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Middlesbrough Barbara Fennell  Mark J. Jones  Carmen Llamas
Overview Background 19C Middlesbrough Contact situations An Irish legacy? Thematic analysis of found dataset Phonetic/phonological analysis of elicited dataset NURSE Frication of /t/ Preliminary conclusions and directions for future
The ‘infant Hercules’  Arrival of railway – 1830 Middlesbrough Iron Works – 1841 Discovery of iron ore – 1850 Within 40 years, biggest producer of pig-iron in the world Growth in industry necessitates growth in workforce Hamlet – 1831 Metropolitan Borough – 1853 Major town - 1871
Population growth 19C
Population growth 20C
Migrants Rural hinterland  Further afield -Durham, Staffordshire, South Wales, Scotland and Ireland   1861 - 73.2% born Yorkshire, 1871 - 50.1%  1840s    growing Irish migration  1851-1871 - large-scale Welsh migration Limited employment opportunities for women Compared with frontier towns ‘ rapid growth, the heterogeneous composition of its population, and the preponderance of the male sex, recall features generally credited only to towns of the American West’ (Ravenstein in Briggs 1996)
Irish migration -1851 Census Numbers 324 Irish reported - 4.4% of population (national average 2.9%) Place of residence present in all enumerators districts ‘ it can be stated with confidence that in 1851, there were no specifically Irish quarters in Middlesbrough’ (Willis 2003:20) Lodging ‘ no aversion to Irish lodgers by the non-Irish can be discerned in 1851 Middlesbrough’ (Willis 2003:24)
Irish migration -1851 Census Employment 127 male workers (55.4%) employed in nascent iron industry Marital data 25 mixed marriages in all 8 enumerators districts  29% of all marriages (25/86) mixed  ‘ suggesting that the Irish were integrated into the other communities within Middlesbrough’ (Willis 2003:23)
Irish migration -1861 Census Irish presence increased from 6.3% in 1851 to 15.6% by 1861 - Irish born grew from 324-1793 (553.4%) Irish formed the largest immigrant group ‘ the Irish in 1861 Middlesbrough show areas of concentration that are significant but are not a sufficient measure of segregation’ (Willis 2003:28)  ‘ on the basis of the 1851 and 1861 enumerators returns, mixed marriages were reducing but were still high enough to suggest integration rather than segregation’ (Willis 2003:31)
Irish migration 1870s   By 1870s, the Irish were outnumbering the Welsh by three to one 1 in 5 adult males Irish Middlesbrough second only to Liverpool in terms of the size of its Irish population 1878 - Middlesbrough became a Roman Catholic bishopric In contradiction to occasional claims in the press, there is little if any evidence for a distinctively Irish quarter or ghetto in Middlesbrough (Chase 1995:6)
Media representations of Irish in 19C No overt hostility towards Irish displayed Dialect features yur dursn’t I gits furst, sur ivver, nivver ov onykind, ony hev jist meself
Integration or segregation? Intermarriage Mixed lodgings No Irish quarters No hostile stereotyping in press Particular migration experience  it may well be that because Middlesbrough was an immigrant town, prejudices that existed against the Irish elsewhere in mainland Britain were absent  (Willis 2003:23)  in Middlesbrough celebrating ‘otherness’ was general to all of the immigrants and an integral part of its melting pot culture (Willis 2003:46)
The melting pot Koineisation – a dramatic form of dialect contact following mass settlement of a relatively sparsely populated area the stabilized result of mixing of linguistic subsystems such as regional or literary dialects. It usually serves as a lingua franca among speakers of the different contributing varieties and is characterized by a mixture of features of these varieties and most often by reduction or simplification in comparison (Siegel 1985: 363) Levelling Focussing
An Irish legacy? Current perceptions Influence of the Irish Recent folk perceptions experiment found Middlesbrough accent commonly identified as Liverpool (Kerswill & Williams 2000)  Salient features of MbE NURSE/SQUARE
Manpower Services Database Database found in Middlesbrough Archives and in local libraries Recordings of recollections of Middlesbrough and surrounding areas from 1980s Several informants over 100 years of age Concentrated on 15 Middlesbrough recordings for this project, but there are narratives from outlying areas
Three Aspects of Projects To provide narrative information on history and development of Middlesbrough as background to Llamas’s Boro dialect project To plug gaps in holdings on local history of NEEHI universities To evaluate the possibility of using this database for acoustic analysis
Thematic Analysis 23 themes Language, dialect Ethnic concentrations Streets and landmarks Religion, religious practices Prejudice Holidays and customs World of work Steel works; occupation titles; work routines; company names; ethnically marked occupations Children’s experiences Family life Locations The Irish The Scots The Welsh Other ethnicities/groups e.g. Germans, Jews Historical events Local characters Social conditions E.g. workhouse, public relief Organisations World Wars Transport, bridges Migration and movement Politics Social class divisions Education
Irish ‘ I think it was McAlpine that brought them over from Belfast. Course they were Irish navvies, they could do the work. The finest Irish immigrants that ever come into Middlesbrough was in the early 1900’s and they all settles in what they call Foxheads. That was at the top of Marsh Street and they had to cut down by the bridge where they could go over to the works. They were puddlers . ‘ Most of the Irish lived in Lawson Street and on St Patrick’s Day it used to be fun. They were Northern Irish but of course some were what they called Orange Men and those people would have their tissue paper orange colour, in the window, and the Irish Catholics would have the green.’   Cannon St area: the police wouldn’t send anyone patrolling there alone in case they’d have to fight ‘some big hefty Irishman or whatever…’   ‘… we had an Irish teacher called Paddy…I forget his name, Paddy, he was a little short dumpy man. And…he ruled you with a rod of iron.’
Scottish and Welsh ‘ The Scottish Teals café and shop in Albert Rd, serving scotch tea rolls.’   ‘… the schools Inspector, who I think was a ‘hot dog’ on this business, and if you didn’t do that (arts and crafts), God help you sort your business. He was a little bullying Welshman, I’ll be quite truthful, he was, and he simply went into schools and if these, this wasn’t done he threatened to cut the grant off them…’ ‘… quite a lot of Welsh families were ironmasters…’
Relgious/Ethnic/Political/Class Concentrations Cannon Ward/Socialists ‘ The finest Irish immigrants that ever come to Middlesbrough was in the early 1900’s and they all settles in what they called Foxheads’ at the top of Marsh St; most Northern Irish living in Lawson St (both RC &  protestant). ‘ Tokyo Avenue’ was Marton Road ‘cause the right hand side coming down from Corporation Road to the station was Japanese, and in one window used to be the ‘Rising Sun’. St Mary’s Catholic grammar school in Linthorpe, up Eastbourne Rd.
Religious/Ethnic/Political/Class Concentrations Born in the town centre, lived on Poplar St until 21/22, house backed on to the public library; ‘These streets I’m talking about ran from Russell St up to Grange Rd. And Russell St of course  ran from the Town Hall frontage up to St. John’s Church (…) It was a nice area, it became a slum eventually but was quite a nice area at that time. Respectable people. Working class people.’  Salvation Army meetings outside the Central, a pub at the corner of Richardson St (was maybe called the ‘River Boat’ at the time of the interview). Methodist church on West Terrace (?) where some of Smeaton St School’s classes where held due to lack of space in the school house.
Religious/Ethnic/Political/Class Concentrations Denmark St/Cannon St area as the ‘real rough part of Middlesbrough’ LB (a Catholic) had a house built in Park Rd South, facing the Albert Park, in 1939; before that rented a house in Stanhope Grove, near the cricket field. Cannon St area had some ‘some real characters down there’. A Wesleyan Chapel called the Park Wesley near Albert Park.
Settlement of Irish
Settlement of Irish
Linguistic Features Past Participles I could have  went Simple Past He wasn’t before a lot  come All his customers  come  for the pork at Christmas The people who  done  it were daft, you know There used to be a railway  come  up here from Linthorpe He  run  that carnival and they raffled a house Me for my Me  mother died when I was eleven years old Preposition and adverb choice That was a letter that Mrs G was sent  off  a William C. He had his farm  up  Acklam Down  when we lived in Lord Street there was a bakery
Linguistic Features Lack of plural after numbers in time, length and quantity expressions He’s only in for  three year I was born in…Walkdon, about  six mile  from Bolton There was for there were There  was  no houses There  was  some houses but there wasn’t a lot of houses If there  was  no seats for you, you walked Negation of main verb  have We  hadn’t  a garden No, I  hadn’t  to do anything like that when I was a young ‘un No, I  hadn’t  it cut till … Subject verb agreement If you did you  was  off that table. Even them that  was  sat on the floor
Linguistic Features Demonstrative plural All  them  windows inside Them  days teachers were teachers Them  days there was no widows pension Learnt  for  taught They  learnt  them the traditions of ‘Erimus’ Owt  for  anything No, they never made me do  owt I’ve never seen  owt  like it I wasn’t badly off or  owt  like that BUT – possible result of normalisation of transcripts and needs further investigation
What next Need to complete thematic analysis with a view to mapping settlement patterns. Need to do a more systematic linguistic analysis. Need to test whether we can use the tapes for a qualitative analysis. Need to marry the products of this analysis with new field research on variation in East and West Middlesbrough
Irish English Influence and Middlesbrough Fricated /t/ Mark J. Jones & Carmen Llamas
Contact Irish in-migration into Middlesbrough; Linguistic consequences in Liverpool - very significant; Middlesbrough might show similar effects; Middlesbrough accent popularly misidentified as ‘Scouse’.
Contact Irish (English) features in Middlesbrough? Occurrence of ‘film’ as   ; Clear /l/ - neighbouring accents have dark /l/; NURSE vowel - occurs fronted as   ; /t/ realised as fricative;
Contact Differences: Irish English varieties tend to be rhotic - Middlesbrough is non-rhotic
NURSE vowel Occurs fronted to    in many Irish English varieties; Occurs fronted to    in Liverpool; Occurs fronted to    in Middlesbrough; Is this a contact feature?
NURSE vowel Irish English different reflexes for NURSE set based on Middle English vowels: NURSE   GIRL  Not paralleled in Middlesbrough.
NURSE vowel NURSE vowel also reported as    ~    in north-east (auditory similarity/Wenglish?);    could be parallel development via a process of ‘unrounding’ from    ~    reported in north-east;
NURSE vowel No lexical patterning like GIRL vs. NURSE; Possible parallel development via unrounding of local    ~   ; No unambiguous evidence for contact.
Fricated /t/ Word final pre-vocalic /t/ realisation as fricative recorded for Irish English and in north-east (Middlesbrough, Newcastle). Identified as possible Irish English influence in Liverpool, Australian English (Tollfree 2001).  Watt and Allen (2003): similarity between Irish English and Newcastle fricated /t/.
Fricated /t/ Tollfree (2001): ‘ The assumption that AusE /t/ frication is Irish in origin fails to explain the phonetically similar variants of /t/ in regions of, for example, Britain, which have no special history of Irish immigration; such as Tyneside’ Historically, this is not true, but is it a contact feature?
Fricated /t/ May be parallel development - cross-linguistically common  Frication/assibilation/affrication of voiceless plosives not unknown, e.g.: High German ‘Wasser’ vs. English ‘water’ Ancient Greek, Turkana, Finnish, Korean too
Fricated /t/ Phonological difference: not in intervocalic word-medial position in Middlesbrough, e.g. water =   /  Social difference: ascribed to females only in Middlesbrough.
Fricatives Produced by turbulent airstream in vocal tract; Phonetic quality shaped mainly by cavity forward of noise source; Still much we do not know about fricative production and perception - no parallel acoustic measure to formant frequencies for vowels.
Fricated /t/ No obvious ‘phonetic space’ in which to map fricatives. Compare fricated /t/ with /s/ and /  / in each accent. Place fricated /t/ in some kind of fricative space for comparison; Potential information on contrasts between phonetic fricatives.
Data elicitation Five repetitions of /t/, /s/ and /  / elicited  Environment  v__# (v) Carrier phrases: Say mat again Say mass again Say mash again
Sample 12 speakers recorded in Dublin (5 male, 7 female) 10 speakers recorded in Middlesbrough (4 male, 6 female) Purposes of this paper 6 speakers analysed
Example of Dublin slit-/t/ 0 - 7000 Hz “ Say mat [  ] again”
Example of M’bro fricated-/t/ 0 - 7000 Hz “ Say mat    again”
Fricatives Measured duration; Measured frequency of onset of frication (low-frequency cut-off);  Measured frequency of amplitude peak in spectrum; Measured amplitude of that peak; Range - slice of energy within 12 dB of the peak amplitude;
Fricatives
Fricatives
Considerable variation apparent in the data 5 speakers showed consistent use of one variant Two most frequently used variants per speaker group: Dublin females  [  ]  ~ [  ] Dublin males  [  ] ~ [  ] M’bro females [  ] ~   M’bro males   ~ [  ]/[  ] Variation
Dublin F4 – Peak vs. cut-off
Dublin F5 – Peak vs. cut-off
Dublin F6 – Peak vs. cut-off
Dublin F4 - range
Dublin F5 - range
Dublin F6 - range
Dublin - duration
M’bro F4 – Peak vs. cut-off
M’bro F6 – Peak vs. cut-off
M’bro M4 – Peak vs. cut-off
M’bro F4 - range
M’bro F6 - range
M’bro M4 - range
M’bro Results - duration
Comparison DUBLIN Duration    <    <   Cut-off vs peak   ,    vs.   Range  ,    vs.   MIDDLESBROUGH Duration    <   /  Cut-of vs peak     vs.   ,   Range     vs.   ,  
Phonetic gradience Lack of clear burst in MdbF4 ‘mat’
Phonetic gradience MdbF6 heavily fricated ‘mat’ showing incomplete closure throughout
Phonetic gradience MdbM4 fricated /t/ in ‘mat’
Phonetic gradience Not seen in Dublin data; Suggests that slit-/t/ is ‘more phonological’ than fricated /t/. Patterns may be speaker-specific.
Conclusions Phonetically dissimilar - Middlesbrough shows similarities with /s/ more in keeping with cross-linguistic patterns. Variation: Middlesbrough - gradience between pre-aspirated, pre-affricated and fricated. Dublin - more categorical - plosive or fricative.
Conclusions Caution required in attributing cross-linguistically common features to contact; Phonetically fine-grained study shows patterns of variation missed by impressionistic analysis; More work needed on gradience, and on perception.

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Middlesbrough

  • 1. Middlesbrough Barbara Fennell Mark J. Jones Carmen Llamas
  • 2. Overview Background 19C Middlesbrough Contact situations An Irish legacy? Thematic analysis of found dataset Phonetic/phonological analysis of elicited dataset NURSE Frication of /t/ Preliminary conclusions and directions for future
  • 3. The ‘infant Hercules’ Arrival of railway – 1830 Middlesbrough Iron Works – 1841 Discovery of iron ore – 1850 Within 40 years, biggest producer of pig-iron in the world Growth in industry necessitates growth in workforce Hamlet – 1831 Metropolitan Borough – 1853 Major town - 1871
  • 6. Migrants Rural hinterland Further afield -Durham, Staffordshire, South Wales, Scotland and Ireland 1861 - 73.2% born Yorkshire, 1871 - 50.1% 1840s  growing Irish migration 1851-1871 - large-scale Welsh migration Limited employment opportunities for women Compared with frontier towns ‘ rapid growth, the heterogeneous composition of its population, and the preponderance of the male sex, recall features generally credited only to towns of the American West’ (Ravenstein in Briggs 1996)
  • 7. Irish migration -1851 Census Numbers 324 Irish reported - 4.4% of population (national average 2.9%) Place of residence present in all enumerators districts ‘ it can be stated with confidence that in 1851, there were no specifically Irish quarters in Middlesbrough’ (Willis 2003:20) Lodging ‘ no aversion to Irish lodgers by the non-Irish can be discerned in 1851 Middlesbrough’ (Willis 2003:24)
  • 8. Irish migration -1851 Census Employment 127 male workers (55.4%) employed in nascent iron industry Marital data 25 mixed marriages in all 8 enumerators districts 29% of all marriages (25/86) mixed ‘ suggesting that the Irish were integrated into the other communities within Middlesbrough’ (Willis 2003:23)
  • 9. Irish migration -1861 Census Irish presence increased from 6.3% in 1851 to 15.6% by 1861 - Irish born grew from 324-1793 (553.4%) Irish formed the largest immigrant group ‘ the Irish in 1861 Middlesbrough show areas of concentration that are significant but are not a sufficient measure of segregation’ (Willis 2003:28) ‘ on the basis of the 1851 and 1861 enumerators returns, mixed marriages were reducing but were still high enough to suggest integration rather than segregation’ (Willis 2003:31)
  • 10. Irish migration 1870s  By 1870s, the Irish were outnumbering the Welsh by three to one 1 in 5 adult males Irish Middlesbrough second only to Liverpool in terms of the size of its Irish population 1878 - Middlesbrough became a Roman Catholic bishopric In contradiction to occasional claims in the press, there is little if any evidence for a distinctively Irish quarter or ghetto in Middlesbrough (Chase 1995:6)
  • 11. Media representations of Irish in 19C No overt hostility towards Irish displayed Dialect features yur dursn’t I gits furst, sur ivver, nivver ov onykind, ony hev jist meself
  • 12. Integration or segregation? Intermarriage Mixed lodgings No Irish quarters No hostile stereotyping in press Particular migration experience it may well be that because Middlesbrough was an immigrant town, prejudices that existed against the Irish elsewhere in mainland Britain were absent (Willis 2003:23) in Middlesbrough celebrating ‘otherness’ was general to all of the immigrants and an integral part of its melting pot culture (Willis 2003:46)
  • 13. The melting pot Koineisation – a dramatic form of dialect contact following mass settlement of a relatively sparsely populated area the stabilized result of mixing of linguistic subsystems such as regional or literary dialects. It usually serves as a lingua franca among speakers of the different contributing varieties and is characterized by a mixture of features of these varieties and most often by reduction or simplification in comparison (Siegel 1985: 363) Levelling Focussing
  • 14. An Irish legacy? Current perceptions Influence of the Irish Recent folk perceptions experiment found Middlesbrough accent commonly identified as Liverpool (Kerswill & Williams 2000) Salient features of MbE NURSE/SQUARE
  • 15. Manpower Services Database Database found in Middlesbrough Archives and in local libraries Recordings of recollections of Middlesbrough and surrounding areas from 1980s Several informants over 100 years of age Concentrated on 15 Middlesbrough recordings for this project, but there are narratives from outlying areas
  • 16. Three Aspects of Projects To provide narrative information on history and development of Middlesbrough as background to Llamas’s Boro dialect project To plug gaps in holdings on local history of NEEHI universities To evaluate the possibility of using this database for acoustic analysis
  • 17. Thematic Analysis 23 themes Language, dialect Ethnic concentrations Streets and landmarks Religion, religious practices Prejudice Holidays and customs World of work Steel works; occupation titles; work routines; company names; ethnically marked occupations Children’s experiences Family life Locations The Irish The Scots The Welsh Other ethnicities/groups e.g. Germans, Jews Historical events Local characters Social conditions E.g. workhouse, public relief Organisations World Wars Transport, bridges Migration and movement Politics Social class divisions Education
  • 18. Irish ‘ I think it was McAlpine that brought them over from Belfast. Course they were Irish navvies, they could do the work. The finest Irish immigrants that ever come into Middlesbrough was in the early 1900’s and they all settles in what they call Foxheads. That was at the top of Marsh Street and they had to cut down by the bridge where they could go over to the works. They were puddlers . ‘ Most of the Irish lived in Lawson Street and on St Patrick’s Day it used to be fun. They were Northern Irish but of course some were what they called Orange Men and those people would have their tissue paper orange colour, in the window, and the Irish Catholics would have the green.’ Cannon St area: the police wouldn’t send anyone patrolling there alone in case they’d have to fight ‘some big hefty Irishman or whatever…’ ‘… we had an Irish teacher called Paddy…I forget his name, Paddy, he was a little short dumpy man. And…he ruled you with a rod of iron.’
  • 19. Scottish and Welsh ‘ The Scottish Teals café and shop in Albert Rd, serving scotch tea rolls.’ ‘… the schools Inspector, who I think was a ‘hot dog’ on this business, and if you didn’t do that (arts and crafts), God help you sort your business. He was a little bullying Welshman, I’ll be quite truthful, he was, and he simply went into schools and if these, this wasn’t done he threatened to cut the grant off them…’ ‘… quite a lot of Welsh families were ironmasters…’
  • 20. Relgious/Ethnic/Political/Class Concentrations Cannon Ward/Socialists ‘ The finest Irish immigrants that ever come to Middlesbrough was in the early 1900’s and they all settles in what they called Foxheads’ at the top of Marsh St; most Northern Irish living in Lawson St (both RC & protestant). ‘ Tokyo Avenue’ was Marton Road ‘cause the right hand side coming down from Corporation Road to the station was Japanese, and in one window used to be the ‘Rising Sun’. St Mary’s Catholic grammar school in Linthorpe, up Eastbourne Rd.
  • 21. Religious/Ethnic/Political/Class Concentrations Born in the town centre, lived on Poplar St until 21/22, house backed on to the public library; ‘These streets I’m talking about ran from Russell St up to Grange Rd. And Russell St of course ran from the Town Hall frontage up to St. John’s Church (…) It was a nice area, it became a slum eventually but was quite a nice area at that time. Respectable people. Working class people.’ Salvation Army meetings outside the Central, a pub at the corner of Richardson St (was maybe called the ‘River Boat’ at the time of the interview). Methodist church on West Terrace (?) where some of Smeaton St School’s classes where held due to lack of space in the school house.
  • 22. Religious/Ethnic/Political/Class Concentrations Denmark St/Cannon St area as the ‘real rough part of Middlesbrough’ LB (a Catholic) had a house built in Park Rd South, facing the Albert Park, in 1939; before that rented a house in Stanhope Grove, near the cricket field. Cannon St area had some ‘some real characters down there’. A Wesleyan Chapel called the Park Wesley near Albert Park.
  • 25. Linguistic Features Past Participles I could have went Simple Past He wasn’t before a lot come All his customers come for the pork at Christmas The people who done it were daft, you know There used to be a railway come up here from Linthorpe He run that carnival and they raffled a house Me for my Me mother died when I was eleven years old Preposition and adverb choice That was a letter that Mrs G was sent off a William C. He had his farm up Acklam Down when we lived in Lord Street there was a bakery
  • 26. Linguistic Features Lack of plural after numbers in time, length and quantity expressions He’s only in for three year I was born in…Walkdon, about six mile from Bolton There was for there were There was no houses There was some houses but there wasn’t a lot of houses If there was no seats for you, you walked Negation of main verb have We hadn’t a garden No, I hadn’t to do anything like that when I was a young ‘un No, I hadn’t it cut till … Subject verb agreement If you did you was off that table. Even them that was sat on the floor
  • 27. Linguistic Features Demonstrative plural All them windows inside Them days teachers were teachers Them days there was no widows pension Learnt for taught They learnt them the traditions of ‘Erimus’ Owt for anything No, they never made me do owt I’ve never seen owt like it I wasn’t badly off or owt like that BUT – possible result of normalisation of transcripts and needs further investigation
  • 28. What next Need to complete thematic analysis with a view to mapping settlement patterns. Need to do a more systematic linguistic analysis. Need to test whether we can use the tapes for a qualitative analysis. Need to marry the products of this analysis with new field research on variation in East and West Middlesbrough
  • 29. Irish English Influence and Middlesbrough Fricated /t/ Mark J. Jones & Carmen Llamas
  • 30. Contact Irish in-migration into Middlesbrough; Linguistic consequences in Liverpool - very significant; Middlesbrough might show similar effects; Middlesbrough accent popularly misidentified as ‘Scouse’.
  • 31. Contact Irish (English) features in Middlesbrough? Occurrence of ‘film’ as  ; Clear /l/ - neighbouring accents have dark /l/; NURSE vowel - occurs fronted as  ; /t/ realised as fricative;
  • 32. Contact Differences: Irish English varieties tend to be rhotic - Middlesbrough is non-rhotic
  • 33. NURSE vowel Occurs fronted to  in many Irish English varieties; Occurs fronted to  in Liverpool; Occurs fronted to  in Middlesbrough; Is this a contact feature?
  • 34. NURSE vowel Irish English different reflexes for NURSE set based on Middle English vowels: NURSE  GIRL  Not paralleled in Middlesbrough.
  • 35. NURSE vowel NURSE vowel also reported as  ~  in north-east (auditory similarity/Wenglish?);  could be parallel development via a process of ‘unrounding’ from  ~  reported in north-east;
  • 36. NURSE vowel No lexical patterning like GIRL vs. NURSE; Possible parallel development via unrounding of local  ~  ; No unambiguous evidence for contact.
  • 37. Fricated /t/ Word final pre-vocalic /t/ realisation as fricative recorded for Irish English and in north-east (Middlesbrough, Newcastle). Identified as possible Irish English influence in Liverpool, Australian English (Tollfree 2001). Watt and Allen (2003): similarity between Irish English and Newcastle fricated /t/.
  • 38. Fricated /t/ Tollfree (2001): ‘ The assumption that AusE /t/ frication is Irish in origin fails to explain the phonetically similar variants of /t/ in regions of, for example, Britain, which have no special history of Irish immigration; such as Tyneside’ Historically, this is not true, but is it a contact feature?
  • 39. Fricated /t/ May be parallel development - cross-linguistically common Frication/assibilation/affrication of voiceless plosives not unknown, e.g.: High German ‘Wasser’ vs. English ‘water’ Ancient Greek, Turkana, Finnish, Korean too
  • 40. Fricated /t/ Phonological difference: not in intervocalic word-medial position in Middlesbrough, e.g. water =  /  Social difference: ascribed to females only in Middlesbrough.
  • 41. Fricatives Produced by turbulent airstream in vocal tract; Phonetic quality shaped mainly by cavity forward of noise source; Still much we do not know about fricative production and perception - no parallel acoustic measure to formant frequencies for vowels.
  • 42. Fricated /t/ No obvious ‘phonetic space’ in which to map fricatives. Compare fricated /t/ with /s/ and /  / in each accent. Place fricated /t/ in some kind of fricative space for comparison; Potential information on contrasts between phonetic fricatives.
  • 43. Data elicitation Five repetitions of /t/, /s/ and /  / elicited Environment v__# (v) Carrier phrases: Say mat again Say mass again Say mash again
  • 44. Sample 12 speakers recorded in Dublin (5 male, 7 female) 10 speakers recorded in Middlesbrough (4 male, 6 female) Purposes of this paper 6 speakers analysed
  • 45. Example of Dublin slit-/t/ 0 - 7000 Hz “ Say mat [ ] again”
  • 46. Example of M’bro fricated-/t/ 0 - 7000 Hz “ Say mat  again”
  • 47. Fricatives Measured duration; Measured frequency of onset of frication (low-frequency cut-off); Measured frequency of amplitude peak in spectrum; Measured amplitude of that peak; Range - slice of energy within 12 dB of the peak amplitude;
  • 50. Considerable variation apparent in the data 5 speakers showed consistent use of one variant Two most frequently used variants per speaker group: Dublin females [ ] ~ [  ] Dublin males [  ] ~ [  ] M’bro females [  ] ~  M’bro males  ~ [  ]/[  ] Variation
  • 51. Dublin F4 – Peak vs. cut-off
  • 52. Dublin F5 – Peak vs. cut-off
  • 53. Dublin F6 – Peak vs. cut-off
  • 54. Dublin F4 - range
  • 55. Dublin F5 - range
  • 56. Dublin F6 - range
  • 58. M’bro F4 – Peak vs. cut-off
  • 59. M’bro F6 – Peak vs. cut-off
  • 60. M’bro M4 – Peak vs. cut-off
  • 61. M’bro F4 - range
  • 62. M’bro F6 - range
  • 63. M’bro M4 - range
  • 64. M’bro Results - duration
  • 65. Comparison DUBLIN Duration  <  <  Cut-off vs peak  ,  vs.  Range  ,  vs.  MIDDLESBROUGH Duration  <  /  Cut-of vs peak  vs.  ,  Range  vs.  , 
  • 66. Phonetic gradience Lack of clear burst in MdbF4 ‘mat’
  • 67. Phonetic gradience MdbF6 heavily fricated ‘mat’ showing incomplete closure throughout
  • 68. Phonetic gradience MdbM4 fricated /t/ in ‘mat’
  • 69. Phonetic gradience Not seen in Dublin data; Suggests that slit-/t/ is ‘more phonological’ than fricated /t/. Patterns may be speaker-specific.
  • 70. Conclusions Phonetically dissimilar - Middlesbrough shows similarities with /s/ more in keeping with cross-linguistic patterns. Variation: Middlesbrough - gradience between pre-aspirated, pre-affricated and fricated. Dublin - more categorical - plosive or fricative.
  • 71. Conclusions Caution required in attributing cross-linguistically common features to contact; Phonetically fine-grained study shows patterns of variation missed by impressionistic analysis; More work needed on gradience, and on perception.