-economic barriers created by the conflict. Restrictions of freedom of movement disrupted access to services and benefits. Lack of reparations worsened
The situa on in Ukraine escalated sharply in April as armed insurgents seized buildings in Dontesk and Lugansk. Nego a ons in Geneva agreed to disarmament but the insurgents defied the agreement. Russia keeps demanding Ukraine stop using force but has unclear control over the insurgents. Russia faces tougher sanc ons if it intervenes further in Ukraine. Domes cally, Russia amended laws on ci zenship and elec ons to ghten eligibility and signature requirements, and passed a first reading abolishing direct mayoral elec ons.
Accountability for killings in Ukraine from January 2014 to May 2016DonbassFullAccess
Since its deployment on 14 March 2014, the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine (HRMMU) has been gathering substantial information related to the arbitrary deprivation of life, one of the gravest human rights violations, notably during assemblies, in 2014 and 2015, as well as in the eastern areas affected by the ongoing conflict.
The report covers the period from January 2014 to May 2016, and applies to the whole territory of Ukraine, including the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, as per United Nations General Assembly resolution 68/262 on the territorial integrity of Ukraine. Special attention is paid to the east of Ukraine where an armed conflict has been ongoing since mid-April 2014, causing the highest number of fatalities.
The report is based on information that HRMMU collected through: interviews with witnesses, relatives of victims and their lawyers; analysis of corroborating material confidentially shared with HRMMU; official records; open-source documents and video,
photo and audio materials (including some produced by alleged perpetrators); forensic reports; criminal investigation materials; court documents; and other relevant and reliable materials.
The self-proclaimed leaders of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions oppose the deployment of international police missions in eastern Ukraine and are preparing for staged local elections at Russia's direction. Meanwhile, Russia is increasing repression of Crimean Tatars in occupied Crimea and causing economic problems. At a Eurasian Economic Union meeting, members expressed discontent with artificial trade barriers within the organization. The document concludes that Russia continues attempts to bring Ukraine back into its sphere of influence through maintaining conflict, exhausting Ukraine's economy, and discrediting Ukraine internationally.
Voting procedures in the Bundesrat - Immigration Act casePaola Cassio
This document summarizes a legal dispute over the approval of Germany's 2002 Immigration Act. Specifically:
- Several states filed a legal challenge arguing the Bundesrat's approval was invalid due to an inconsistent vote from Brandenburg.
- During Bundesrat voting, Brandenburg representatives initially voted differently (yes and no) but the president ruled it a yes, approving the act.
- The German Constitutional Court ultimately ruled the approval was invalid since Brandenburg did not provide a uniform vote as required. As a result, the immigration act was found to be void due to the lack of proper Bundesrat consent.
1) The migration situation in Ukraine is complex due to various political, economic, ethnic, and social factors both within and outside the country. It remains difficult and problems are increasing.
2) Ukraine experiences both legal and illegal immigration, including refugees from conflicts in neighboring countries and economic migrants. It also struggles with emigration of educated citizens and illegal immigration activities like human trafficking.
3) Improving Ukraine's socioeconomic conditions could increase legal and illegal immigration by making it a more attractive destination, further complicating the migration situation. The government is working to develop effective migration legislation and management systems to regulate migration flows.
European Council on Foreign relations Policy Memory Ukraine after the Timoshe...Fund for Good Politics
The trial and sentencing of former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko generated criticism and placed agreements between Ukraine and the EU in doubt. The memo argues the EU should pursue a dual approach: keep the agreements alive but don't formally sign them until Ukraine meets democratic standards, while also imposing sanctions on those responsible for democratic backsliding. President Yanukovych has rolled back democracy in Ukraine to consolidate power through tactics like tax intimidation and abusive trials of political opponents including Tymoshenko. The EU needs to both maintain pressure through red lines and sanctions, while also keeping agreements that matter for Ukraine's long term reform.
Ukraine held free and fair elections in 2014 but faced significant human rights issues, including unlawful killings and disappearances related to the conflict in eastern Ukraine against Russian-led forces. The government generally failed to prosecute officials accused of human rights abuses, resulting in impunity. Prisons and detention centers had harsh conditions and reports of torture, and investigations into abuses by Russia in Crimea and eastern Ukraine were incomplete due to lack of control in those areas.
Ukraine's 2017 Human Rights Report discusses several issues, including:
1) Unlawful killings and disappearances related to the conflict in eastern Ukraine between government and Russian-led forces.
2) Torture by police and prison authorities, and reports of torture by both government and Russian-led forces in eastern Ukraine.
3) Harsh and life-threatening prison conditions, including overcrowding, lack of medical care, and physical abuse by guards.
Towards authoritarianism. Internal situation in the Slovak Republic (1994–1998)Przegląd Politologiczny
This article discusses the internal situation of the Slovak Republic in the years 1994–1998,
the period in which the country was governed by the coalition of Movement for Democratic Slovakia,
the Slovak National Party and the Slovak Workers’ Association, and the prime minister was Vladimír
Mečiar. The main objective of the research was to analyse the actions undertaken by the coalition government in the context of violations of civil and political rights and freedoms, which could indicate an
authoritarian way of exercising power and the dismantling of a democratic state of law. In the analysed
period, the role of the parliamentary and nonparliamentary opposition was marginalised, the role of the
media limited, the rights of national and ethnic minorities violated. There was also an ongoing, sharp
conflict between Prime Minister Vladimír Mečiar and President Michál Kováč. The effect of this governance was the union of almost all political forces and seizure of power after the elections in 1998. In
order to answer the research questions, the author used the method of institutional and legal analysis,
decision analysis and the statistical method. The research confirmed the hypothesis that, against the
background of other Visegrad Group countries, the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary, in the case of
Slovakia there were many instances of human rights violations in the period analysed. This led to the
drastic deterioration of bilateral relations with many countries and the slowdown of Slovakia’s accession to the North Atlantic Alliance and the European Union.
The document summarizes human rights violations in the self-proclaimed Luhansk People's Republic and Donetsk People's Republic. It finds that the quasi-regulatory frameworks of the LNR and DNR directly violate human rights through restrictions on freedom of expression, association, and other civil liberties as defined in international law. The political systems are effectively one-man dictatorships dominated by the heads of the LNR and DNR. Socioeconomically, prices are higher for most goods while pensions and salaries paid in Russian rubles are worth less than those provided by Ukraine.
This UN report summarizes the human rights situation in Ukraine from February to May 2015. It notes ongoing armed hostilities between Ukrainian forces and armed groups have negatively impacted over 5 million people. While a ceasefire was agreed to in February, attacks continued in some areas. The report also finds accountability for past human rights abuses is lacking, and conditions in Russian-occupied Crimea continue to deteriorate.
Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 15 December 2014DonbassFullAccess
This is the eighth report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) on the situation of human rights in Ukraine based on the work of the Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine (HRMMU). The report covers the period from 1 to 30 November 2014. It describes the continued deterioration of the human rights situation in the eastern regions of Ukraine and in Crimea. The total breakdown in law and order and the violence and fighting in the eastern regions, fuelled by the cross-border inflow of heavy and sophisticated weaponry as well as foreign fighters, including from the Russian Federation, has for the past eight months had a direct impact on all fundamental human rights – including the security, liberty and well-being – of individuals living there.
This document summarizes the events of the Ukrainian revolution that began in late 2013 and escalated in violence in early 2014. It reports that over 100 people were killed and 300 remain missing since the start of the conflict. The document examines three versions of who may have been responsible for shooting protesters, including Ukrainian special forces, Russian involvement, and Ukrainian criminal groups. It calls for an objective international investigation into crimes committed by all sides.
The document summarizes the conflict in Ukraine between pro-Western and pro-Russian factions, and Russia's annexation of Crimea. Key points:
- Ukraine faced economic crisis and had to choose between an EU/IMF deal imposing austerity or a Russian deal with loans and gas concessions, further polarizing the country.
- Protests in Kiev led to the ousting of President Yanukovych, though some violence was carried out by neo-Nazi groups supporting the protesters. This instability spread to Crimea and eastern Ukraine.
- Russia claims it is protecting ethnic Russians in Crimea and eastern Ukraine based on bilateral agreements allowing it troops in Crimea. It annexed Crimea after a referendum, though this violates international
Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 16 September 2014DonbassFullAccess
This is the sixth monthly report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on the situation of human rights in Ukraine, based on the work of the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine (HRMMU). It covers the period from 18 August to 16 September 2014.
According to the results of monitoring in April-August 2018, the human rights platform «Uspishna Varta» recorded 99 violations of political rights and freedoms. From these, 62 cases (63%) were related to the violation of the right to freedom of speech and opinion.
28% of all recorded violations of political rights and freedoms involved right-wing radical organizations, primarily C14, “National Druzhina”, “Bratstvo”, “Right Sector”, etc. In general, the collective actions of law enforcement agencies (SBU, the Prosecutor General’s office, the State Border Service, and the National Police) led to the violation of political rights and freedoms in 26% of recorded cases.
41% of the recorded cases (40) violated the rights of journalists – both Ukrainian and foreign; in addition, the rights of some media companies were also violated (15 cases, 16%). Among the categories of persons whose rights are violated it is also necessary to mention political parties and/ or individual politicians (mainly the left-wing ideological agenda), as well as public activists (13% and 10% of the recorded facts, respectively).
Russia's political system is described as a federal presidential republic with a strong presidency. The president appoints the prime minister and has broad authority to issue laws without legislative approval. Power remains centralized under Vladimir Putin, even when he nominally held the role of prime minister from 2008 to 2012 before returning to the presidency. While elections are held, most observers see the political system as "managed democracy" with Putin maintaining control over key institutions like the judiciary, police, and prosecution.
This document summarizes the government and political landscape of Russia. It outlines that Russia has a semi-presidential federal republic government led by President Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. The largest political party is United Russia, though several other parties like the Communist Party and Liberal Democratic Party also have representation. Election results show United Russia has dominated presidential elections since 2000. The document provides details on the leadership and policies of the main political parties in Russia.
Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 16 August to 15 November 2018DonbassFullAccess
The UN report documents human rights issues in Ukraine from August to November 2018. Some key points:
1) OHCHR documented 242 human rights violations, an increase from the previous period. The Government of Ukraine was responsible for 147, armed groups for 28, and Russia for 32 as the occupying power in Crimea.
2) Civilian casualties continued to decline due to ceasefires but insecurity remained as forces positioned near populated areas. 36% of casualties were from shelling and light weapons.
3) Large segments of the population, especially vulnerable groups, suffered from socio-economic barriers created by the conflict. Restrictions of freedom of movement disrupted access to services and benefits. Lack of reparations worsened
The situa on in Ukraine escalated sharply in April as armed insurgents seized buildings in Dontesk and Lugansk. Nego a ons in Geneva agreed to disarmament but the insurgents defied the agreement. Russia keeps demanding Ukraine stop using force but has unclear control over the insurgents. Russia faces tougher sanc ons if it intervenes further in Ukraine. Domes cally, Russia amended laws on ci zenship and elec ons to ghten eligibility and signature requirements, and passed a first reading abolishing direct mayoral elec ons.
Accountability for killings in Ukraine from January 2014 to May 2016DonbassFullAccess
Since its deployment on 14 March 2014, the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine (HRMMU) has been gathering substantial information related to the arbitrary deprivation of life, one of the gravest human rights violations, notably during assemblies, in 2014 and 2015, as well as in the eastern areas affected by the ongoing conflict.
The report covers the period from January 2014 to May 2016, and applies to the whole territory of Ukraine, including the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, as per United Nations General Assembly resolution 68/262 on the territorial integrity of Ukraine. Special attention is paid to the east of Ukraine where an armed conflict has been ongoing since mid-April 2014, causing the highest number of fatalities.
The report is based on information that HRMMU collected through: interviews with witnesses, relatives of victims and their lawyers; analysis of corroborating material confidentially shared with HRMMU; official records; open-source documents and video,
photo and audio materials (including some produced by alleged perpetrators); forensic reports; criminal investigation materials; court documents; and other relevant and reliable materials.
The self-proclaimed leaders of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions oppose the deployment of international police missions in eastern Ukraine and are preparing for staged local elections at Russia's direction. Meanwhile, Russia is increasing repression of Crimean Tatars in occupied Crimea and causing economic problems. At a Eurasian Economic Union meeting, members expressed discontent with artificial trade barriers within the organization. The document concludes that Russia continues attempts to bring Ukraine back into its sphere of influence through maintaining conflict, exhausting Ukraine's economy, and discrediting Ukraine internationally.
Voting procedures in the Bundesrat - Immigration Act casePaola Cassio
This document summarizes a legal dispute over the approval of Germany's 2002 Immigration Act. Specifically:
- Several states filed a legal challenge arguing the Bundesrat's approval was invalid due to an inconsistent vote from Brandenburg.
- During Bundesrat voting, Brandenburg representatives initially voted differently (yes and no) but the president ruled it a yes, approving the act.
- The German Constitutional Court ultimately ruled the approval was invalid since Brandenburg did not provide a uniform vote as required. As a result, the immigration act was found to be void due to the lack of proper Bundesrat consent.
1) The migration situation in Ukraine is complex due to various political, economic, ethnic, and social factors both within and outside the country. It remains difficult and problems are increasing.
2) Ukraine experiences both legal and illegal immigration, including refugees from conflicts in neighboring countries and economic migrants. It also struggles with emigration of educated citizens and illegal immigration activities like human trafficking.
3) Improving Ukraine's socioeconomic conditions could increase legal and illegal immigration by making it a more attractive destination, further complicating the migration situation. The government is working to develop effective migration legislation and management systems to regulate migration flows.
European Council on Foreign relations Policy Memory Ukraine after the Timoshe...Fund for Good Politics
The trial and sentencing of former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko generated criticism and placed agreements between Ukraine and the EU in doubt. The memo argues the EU should pursue a dual approach: keep the agreements alive but don't formally sign them until Ukraine meets democratic standards, while also imposing sanctions on those responsible for democratic backsliding. President Yanukovych has rolled back democracy in Ukraine to consolidate power through tactics like tax intimidation and abusive trials of political opponents including Tymoshenko. The EU needs to both maintain pressure through red lines and sanctions, while also keeping agreements that matter for Ukraine's long term reform.
Ukraine held free and fair elections in 2014 but faced significant human rights issues, including unlawful killings and disappearances related to the conflict in eastern Ukraine against Russian-led forces. The government generally failed to prosecute officials accused of human rights abuses, resulting in impunity. Prisons and detention centers had harsh conditions and reports of torture, and investigations into abuses by Russia in Crimea and eastern Ukraine were incomplete due to lack of control in those areas.
Ukraine's 2017 Human Rights Report discusses several issues, including:
1) Unlawful killings and disappearances related to the conflict in eastern Ukraine between government and Russian-led forces.
2) Torture by police and prison authorities, and reports of torture by both government and Russian-led forces in eastern Ukraine.
3) Harsh and life-threatening prison conditions, including overcrowding, lack of medical care, and physical abuse by guards.
Towards authoritarianism. Internal situation in the Slovak Republic (1994–1998)Przegląd Politologiczny
This article discusses the internal situation of the Slovak Republic in the years 1994–1998,
the period in which the country was governed by the coalition of Movement for Democratic Slovakia,
the Slovak National Party and the Slovak Workers’ Association, and the prime minister was Vladimír
Mečiar. The main objective of the research was to analyse the actions undertaken by the coalition government in the context of violations of civil and political rights and freedoms, which could indicate an
authoritarian way of exercising power and the dismantling of a democratic state of law. In the analysed
period, the role of the parliamentary and nonparliamentary opposition was marginalised, the role of the
media limited, the rights of national and ethnic minorities violated. There was also an ongoing, sharp
conflict between Prime Minister Vladimír Mečiar and President Michál Kováč. The effect of this governance was the union of almost all political forces and seizure of power after the elections in 1998. In
order to answer the research questions, the author used the method of institutional and legal analysis,
decision analysis and the statistical method. The research confirmed the hypothesis that, against the
background of other Visegrad Group countries, the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary, in the case of
Slovakia there were many instances of human rights violations in the period analysed. This led to the
drastic deterioration of bilateral relations with many countries and the slowdown of Slovakia’s accession to the North Atlantic Alliance and the European Union.
The document summarizes human rights violations in the self-proclaimed Luhansk People's Republic and Donetsk People's Republic. It finds that the quasi-regulatory frameworks of the LNR and DNR directly violate human rights through restrictions on freedom of expression, association, and other civil liberties as defined in international law. The political systems are effectively one-man dictatorships dominated by the heads of the LNR and DNR. Socioeconomically, prices are higher for most goods while pensions and salaries paid in Russian rubles are worth less than those provided by Ukraine.
This UN report summarizes the human rights situation in Ukraine from February to May 2015. It notes ongoing armed hostilities between Ukrainian forces and armed groups have negatively impacted over 5 million people. While a ceasefire was agreed to in February, attacks continued in some areas. The report also finds accountability for past human rights abuses is lacking, and conditions in Russian-occupied Crimea continue to deteriorate.
Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 15 December 2014DonbassFullAccess
This is the eighth report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) on the situation of human rights in Ukraine based on the work of the Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine (HRMMU). The report covers the period from 1 to 30 November 2014. It describes the continued deterioration of the human rights situation in the eastern regions of Ukraine and in Crimea. The total breakdown in law and order and the violence and fighting in the eastern regions, fuelled by the cross-border inflow of heavy and sophisticated weaponry as well as foreign fighters, including from the Russian Federation, has for the past eight months had a direct impact on all fundamental human rights – including the security, liberty and well-being – of individuals living there.
This document summarizes the events of the Ukrainian revolution that began in late 2013 and escalated in violence in early 2014. It reports that over 100 people were killed and 300 remain missing since the start of the conflict. The document examines three versions of who may have been responsible for shooting protesters, including Ukrainian special forces, Russian involvement, and Ukrainian criminal groups. It calls for an objective international investigation into crimes committed by all sides.
The document summarizes the conflict in Ukraine between pro-Western and pro-Russian factions, and Russia's annexation of Crimea. Key points:
- Ukraine faced economic crisis and had to choose between an EU/IMF deal imposing austerity or a Russian deal with loans and gas concessions, further polarizing the country.
- Protests in Kiev led to the ousting of President Yanukovych, though some violence was carried out by neo-Nazi groups supporting the protesters. This instability spread to Crimea and eastern Ukraine.
- Russia claims it is protecting ethnic Russians in Crimea and eastern Ukraine based on bilateral agreements allowing it troops in Crimea. It annexed Crimea after a referendum, though this violates international
Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 16 September 2014DonbassFullAccess
This is the sixth monthly report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on the situation of human rights in Ukraine, based on the work of the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine (HRMMU). It covers the period from 18 August to 16 September 2014.
According to the results of monitoring in April-August 2018, the human rights platform «Uspishna Varta» recorded 99 violations of political rights and freedoms. From these, 62 cases (63%) were related to the violation of the right to freedom of speech and opinion.
28% of all recorded violations of political rights and freedoms involved right-wing radical organizations, primarily C14, “National Druzhina”, “Bratstvo”, “Right Sector”, etc. In general, the collective actions of law enforcement agencies (SBU, the Prosecutor General’s office, the State Border Service, and the National Police) led to the violation of political rights and freedoms in 26% of recorded cases.
41% of the recorded cases (40) violated the rights of journalists – both Ukrainian and foreign; in addition, the rights of some media companies were also violated (15 cases, 16%). Among the categories of persons whose rights are violated it is also necessary to mention political parties and/ or individual politicians (mainly the left-wing ideological agenda), as well as public activists (13% and 10% of the recorded facts, respectively).
Russia's political system is described as a federal presidential republic with a strong presidency. The president appoints the prime minister and has broad authority to issue laws without legislative approval. Power remains centralized under Vladimir Putin, even when he nominally held the role of prime minister from 2008 to 2012 before returning to the presidency. While elections are held, most observers see the political system as "managed democracy" with Putin maintaining control over key institutions like the judiciary, police, and prosecution.
This document summarizes the government and political landscape of Russia. It outlines that Russia has a semi-presidential federal republic government led by President Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. The largest political party is United Russia, though several other parties like the Communist Party and Liberal Democratic Party also have representation. Election results show United Russia has dominated presidential elections since 2000. The document provides details on the leadership and policies of the main political parties in Russia.
Mercedes Country Lodge in Sorsogon, Philippines offers budget-friendly rooms with amenities like free WiFi, air conditioning, fans, and hot showers. Rooms range from double occupancy rooms to a larger barkada room that can accommodate up to 5 people. The lodge is centrally located in Sorsogon and offers friendly staff. Contact information and a link to book rooms are provided.
The document provides instructions for earning, creating, and issuing GeoBadges on the geobadges.org platform. To earn a badge, users search for badges of interest, read requirements, complete steps, and submit evidence for approval. To create a badge, users submit ideas for review, then develop the badge overview and steps. Issuing badges involves approving submissions from earners. The platform allows users to earn, create, and issue digital badges that recognize skills and achievements.
SGI OpenFOAM Cloud Benchmark Part 3, OpenFOAM Study Meeting for beginner@Kans...Masashi Imano
This document summarizes the results of benchmarks performed on an SGI Altix ICE8200 cluster using OpenFOAM to simulate 2D and 3D lid-driven cavity flows. The benchmarks tested scaling performance of OpenFOAM using OpenMPI and SGI MPT for different problem sizes (mesh resolutions) and numbers of compute nodes. In general, OpenMPI showed better strong scaling than SGI MPT, although using two InfiniBand rails with SGI MPT provided some improvement over single rail.
The document discusses the benefits of exercise for mental health. Regular physical activity can help reduce anxiety and depression and improve mood and cognitive functioning. Exercise causes chemical changes in the brain that may help protect against mental illness and improve symptoms.
Monopolistic competition is a market structure with many firms selling similar but not identical products. Firms have some control over pricing due to product differentiation, but competition is still present from close substitutes. While firms face downward sloping demand curves, the existence of substitutes limits their monopoly power. Firms must use non-price factors like advertising, location, and quality to increase prices and profits in both the short and long run. In the long run, new entrants will join the market until economic profits are eliminated.
Komfo - DDM Alliance Summit Marketing on FacebookDDM Alliance
Komfo is a social media marketing company headquartered in Copenhagen, Denmark with a global presence. It is owned by three founders and the software company Sitecore. Komfo has over 60 social media marketing specialists and partners with leading social networks, agencies, and software providers to guide over 300 enterprise clients, making it a market leader in the Nordic region. The company believes social media has changed how companies communicate with customers.
The document summarizes the ongoing protests in Ukraine against President Viktor Yanukovych. Protesters took to the streets in November 2013 after Yanukovych abandoned an EU integration pact and instead accepted a aid package from Russia. Yanukovych then passed laws restricting media and protests, exacerbating public anger. The protests in Independence Square call for Yanukovych's resignation and focus on issues of corruption, media suppression, and democratic rights. The outcome of the clashes between protesters and police remains uncertain.
The political crisis in Ukraine was sparked by the government's decision not to sign a trade agreement with the European Union, leading to large protests. The country is split between pro-Western and pro-Russian factions, and faces economic dependence on Russia. The ousting of President Yanukovych, who favored Russia, has led to political instability and risks dividing the country further, with potential geopolitical consequences between Western nations and Russia. The crisis has no clear winners and risks escalating tensions between major powers.
Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 15 June 2014DonbassFullAccess
The present report is based on findings of the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine (HRMMU) covering the period of 7 May – 7 June 2014. It follows two reports on the human rights situation in Ukraine released by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) on 15 April and 16 May 2014.
Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 16 February to 15 May 2015DonbassFullAccess
This UN report summarizes the human rights situation in Ukraine from February to May 2015. It notes ongoing armed hostilities between Ukrainian forces and armed groups have negatively impacted over 5 million people. While a ceasefire was agreed to in February, attacks continued in some areas. The report also finds accountability for past human rights abuses is lacking, and conditions in Russian-occupied Crimea continue to deteriorate.
This document summarizes the political situation in Ukraine after the government suspended preparations to sign an association agreement with the EU at a November 2013 summit. Large protests erupted among citizens supporting European integration. The government came under pressure from Russia to align with the Russian-led customs union instead. An agreement between Russia and Ukraine eased economic issues but tied Ukraine closer to Russia and failed to satisfy opposition demands for early elections. Protests continued with many demanding the president's resignation. The events highlighted divisions in Ukrainian identity and foreign policy orientation.
Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 16 August to 15 November 2015DonbassFullAccess
This is the twelfth report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) on the situation of human rights in Ukraine, based on the work of the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine (HRMMU). It covers the period from 16 August to 15 November 2015.
This section documents numerous violations of human rights and public safety that occurred in Ukraine between November 2013 and March 2014, during the period of violent protests. It describes clashes between protesters and police, as well as acts of vandalism, unlawful seizures of buildings, and training in violent tactics. Right-wing nationalist groups like Pravyi Sektor and Svoboda were involved in many of these illegal and aggressive acts, including attempts to break through police lines, seize government buildings, and destroy a monument to Lenin. The timeline shows a progression over this period towards more widespread violence and disregard for the rule of law.
Civil disobedience is occurring in both Ukraine and Venezuela due to conflicts between state power and civil society. In Ukraine, protests began when the president rejected an EU agreement, preferring closer ties to Russia instead. Ongoing protests have faced police repression. In Venezuela, annual inflation over 56%, shortages of currency and goods have led to dissatisfaction, and opposition groups are openly calling for the overthrow of the democratically elected president. The political crises in both countries reflect debates around civil disobedience and the loss of authority of both the state and the rule of law. Civil disobedience can lead to either the construction of a new social pact between society and the state, or civil war if dissent undermines
The document discusses violations of the right to freedom of speech and opinion in Ukraine between April and June 2018. It notes 37 such violations were recorded during this period, many targeting journalists or media organizations. Specific restrictive measures are discussed, including a draft law allowing extrajudicial website blocking and a presidential decree expanding an existing sanctions list. Attacks by radical groups and pressure from law enforcement are also addressed.
NewsOne Journalist Attacked, Search for "Kremlin Agents" and Prohibition of Parties.
Review of Violations of Civic and Political Rights in Ukraine 17-23 September 2018
The Anti-Corruption Action Centre requests that the US Treasury Department designate Andriy Portnov for sanctions. Portnov is a former Ukrainian official who fled to Russia in 2014 and has strong ties to Russian interests. He conspired with sanctioned Russian agent Andriy Derkach to interfere in the 2020 US presidential election and spread their anti-US disinformation campaign. Portnov also continues undermining Ukrainian democratic institutions by disseminating Russian propaganda and using his influence over the judiciary to advance pro-Russian policies. Based on these actions, the organization requests that Portnov be added to the OFAC sanctions list.
This document summarizes and critiques five common myths about the situation in Ukraine:
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5. That the West suddenly cares about the Tat
Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 16 May to 15 August 2015DonbassFullAccess
This is the eleventh report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) on the situation of human rights in Ukraine, based on the work of the United Nations Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine (HRMMU). It covers the period from 16 May to 15 August 2015.
This document summarizes common myths and realities about the 2013/2014 Ukrainian protests, known as Euromaidan or Maydan. It dispels several myths, including that eastern Ukraine opposed the protests, only radicals participated, Yanukovych was legitimately elected, and the protests were only about EU association. In reality, dissatisfaction with Yanukovych's authoritarian actions and falsified elections unified much of Ukraine. The protesters' main demands were Yanukovych's resignation, democratic transitional government and elections.
This document summarizes crimes against journalists during mass protests in Ukraine from January to February 2014. It reports that one journalist was killed and over 130 were injured. Specific incidents are described where journalists were detained, shot at with non-lethal weapons, and beaten by police in Kiev and by "titushky" gangs in other regions. The attacks appeared aimed at preventing journalists from documenting the events. While new authorities have come to power in Ukraine, investigations into these crimes against journalists remain incomplete.
The document is a newsletter from the CivilM+ platform providing updates on their work and the situation in Eastern Ukraine. It includes over 20 brief updates on political developments in the conflict zone, public initiatives to address the consequences of the war, and legal analyses. The newsletter covers topics like Ukraine imposing new sanctions on Russia, assessments of ceasefire violations, meetings between European leaders on the conflict, and initiatives to support those affected like displaced persons and families of casualties.
14th ohchr report on the human rights situation in ukraineUAReforms
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1. OPEN DIALOG FOUNDATION
Open Dialog Foundation, 11a Szucha Avenue, office 21, 00-580 Warsaw, Poland
Tel. +48 22 307 11 22
www.odfoundation.eu
Warsaw, 6 February, 2014
Ukraine: President Yanukovych refuses to reach a real compromise with protesters,
thereby increasing the probability of a military scenario
President Yanukovych simulates participation in the negotiation process in order to present
himself as a peacemaker in the eyes of the international community. Whilst declaring his desire to
stop the bloodshed, the president actually legislates for a possible military crackdown on
protesters.
Photo: president.gov.ua
2. www.odfoundation.eu
2
Contents
Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. p. 3
1. The presidential amnesty law formally grants those arrested the status of ‘state hostages’……… p. 4
1.1. The amnesty law contravenes the basic principles of international law…………………….. p. 5
1.2. The amnesty law was adopted with gross violations of the procedure and under the
pressure of President Yanukovich……………………………………………………………………………………. p. 5
2. ‘Concessions’ made by the President are ‘traps’ for the opposition and a way to mislead the
international community………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. p. 6
2.1. Parliament only partially revoked the ‘laws on dictatorship’……………………………………… p. 6
2.2. Despite the formal resignation of the government, the President has strengthened
control over the Cabinet and the Presidential Administration…………………………………………. p. 7
3. Even during the negotiation process, the authorities and criminal groups continue to harass
activists and groups of criminals continue repression of activists………………………………………………….. p. 8
3.1. Oppression of activists of Automaidan and arrests en masse in the regions……………… p. 8
3.2. Lack of investigation into the killings, torture and violence against protesters and
journalists………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… p. 10
4. Russia’s interest in the development of the military scenario; possible sanctions by the EU and
USA……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. p. 12
4.1. Russia's influence on the violent suppression of the protests in Ukraine…………………… p. 12
4.2. The tough stance of the EU and USA and the possibility of sanctions as a major
deterrent for Yanukovych………………………………………………………………………………………………… p. 14
3. www.odfoundation.eu
3
Introduction
The calmness on the barricades, which has lasted for the past few days, may soon cease. The President
and his party declare readiness to compromise, but in fact they are only giving themselves more time,
since no serious steps towards resolving the conflict have been taken. After two months of completely
ignoring the protest of one million people, the authorities achieved their goal of radicalising the Maidan.
Now, due to their inaction, the pretence at negotiations and a cynical attitude towards the protesters
and international community, the authorities risk provoking a new wave of violence.
The President intentionally lobbied the impracticable and unlawful amnesty law, referred to by human
rights defenders as the ‘law on state hostages’. On the other hand, the authorities describe the partial
suspension of ‘dictatorship laws’ as a ‘serious compromise’. However, those laws were passed with
gross violations of procedures and were not legitimate in terms of public reaction. Prime Minister
Mykola Azarov, who fled from Ukraine to Austria by private jet immediately after his resignation, was
replaced by Sergei Arbuzov – a person close to the so-called ‘family’ of Yanukovych (which means he is
connected with the family business of the President and his sons). Importantly, Azarov, an ardent
supporter of the Customs Union for the Ukrainian People, himself chose the European Union, and
moved his family and considerable capital of dubious origin to Austria.
At the same time, officials who may be responsible for the use of force against the protesters, continue
to perform their duties. None of the police officers were punished for beating and torturing of the
protesters, shooting at journalists and physicians, or illegal use of special equipment. The murders of the
protesters were also not investigated. Numerous facts prove the coordination of actions of law
enforcement agencies and criminals. The public sector of Euromaidan reports that in less than three
months of the protest, 1739 people became victims of repression. As of 6 February, 2014, 31 people are
considered missing. The protesters are still being kidnapped and tortured, and mass street arrests of
activists (and even passers-by) are being reported in numerous regions. The government district is
surrounded by special units of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and military equipment. The Ministry and
the Prosecutor's Office do not divert their bellicose rhetoric against the protesters.
One might assume that the President is still not aware of the extent of social unrest and complications
that the country may face. Yanukovych is ready to compromise only in ways that would serve his own
interests and the interests of the Kremlin. Russia is developing Cold War rhetoric around Ukraine. Senior
officials of the Russian Federation expressed the need for a violent crackdown of the protest in Ukraine.
The situation on the barricades is becoming more and more alarming. The protesters are tired of
government inaction, of the unwillingness of the parliamentary majority to adopt decisions that would
be unfavourable for the President, and of the ongoing pressure of the Ministry of Internal Affairs against
the protesters. The opposition leaders do not control the Maidan. They are only trying to represent it in
the negotiations and report back to the activists. More protesters are desperate due to fruitless
negotiations, and are picketing near the government district.
The Open Dialog Foundation is continuing its long-term mission in Ukraine, aimed at helping the victims
and monitoring the repression of the protesters, which can be considered a crime against humanity.
Currently, the government is creating conditions necessary for escalation of the conflict. We urge the
government and the protesters to avoid a new wave of violence in Ukraine.
Participation of the EU and USA in the investigation of the violence during the protests in Ukraine,
directing international observation missions to monitor the trials of the detained activists and journalists
in Kiev and all the regions, as well as targeted visa and financial sanctions against Ukrainian oligarchs
and political elites responsible for the attempt to introduce dictatorship in Ukraine may help to
peacefully resolve the political crisis in Ukraine. The will of the President to hold on to power at any cost
may lead to a split, a loss of national sovereignty and geopolitical instability in the region.
4. www.odfoundation.eu
4
1. THE PRESIDENTIAL AMNESTY LAW FORMALLY GRANTS THOSE ARRESTED THE STATUS OF ‘STATE
HOSTAGE’
On 29 January, 2014, pro-government political forces in parliament (the Party of Regions and the
Communist Party) adopted Law No. 4021-3 ‘On elimination of negative effects and prevention of
prosecution and punishment in connection with the events that took place during peaceful meetings’.
The author of the law is a representative of the president in parliament, Yuriy Miroshnichenko.1
The
opposition refused to vote for this law, as it was not recognised as a compromise. On 31 January, 2014,
the President signed off the law.
The law proposed by the President provides for exemption from criminal and administrative
responsibility and the closing of criminal cases instituted for participation in mass protests. However, in
order that the law may be implemented, within 15 days from the date of publication of the law, the
protesters should:
- release all occupied public buildings and buildings of local governments (in Kiev and regions);
- unblock Grushevskogo Street in Kiev;
- unblock other transport routes in Kiev and other cities (other than those on which protests are being
held).
At the same time, the General Prosecutor should announce on the website of the General Prosecutor's
Office that protesters have virtually fulfilled the above mentioned conditions. Otherwise, the law
becomes invalid.
The pro-presidential party stated that protesters could remain in buildings which don’t constitute public
property (House of Trade Unions, Ukrainian House, October Palace). A representative of the President in
Parliament stressed that the draft legislation applied only to ‘peaceful protesters’. The justification of
this criteria is questionable as the mere presence of clashes between protesters and the police in the
area are treated by prosecutors as ‘participation in mass riots’.
1
http://w1.c1.rada.gov.ua/pls/zweb2/webproc4_1?pf3511=49622
Clashes on Grushevskogo Street. 22 January, 2014. Photo: radiosvoboda.org
5. www.odfoundation.eu
5
The opposition advocated the adoption of alternative laws drawn up by MPs Yuriy Yemets2
and Leonid
Derevyanko3
, which provided for full amnesty for protesters without any additional conditions. The
protesters on Independence Square stated that they would not vacate the administrative buildings and
Grushevskogo Street due to the fact that illegally detained activists should be released without any
conditions. MEP Jacek Saryusz-Wolski commented on pro-government amnesty draft law: ‘This is bad.
Only the release of all detainees and prisoners without any conditions gives a chance for an agreement’.4
1.1. The amnesty law contravenes the basic principles of international law.
The state actually recognised the lack of legal grounds to arrest the protesters. Provisions of the law
confirm that activists were arrested not for specific offences, but rather so that they could be used to
‘barter’ for the seized buildings. The possibility of release from detention of activists is dependent on
the actions or inactions of others, while international law is guided by a clear principle: a person is only
responsible for their own actions.5
Thus, the state is openly blackmailing the protesters, failing to provide any guarantees of complying with
the law. The Ukrainian Helsinki Committee stated that “this law puts Ukraine’s Verkhovna Rada on a par
with pirates and terrorists who use the institution of hostages as a tool in order to influence situations”.
Such actions fall under Article 147 of the Criminal Code (‘taking hostages’).6
1.2. The amnesty law was adopted with gross violations of the procedure and under pressure from
President Yanukovich.
Journalists have documented instances where MPs from the Party of Regions, in particular, Alexander
Volkov and Ivan Popesku, voted for in place of their absent colleagues. It is noteworthy that Ivan
Popesku is listed as voting ‘for’ the law, which is physically impossible, since on that day he was in
2
http://w1.c1.rada.gov.ua/pls/zweb2/webproc4_1?pf3511=49573
3
http://w1.c1.rada.gov.ua/pls/site2/p_deputat?d_id=15768&skl=8
4
http://www.polradio.pl/5/38/Artykul/160415,Євродепутат-Віктор-Янукович-не-хоче
5
http://helsinki.org.ua/index.php?id=1391086807
6
http://helsinki.org.ua/index.php?id=1391086807
‘Berkut’ soldiers are detaining protesters on Grushevskogo Street. Photo: radiosvoboda.org
6. www.odfoundation.eu
6
Strasbourg due to his responsibilities as head of the Ukrainian delegation to PACE.7
The wording of the
law has not been disseminated among members of parliament. The law hadn’t been posted on the
Parliament website before the vote took place or even within a few hours of the vote, therefore the
public were left in the dark regarding the details of the document. The law was passed under the
simplified procedure without any debate or consideration by the committees8
, although Parliament
hadn’t given its consent to this.
According to the MP Lesya Orobets, during a discussion over the amnesty law in the Parliament, several
MPs from the Party of Regions were prepared to support the law drafted by the opposition. However, in
the evening, President Yanukovych suddenly arrived in parliament. At a meeting of the Party of Regions,
Yanukovych threatened those gathered with dissolution of parliament if party members refused to
support the law proposed by the government. Former Polish President, Aleksander Kwaśniewski
suggested that President Yanukovych’s urgent visit to parliament was prompted by his desire to keep
the majority on his side: “He came to discipline, intimidate, blackmail, and it brought about the result”.9
Head of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament, Elmar Brok noted that the
interference of the president and the pressure he exerted on parliament does not prove that he wishes
to resolve the conflict peacefully. According to the MEP, the president and his entourage "are not willing
to compromise one millimetre. (...) This is a complete loss of sense of reality, combined with
unconstrained aspirations to be in power".10
2. ‘CONCESSIONS’ MADE BY THE PRESIDENT ARE ‘TRAPS’ FOR THE OPPOSITION AND A WAY TO
MISLEAD THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY
2.1. Parliament only partially revoked the ‘laws on dictatorship’.
On 28 January, 2014, the Parliament revoked by majority vote11
5 ‘dictatorial’ laws, which had provoked
violent clashes between protesters and police.12
The following laws were completely annulled:
- the law on additional measures to protect the safety of citizens;
- the law on the possibility of conviction in absentia;
- the law simplifying the procedures for annulment of parliamentary immunity;
- the law on administrative offences committed during football matches;
- the law on liability for drivers for driving in columns consisting of more than 5 vehicles.
However, the Parliament has not revoked, but only made amendments to two laws, which had
previously caused an escalation of protest in society:
- the law on liability for destruction of monuments built to commemorate those who fought against
Nazism during World War II;
- the law on liability for denial or justification of crimes of fascism.13
7
http://censor.net.ua/video_news/268733/za_amnistii_pr_progolosovala_s_knopkodavstvom_regional_popesku_seyichas_na_sessii_pase_v_stra
sburge
8
http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2014/01/30/7011970/
9
http://www.polskieradio.pl/7/129/Artykul/1036990,Kwasniewski-na-Ukrainie-rozpoczyna-sie-proces-dezintegracji-wladzy
10
http://dw.de/p/1AzY6
11
361votes out of 412registered PMs in the room; the Communist Party did not participate in the voting.
12
http://www.odfoundation.eu/ru/urgents/1558/5_zakonov_kotorie_vveli_diktaturu_ukraine
13
https://www.facebook.com/lesyaorobets/posts/654179291284653
7. www.odfoundation.eu
7
By these amendments, the parliament actually admitted that these laws are legitimate. On 31 January,
2014, the President approved the parliament’s decisions with his signature.
It is worth noting that on 28 January, 2014, the MP from the Party of Regions, Vadym Kolesnichenko,
registered a new draft law on ‘foreign agents’, which stipulates that organisations which receive funding
from abroad, must submit annual reports to the Ministry of Justice on their activities, the scope and
purpose behind their funding.14
2.2. Despite the formal resignation of the government, the President has strengthened control over
the Cabinet and the Presidential Administration.
During the negotiations, the President of Ukraine offered the opposition politician, Arseniy Yatsenyuk
the position of prime minister, and Vitaliy Klitschko - the position of deputy prime minister for
Humanitarian Affairs. On the evening of 25 January, 2014, opposition leaders came to Independence
Square in order to report the results of negotiations with the president. Vitaliy Klitschko announced that
the opposition did not accept the proposals given by Viktor Yanukovych. Arseniy Yatsenyuk stated,
“Viktor Yanukovych said that the government was not ready to bear responsibility for the country and
offered the opposition the chance to take leadership of the government. What is our response? Are we
afraid of responsibility? We are not afraid of responsibility for the fate of the country. We accept this
responsibility; we are ready to lead the country into the European Union, to release Yulia Tymoshenko”.
However, in response to this, many protesters on Independence Square began to whistle and shout
‘Shame!’.15
Later, journalists tried to get an explanation from Arseniy Yatsenyuk as to what he had had
in mind when speaking from the stage, and he replied: "We do not rule out the proposal, but we do not
accept it, either... We are ready to take responsibility for the fate of the country, but under the
conditions that we are putting forward".16
As a result, opposition leaders considered Yanukovych’s proposal inappropriate given a situation where
the Prime Minister has no real authority, and all power belongs to the president, who can appoint and
dismiss the prime minister and form a government at his discretion. Therefore, the opposition
14
http://w1.c1.rada.gov.ua/pls/zweb2/webproc4_1?pf3511=49600
15
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v-BOAk8gO3w#t=1346
16
http://www.unian.ua/politics/876648-yatsenyuk-pro-premerstvo-mi-ne-vidkidaemo-propozitsiyu-ale-i-ne-priymaemo.html
An armoured vehicle on Grushevskogo Street. Photo: unian.ua
8. www.odfoundation.eu
8
advocates a return to the previous version of the Constitution, which provided for a parliamentary-
presidential form of government.
On 28 January, 2014, Prime Minister Nikolay Azarov resigned. Until the formation of a new government,
Serhiy Arbuzov will fulfill the duties of prime minister; he is considered a man from Yanukovych’s
entourage. At the moment, all the ministers remain in their posts, including Interior Minister Vitaliy
Zakharchenko (his department was one of those which issued the order to disperse the Maidan on 30
November, 2013). Andriy Klyuyev, whom protesters and journalists accuse of involvement in the violent
dispersal of the Maidan, was appointed head of the presidential administration. Thus, the power is
increasingly more concentrated in the hands of people from the president’s circles.
3. EVEN DURING THE NEGOTIATION PROCESS, THE AUTHORITIES AND CRIMINAL GROUPS CONTINUE
TO HARRAS ACTVISTS AND GROUPS OF CRIMINALS CONTINUE REPRESSION OF ACTIVISTS
3.1. Oppression of activists of Automaidan and arrests en masse in the regions.
An activist of AutoMaidan17
, Dmitriy Bulatov, who disappeared following the attack of Special Forces
‘Berkut’ against a column of vehicles on 22 January, 2014, was found on 30 January, 2014. According to
Bulatov, over the course of those few days, he was brutally tortured, stretched against a wall, and had
part of his ear was cut off. Unknown persons left him near Kiev, and Bulatov managed to make it to the
nearest village. The following day it became known that he, along with other activists of AutoMaidan
(Alexei Gritsenko and Sergei Koba) were placed on the wanted list by the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
Investigators accused Bulatov of organising riots and requested that the court applied house arrest
against him.18
However, the court gave Bulatov permission to travel abroad for medical treatment.
Currently, Bulatov is a clinic in Vilnius. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, European Commissioner Štefan
Füle, German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier and Foreign Minister of Lithuania, Linas
Linkyavichus defended Bulatov.19
The criminal case against Bulatov remains open.20
17
Automaidan – an organised peaceful protest of motorists, supporters of EuroMaidan.
18
http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2014/01/31/7012304/
19
https://www.facebook.com/petroporoshenko/posts/583911491691587?stream_ref=10
20
http://ua.interfax.com.ua/news/general/188387.html
Dmitriy Bulatov after being kidnapped. Photo: TV channel 1+1
9. www.odfoundation.eu
9
The Interior Ministry stated that the kidnapping of Dmitriy Bulatov could have been staged with the aim
of "carrying out provocations in order to trigger a negative response in society”. 21
In an interview for
Aljazeera, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Leonid Kozhara commented on the situation alongside Dmitriy
Bulatov as follows: “It seems that the story about kidnapping and being subjected to torture is
absolutely false. Physically, this man is in good condition, and the only injury he sustained was a
scratch across one of his cheeks”.22
It should be noted that during Bulatov’s stay in a Kiev hospital, he
was visited by ambassadors of EU countries, Canada and the United States.23
On 4 February, 2014,
Lithuanian Foreign Ministry announced that Dmitriy Bulatov’s condition "clearly shows signs of long-
term physical torture and ill-treatment".24
On 1 February, 2014, Ukraine's Foreign Ministry informed
that the words uttered by Foreign Minister regarding the health condition of Dmitriy Bulatov "do not
reflect Leonid Kozhara’s actual attitude toward this tragic situation": “Minister of Foreign Affairs
expresses his deep regret over the events that occurred involving Dmitriy Bulatov, and wishes him a
speedy recovery”.25
With regard to the scandalous statements of Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine
about the beaten up activist, Dmitriy Bulatov, a question arises as to whether one can trust the official
authorities in Kiev at all.
On the night of 30 January, 2014, in Kiev, unknown people torched approx. 20 vehicles, including cars of
participants of AutoMaidan.26
On the night of 1 February, 2014, a car of the Canadian Embassy
employee, Inna Tsarkova, burned. Previously, she along with other protesters had participated in the
auto-rally to the president's residence. Journalist Sergey Leshchenko suggests that representatives of
state traffic police or the court could have placed Inna Tsarkova’s personal data (her address and the
plate number of her vehicle) into the hands of criminals.27
Between 26 January, 2014 and 30 January, 2014 in Dnepropetrovsk, Zaporozhye, Kirovograd, Poltava,
Sumy and Cherkasy, approx. 40 people were detained in connection with the storming of regional
administration buildings. Random passers-by were also detained and beaten. The police, working
together with unknown athletic-looking persons wearing unmarked clothes, beat and detained
activists. Police did not react to the fact that unknown persons were beating protesters with sticks.28
Through the means of intervention by human rights defenders and giving wide publicity to the violations
of law, in many cases, the altering of the preventive measures for participants of anti-government
protests from arrest to house arrest has been achieved.
21
http://www.unn.com.ua/uk/news/1299633-vikradennya-lideru-avtomaydanu-dmitra-bulatova-mogli-instsenuvati-mvs
22
http://www.aljazeera.com/news/europe/2014/02/kerry-stand-with-people-ukraine-201421103911508937.html
23
https://www.facebook.com/oksana.romaniuk.33/posts/646423138752614?stream_ref=10
24
http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2014/02/4/7012730/
25
http://mfa.gov.ua/ua/press-center/comments/555-zajava-mzs-ukrajini
26
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=656852097706992&set=a.273917526000453.62210.100001466244176&type=1&stream_ref=10
27
https://www.facebook.com/leshchenko.ukraine/posts/597656276971711
28
http://www.odfoundation.eu/ru/urgents/1584/ukraina_regionah_strani_proishodyat_massovie_aresti_aktivistov_antipravitelstvennih_protesto
v
Unknown persons who, under the cover of the police, were beating protesters in Dnepropetrovsk. Photo: censor.net.ua
10. www.odfoundation.eu
10
During the truce and negotiations, the authorities are building up the capacity needed to quell the
protests. According to the authoritative publication ‘Zerkalo Nedeli’ [‘The Mirror of the Week’] on 27
January, 2014, the government, in a closed meeting, decided to increase the number of special units
‘Grifon’ and ‘Berkut’ six-fold.29
In addition, the government is planning to extend the list of special
equipment which can be used by police when restoring public order. In particular, cartridges with gas
grenades ‘Shmel’ and ‘Shmel-M’, hand irritant grenades ‘RGR’, ‘Drofa’ and enhanced-blast irritant
grenades were added to the list.30
Security forces continue to be deployed to Kiev. In the government
quarter, armoured vehicles and water cannons are in place. The Minister of the Interior has repeatedly
threatened the protesters, noting that the government will consider all those who remain on the
Maidan and in the seized buildings extremists.31
3.2. Lack of investigation into the killings, torture and violence against protesters and journalists.
The presence of selective justice can be corroborated by the fact that protesters are tried very swiftly,
also at night, while no law enforcement official has yet been punished. Employees of ‘Berkut’ Special
Forces and Interior Ministry troops, guilty of the use of brute force and injuring journalists during
clashes on Grushevskogo Street have not been brought to justice. Some of the journalists sustained
bullet wounds to their heads. There are several pieces of video footage which show ‘Berkut’ officers
purposefully aiming at journalists who are capturing their actions.32
,33
As a result of the actions of the
police and members of the criminal world, during the period from 19 January, 2014 to 3 February,
2014, 80 journalists were injured.34
29
http://dt.ua/UKRAINE/kabmin-priynyav-protokolne-rishennya-zbilshiti-chiselnist-grifona-i-berkuta-u-shist-raziv-136290_.html
30
http://zn.ua/UKRAINE/zaharchenko-dlya-ohrany-obschestvennogo-poryadka-potrebovalis-reaktivnye-ognemety-137889_.html
31
http://mvs.gov.ua/mvs/control/main/uk/publish/article/966858
32
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ykrQW7Gf6j8
33
http://www.radiosvoboda.org/media/video/25235296.html
34
http://imi.org.ua/news/42777-spisok-postrajdalih-jurnalistiv-pid-chas-sutichok-19-20-sichnya-onovlyuetsya.html
Workers of the militia beat journalist Andrey Kiselev and forced him to kneel in the snow for one and a half
hours. Photo: echo.msk.ru
11. www.odfoundation.eu
11
Employees of ‘Berkut’ also used brute force and shot at medical aid volunteers, who were wearing all
the easily identifiable clothing bearing markings.35
Also, employees of ‘Berkut’ and the MIA troops have
still not been brought to justice for the use of force on 30 November, 2013, 1 December, 2013 and 11
December, 2013, when many protesters and journalists were injured. On 1 February, 2014, the
European Court of Human Rights declared the case of the activist, Igor Sirenko, who claims that he was
illegally detained and beaten by police on 30 November, 2013, a priority issue for consideration.36
The prosecutor's office does not have any results of the investigation regarding those responsible for
the death of 4 protesters. 3 people died from gunshot wounds during a crackdown on protesters (25-
year-old Mihail Zhiznevsky, 20-year-old Sergey Nigoyan, 45-year-old Roman Senik). At the same time,
some photos and video footage may prove that protesters were shot at from the police area with the
use of large special ammunition with carbide core.37
The fourth person killed, Yuriy Verbitsky, was
kidnapped on 21 January, 2014. The following day, his body was found with signs of torture in the forest
near Kiev. The Ministry of Internal Affairs stated that the cause of death was hypothermia.
As of 3 February, 2014, approx. 160 people were detained for participation in protests in Ukraine.
According to the testimony of the victims, many activists and even random passers-by were detained
without having been presented with any charges; they were beaten, taken out of the city to the forest
and forced to kneel in the snow in cold temperatures by workers of Security Forces.38
,39
After the military-style action, carried out by the police against protesters, 36 people are still missing.40
A renowned journalist, Mustafa Nayem reported that, according to ‘Ukraiskaya Pravda’ [‘The Ukrainian
Truth’], several embassies’ reports state that "incidents of disappearance of people are directly related
to the coordinated actions of law enforcement bodies and criminal groups. In particular, it is stated
that law enforcement agencies through dummy sites publish personal information about participants
and leaders of the protests, including passport numbers, vehicle registration numbers and home
address”.41
One example of such a website can be found here.
35
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Zwnjz787r2M
36
http://hudoc.echr.coe.int/sites/eng-press/Pages/search.aspx#{"sort":["kpdate%20Descending"]}
37
http://starshinazapasa.livejournal.com/753201.html
38
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zTjltfah-9Y#t=342
39
http://fakty.ua/175350-berkutovcy-bili-nas-dubinkami-po-golenyam-i-pyatkam-trebuya-skazat-kto-szheg-ih-avtobus
40
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=367287030078979&set=a.335318776609138.1073741827.335278196613196&type=1&theater
41
http://www.pravda.com.ua/articles/2014/02/2/7012381/
The bullet, which, according to activists, was extracted from the body of Roman Senik. Photo: starshinazapasa.livejournal.com
12. www.odfoundation.eu
12
On 30 January, 2014, President Viktor Yanukovych stated: "All obligations which were assumed by the
authorities have been fulfilled”.42
At the same time, it is obvious that the ‘compromises’ of Yanukovych
only exacerbated the crisis and increased tensions in society. The most radical protesters,
representatives of the movement ‘Pravyi sektor’ [‘Right sector’] declared their readiness to cease their
open activities if the government fulfils a number of basic demands: introducing the constitutional
reform (reduction of presidential powers); ceasing of the use force by the authorities’ introducing
amnesty for participants of protest actions; the restructuring of ‘Berkut’Special Forces; punishing all
those responsible for the killing and torture of protesters; tracing the missing protesters.43
Taking into
consideration the sentiment of protesters on the Maidan, a fundamental condition for the termination
of the protest for the majority of people is punishment of police officers, guilty of the use of excessive
force and senior officials who gave t illegal orders, as well as the resignation of President Viktor
Yanukovych (as a person who has all the key levers of influence on the situation in the country).
4. RUSSIA'S INTEREST IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE MILITARY SCENARIO; POSSIBLE SANCTIONS BY
THE EU AND USA
4.1. Russia's influence on the violent suppression of the protests in Ukraine.
Russia's pressure was one of the decisive factors behind the refusal of Viktor Yanukovych to sign the
Association Agreement, which in turn led to mass protests in Ukraine. Renowned researcher, George
Friedman notes that the deepening of relations between Ukraine and the EU threatens the national
security of Russia, and Vladimir Putin wants to “have negative control, to prevent Ukraine from doing
the things Russia doesn't want it to do” .44
Recently, the comments of senior officials of the Russian
Federation on the events in Ukraine have become sharper. Officially, Moscow considers the protesters
‘extremists’ who are committing ‘illegal acts’, which are being ‘financed by the West’. Adviser to the
Russian President, Sergey Glazyev, said: “According to our data, American sources are spending $20
million per week on funding the opposition and the rebels – including weapons. There are reports that
militants are being trained and equipped on the premises of the U.S. embassy. This is of course
unacceptable, and it is necessary to deal with this situation”.45
At the same time, Russian officials openly speak about the possibility of violent suppression of the
protests on the Maidan square. Sergei Glazyev described the situation in Ukraine as a ‘creeping
takeover’, and pointed out that the president has no choice: “He either defends the Ukrainian statehood
and suppresses insurgency provoked and financed by external forces, or risks losing power, which would
lead Ukraine to chaos and internal conflict...”.46
The Federation Council of Russia expresses its
“confusion and indignation by the statements of several Western politicians, who have been
unceremoniously interfering in the internal affairs of Ukraine and deliberately provoking the
destabilisation of the country”.47
Russian Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov, said that European countries
‘inadequately’ respond to the seizure of regional administration buildings in Ukraine, which are being
carried out, in his words, by ‘opposition militants’.48
Viktor Yanukovych understands that the outcome of negotiations with the opposition may influence
the provision of any further economic assistance from Russia. On the day when Mykola Azarov wrote
42
http://partyofregions.ua/ua/news/52ea54bcc4ca420b770003d8
43
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=isqPpJMKYY4#t=28
44
http://www.stratfor.com/weekly/perspectives-ukrainian-protests
45
http://www.kommersant.ua/doc/2400532
46
http://www.unian.ua/politics/878928-radnik-putina-vvajae-scho-rozvitok-situatsiji-v-ukrajini-zalejit-vid-yanukovicha.html
47
http://council.gov.ru/press-center/news/38854/
48
http://www.unian.ua/politics/876351-lavrov-nazvav-neadekvatnoyu-reaktsiyu-es-na-zahoplennya-boyovikami-ukrajinskih-oda.html
13. www.odfoundation.eu
13
his resignation letter, he immediately reported the fact to the Russian Prime Minister, Dmitriy
Medvedev. On 28 January, 2014, during the EU-Russia summit, Vladimir Putin announced that Russia
will not revise the terms of cooperation with Ukraine in connection with the change of the government.
However, on 29 January, 2014, Vladimir Putin agreed with Dmitry Medvedev that Russia will fulfil its
financial obligations to Ukraine when the country has formed a new government, in order to
understand “what the economic policy of that government will be, who it will consist of and what rules
will they adhere to”.49
Deputy Head of Gazprom, Alexander Medvedev, expressed his concern over the
fact that Ukraine had exceeded the term of repayment of the debt of $2.7 billion for gas, and the
situation has further complicated due to the resignation of the government and the political crisis in the
country.50
According to unofficial information, on 28 January, 2014, Russia has tightened the customs
control of goods imported from Ukraine.51
According to Polish Radio, Polish Prime Minister, Donald Tusk fears that after the Olympic Games in
Sochi, Russia will again start to actively intervene in the situation in Ukraine.52
On state television,
Russian MP Vladimir Zhirinovsky said that after the Olympics, Viktor Yanukovych will take stringent
actions against the protesters: “You will then hear the order ‘spare no bullets’! And there will be
bullets! Instead of money, there will be bullets!”.53
Despite the tense situation in Ukraine, Viktor
Yanukovych is planning to visit Sochi for the opening ceremony of the Olympic Games. MP from the
presidential party, Hanna Herman, said that prior to Yanukovych's visit to Russia, the government will
not participate in negotiations with the opposition regarding amendments to the Constitution.54
MEP Pawel Zalewski noted that “Vladimir Putin has been financing the bloodshed in Ukraine. The
scenario implemented in Kiev was written in Moscow with the aim of radicalising society”.55
Internationally renowned political scientist, Zbigniew Brzezinski stated: “Russians, wake up! The
repressions in Ukraine supported by Russia will eventually lead to a catastrophe in your own
country”.56
49
http://itar-tass.com/politika/923474
50
http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2014/01/29/7011929/
51
http://www.asmap.org.ua/index1.php?idt=62374&langid=1
52
http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2014/01/31/7012182/
53
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mnYpoYp99Aw
54
http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2014/02/4/7012663/
55
http://ipress.ua/news/stsenariy_yakyy_realizuvavsya_u_kyievi_napysaly_u_moskvi__ievrodeputat_40660.html
56
http://www.unian.ua/politics/877404-bjezinskiy-zasterig-rosiyu-vid-pidtrimki-represiy-v-ukrajini.html
Police beat and stripped activist Mikhail Gavrilyuk in temperatures of -10 degrees Celsius, and then posed for photographs
alongside him. Print screen from YouTube (Fari Ahad's channel)
14. www.odfoundation.eu
14
In general, Russia holds many economic and political means of pressure against Ukraine, and that
pressure may be decisive. The recent events confirm the current advantage of the pro-Russian group
from Yanukovych's environment, which may soon implement the military scenario.57
4.2. The tough stance of the EU and USA and the possibility of sanctions as a major deterrent for
Yanukovych.
Russia, unlike the West, takes a clearer and stronger position on Ukraine, which increases the likelihood
of a crackdown on the protests. Many experts believe that Russia is interested in destabilising the
situation in Ukraine. Russia has great experience in influencing their neighbours through ‘controlled
conflicts’, such as those in Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorno-Karabakh. Russian media
ignore the topic of protests in Ukraine, just like they ignored the protests of oil workers in Zhanaozen
(West Kazakhstan) in 2009. If Russian influence turns out to be decisive, Ukraine may expect an
authoritarian rollback in accordance with the Belarusian ‘scenario’.
It should be noted that the diplomatic warnings of the EU and USA, as well as the expressions of
solidarity with the Ukrainian people, in no way affect the actions of Yanukovych. The first thing that
might prevent him from a military scenario is the position of the oligarchs, who fear the real threat of
sanctions. According to journalists, an element of Yanukovych's environment (in particular, the groups
of oligarchs Dmytro Firtash and Rinat Akhmetov) oppose a military scenario, as they have already
experienced additional difficulties in the servicing of their assets in the West. In addition, according to
unofficial information, at a diplomatic level, Rinat Akhmetov was clearly given to understand that, in the
case of the military solution to the conflict, his accounts in the EU and the USA can be seized. This has
become one of the incentives for MPs from the ‘Akhmetov's group’ in the Party of Regions to agree on
finding a compromise for a peaceful settlement of the conflict.58
German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter
Steinmeier said that if there is no progress in the negotiations in the coming days, including the
negotiations on the issue of the constitutional reform, the Ukrainian authorities may face sanctions.59
Former and current members of the Ukrainian government have assets and properties in EU member
states. It should be noted that after his resignation, Mykola Azarov flew by private jet to visit his son in
Vienna. Two months ago, during meetings of the Party of Regions, Mykola Azarov said that Ukraine was
not ready to sign the Association Agreement with the EU, which supposedly included the legalisation of
gay marriage. According to the results of journalistic investigations, the daughter of Mykola Azarov owns
several businesses in Austria. During the time when Mykola Azarov held the post of the Prime Minister
of Ukraine, financial assistance from the budget was allocated to the Austrian company owned by
Azarov's family.60
,61
After the arrival of Mykola Azarov to his family in Vienna, Ukrainian activists
picketed their house. Perhaps this was the reason why, according to Austrian media, on 2 February,
2014, Mykola Azarov flew back to Ukraine. However, to date, this information has not been confirmed.
Authorities and criminal structures terrorise civil society activists to intimidate the opponents of the
regime. The protest in Ukraine is largely of an anti-criminal nature: citizens are against the merging of
power with crime. Opposition's attempts to negotiate with the government have so far been
ineffective. President Yanukovych ignores the voice of society, and offers solutions which would serve
only to meet his own interests. The direct intervention of Yanukovych in the voting process of the
Ukrainian Parliament on the adoption of the amnesty law has actually become an ultimatum for the
57
http://www.theinsider.com.ua/politics/52e9ee27a355c/
58
http://dt.ua/POLITICS/ssha-sprobuvali-natisnuti-na-yanukovicha-cherez-ahmetova-136648_.html
59
http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2014/02/4/7012560/
60
http://www.pravda.com.ua/articles/2014/01/30/7011979/
61
http://www.pravda.com.ua/articles/2012/10/18/6974896/
15. www.odfoundation.eu
15
protesters: they have 15 days to surrender the occupied premises. The protesters, however, are
refusing to fulfil the requirements of the authorities, since they do not trust their president, nor the
Ministry of Internal Affairs, which still hasn’t investigated the murders and torture of protesters.
Power is still in the hands of the president, and that is why the protesters cannot be sure if the
government will stop the repression.
The amnesty law legalises the military scenario. After 15 days, the president could theoretically justify
the use of force against those protesters, who will have not agreed to his ‘compromise’. The full
‘cleansing’ of the Maidan square and occupied buildings in all the regions may lead to the death of
even more victims and result in an even more large-scale civil conflict.
The Open Dialog Foundation calls on the EU and USA to immediately intervene and increase the
pressure on Viktor Yanukovych and the people, who have been financially supporting the regime; to
become directly involved in the mediation and negotiation process; to establish an international
commission to investigate the crimes of police and criminal structures associated with security
agencies and to impose strict, targeted visa and economic sanctions against the regime of
Yanukovych, including verification of the legitimacy of accounts of the Azarov family in Austria.
It is particularly important to arrange monitoring missions of the EU, OSCE and PACE in the southern
and eastern regions of Ukraine, which are under the influence of the pro-Russian propaganda and are
not being sufficiently informed about the development of the anti-government protests and the EU
and USA's position on the future of Ukraine.
For more detailed information, please contact:
Lyudmyla Kozlovska, The Open Dialog Foundation
lyudmylakozlovska@odfoundation.eu