This document provides an overview of patterns of conversion in Melanesia, with examples. It discusses 3 main patterns: Protestant conversion focused on education and individual faith decisions; Roman Catholic conversion aimed to convert communities through baptism and ritual; and conversion through indigenous religious movements addressing specific problems. Examples from Irian Jaya describe rapid Dani conversion sparked by burning fetishes, and a dream experience that catalyzed conversion on Roon island, blending Christian and traditional religious symbols. Conversion involves both continuity of symbols and discontinuity in accepting new beliefs.

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Melanesian Conversion. An Historical and Comparative Perspective
Dr. A. N. Ipenburg,
Evangelical Christian Church in Irian Jaya,
Theological College “I. S. Kijne”,
Abepura-Jayapura, Irian Jaya, Indonesia
Contents:
1. Introduction 2
2. Patterns of Conversion 2
3. The Nature of Conversion: Some Melanesian Examples 3
4. Conversion and Special Revelation 4
5. Conversion: Continuity or Discontinuity? 5
6. Conclusion 5
8. Discussion 6
9. Bibliography 6
1. Introduction
In this paper I want to reflect on the nature of Melanesian conversion in historical and
comparative perspective.
In the late 1950s and early 1960s the Dani of the Baliem Valley were very quickly
converted to Christianity. The missionaries could hardly keep path with the process.
While still mainly engaged with establishing the preliminary preconditions for
evangelising, like building an airstrip, the Dani pressed them to make them Christians.
(Hayward 1980: 128-9). This is quite unique as elsewhere in Irian, for example in the
North in Biak, Numfoor, Manokwari and Jayapura-Sentani area. The same is the case in
Africa before the establishment of colonial rule at the beginning of the 20th century.

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Missionaries had to wait for decades or even generations to see meagre results. The
conversion of the Dani began with their own decision to burn their fetishes. These were
the tools of their previous religion. By burning the fetishes there was no way back. Some
would explain this rapid conversion as the work of the Holy Spirit. However, we are only
able to establish this when the motivation of the converts is clear. There are pragmatic
aspects to conversion. The main theme of this paper is: Can we speak of a specific
Melanesian conversion, what is its nature, how does it relate to conversion elsewhere, for
instance in Africa?
The model provided by Horton (1971: 85-108) could contribute to our understanding of
conversion. He places conversion in the perspective of outside influences in general in
the field of politics, economics. In order to get a grip on these outside influences people
need more encompassing religious concepts. As the tribal world is broken open, the
world is widened and the traditional religious concepts are experienced as inadequate, as
too narrow. There is a need for the concept of a universal God, of a Creator God, of a
universal religion to get grip on the new and changed environment. In other words, when
the environment changes, when certain elements of the culture change, religion has to
change too. If the traditional religion can not change it is replaced by the new religion.
Christianity and Islam are both equally suitable to fulfil these needs. If people hear about
Christianity first Christianity is accepted. If Islam comes first people get converted to
Islam.
Tribal people have a pragmatic attitude towards religion. Religion has to prove itself.
There should be immediate gains. Salvation is in the first place this worldly. Salvation
means: a full life, a marriage, many children, an active sex life, success with farming and
hunting and tribal warfare, a long life. Christianity came to the interior of Irian when the
local societies were just being opened for external government administration by the
Dutch and later the Indonesians. This meant an intrusion in the day-to-day activities of
the people. There was interference with warfare, with customs and rituals considered

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immoral or objectionable. Western clothing was recommended. The missionaries came
slightly ahead of them or at the same time. The policy of the missionaries was to give
presents to “break the ice” to establish friendships and to pay for small services, like help
with building activities. This in itself would already establish the superiority of the new
religion, as the “Christian” iron axes were clearly superior to the “traditional” stone axes.
This may have set a pattern where Christianity became connected with the superiority of
the material culture of the people that brought the new religion to Irian and with the
receiving of material goods in exchange for outward allegiance to Christian rituals such
as church attendance, participation in the sacraments, the giving up of one‟s fetishes, a
Christian marriage. Western type of clothing and living in a household with one‟s
husband or wife and one‟s own children only.
2. Patterns of Conversion
We can distinguish three different patterns of conversion: the Protestant pattern, the
Roman Catholic one and the pattern of the indigenous religious movements (IRMs).
These three patterns correlate with different forms of mission strategy. People may
respond differently to each of these strategies.
a. Protestant conversion
Protestant missions used, generally speaking, education as their main method of
evangelisation. Basically, the idea was that you teach people to read and write, you
translate the Bible, and the work of evangelisation is done. The people can read the Bible
themselves and by reading come to faith. The Bible, as the written Word of God, will in
itself convince the pagan reader to change religion.
For the local people education was an immediate gain. There was with the increased
economic opportunities in the mines, the mission and in government a need for literate
Africans. Education was the main means to social advancement, for an increase in status,
for access to money and the goods it could buy, which could not be provided by

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traditional society with its simple social structure. In traditional society one could only
gain a position of leadership when one descended from the chiefs or headmen. A man
could only hope that with a large family and many children, his sons in law with their
offspring would decide to live with him. With the increased number of members of the
family he would have the opportunity to establish a new village, bearing his name, and
become its first headman.
Education offered many secular opportunities. Conversion was an individual decision
based on one‟s participation in the educational system of the Mission. One‟s conversion
came about as a matter of course as one climbed one‟s way upward in the educational
pyramid. As one learned the 3 Rs (reading, writing, arithmetic) and the first principles of
western knowledge one also learnt the catechism. One was incorporated in the church as
one passed the catechism examination. Faith was a thing to be learned. Conversion was
an intellectual decision.
The Protestant missionaries stressed the preaching and reading of the Word of God as
found in the Bible. The Bible was the written (and printed) Word of God. It was of
extreme importance to make available as soon as possible and on an extensive scale the
Bible in the language of the local people. The Bible would speak for itself. These
missionaries held the opinion that the Bible is inherently clear. It would not need
intermediaries who take up a position between the biblical faith of the individual believer
and his or her God. Similar ideas of the prime importance of the Bible published in a local
language, is found in Irian with missionaries and bible translators of SIL/Wycliff.
b. Roman Catholic conversion
Initially, till the 1930s, the Roman Catholics did not pay much attention to educational
and health services. The main interest was to incorporate people into the “Holy Mother
Church” through baptism. Baptism had an objective value in salvation. This means that
without the Roman Catholic sacrament of baptism people would be damned forever. The

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Roman Catholics laid more stress on the celebration of the various sacraments than the
Protestants. Not the spoken word but the performed ritual was the major religious activity
to communicate the Gospel. The Protestant missionaries could link up with the
important oral tradition of story telling of traditional religion. However, their approach in
general was more rational, more directed to understanding with the mind, of learning the
gospel truths as one learns the three Rs. The Roman Catholics with their complex and
“secret”, for priests only, rituals, in the „sacred‟ Latin language, connected more closely
and more directly with the way of thinking of the traditional religion. These magico-
religious, rites competed with the rites done by the priests and healers of traditional
society. Catholic missionaries, initially, had the habit of enticing people to attend their
church services by giving tobacco, needles and other useful gifts to the participants after
the church service. Here again the reward of conversion was immediate and concrete..
The Roman Catholic missionaries tried to use the structure of society to convert the
people to their Church. They aimed at converting the leadership, the Chiefs and
headmen. Having achieved this the conversion of Chiefs the common people would
easily follow. Conversion is conversion of a whole people. It is a collective decision, taken
by the leaders for the people.
c. The conversion with indigenous religious movements (IRMs)
Indigenous religious movements originate sometimes as a form of protest against mission
Christianity. There may have been a rivalry about leadership in the church. A leader who
was left out established his or her own, independent, church. People may feel they have
to wait too long to get accepted for membership. Sometimes poligyny. was the issue to
break away. A major issue was the fact that the mission church failed to address
important pastoral problems the people have, like the belief in and the fear for witchcraft.
There is sometimes another protest element. The indigenous religious movement may
want to be a kind of a “national”, ethnic or tribal church, in particular for a dispossessed
or a suppressed group of people. An example is the Wege Bage Movement for the Me

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people of Paniai, established by Zakheus Pakage.
The independent church or movement is often established by a gifted individual, a person
blessed with spiritual gifts and gifts of leadership, a messiah figure or a prophet. Such a
person is difficult to contain in a church, which stresses formal education as a
requirement for office, and does not recognise the office of prophet.
Indigenous religious movements usually have a close relationship to the social structure,
the belief systems and the aspirations of a local tribe or group of people. Its membership,
usually, consist of the rural poor. Illiteracy is common, even among its leadership.
Conversion to these churches and movements usually comes about in the process of
seeking help for a specific personal problem, like a disease, barrenness, possessedness by
evil spirits or fear for witchcraft. As one is helped effectively, one joins the movement.
In the Irianese context there are also numerous of similar Indigeneous Religious
Movements, here often described as „cargo cults‟.
3. The Nature of Conversion: Some Melanesian Examples
It seems there are similarities in the pattern of African and of Melanesian conversion.
The concept „cargo-cult‟ may not be adequate to describe such movements in Melanesia.
The concept can also be considered derogatory. Cargo cult could be reserved for a
religion where cargo is given religious dimensions. For instance the idea that one can
only become a full person by possessing as much cargo as one can. This form of religion
can be found in western developed countries, where moreover to the devastation of the
environment there also is an enormous amount of „cargo‟, of material objects or consumer
goods. For many movements in Melanesia the term „messianic movements‟ seems to be
more adequate. This term covers similar movements in Africa.
Moreover, hardly any religion is only otherworldly. Most religions promise the followers
benefits in the here and now. The cargo cult aspect is but one aspect of indigenous

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religious movements in Melanesia as well as elsewhere. The Melanesian NRMs have also
aspects like Messianism, Zionism, healing, exorcism, political and social protest, political
and social reconstruction, cultural innovation, or simply to provide “a place to feel at
home.” (Welbourn, 1966: 201)
4. Conversion and Special Revelation
When we go back to the individual level we see that conversion can come about as an
encounter with the divine, as a consequence for a special revelation given to a particular
individual. There is a pattern in special revelation.
As the first Melanesian example one could mention Pamai, who brought the gospel to the
people in the Sentani area. He was himself an illiterate, but taught the people to destroy
their Kariwari-masks, after these had been shown to women, which was taboo.. He then
taught the people the Lord‟s Prayer and the 12 Articles of Faith. Pamai had been sick. He
had died. Had appeared for the Lord, who told him that he could not yet enter Heaven
before he had brought the Gospel to other people (Schneider 1929: 108-109).
A very striking example wich formed the linchpin in the success of early mission at the
North Coast of Irian Jaya. is the story of Jan from the small island Roon, as recorded by F.
Kamma in his history of the GKI (Kamma, 1976: 602-607).
A former slave, named Jan, raised in the house of a missionary, had an accident. Three
days before his days he had the following dream. He walked in a large house and saw an
iron door. He passed through the door and saw a golden door. Passing through that door
he came into a very large room, with everywhere around, above and down, gold. While he
was walking around, quite amazed, he saw from the other side a man dressed in pure
white, followed by numerous small girls all dressed in long, white dresses, their beautiful
hair tied up with ribbons. The man asked what he was doing. Jan said: “I am just looking
around.” “But you do not belong here. Go away,‟ the man said. Jan wanted to leave, but

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the man called him back. He took a very big book, looked into it, and said: ”Your name is
not yet written here. Go back home, say farewell to your wife and children, and after three
days you must come back here.” Then the man opened a hatch in the floor, where a
golden ladder led to the earth. Jan went down the ladder and awoke. He told everybody
who came to visit him about the dream. Three days later, on 1 January 1908 in the
morning, Jan died. Then the people of the island of Roon got converted in great numbers,
while before only a few had showed interest in the Gospel. On New Year‟s Eve 1907 the
people of Roon burned on the beach their korwars (sacred objects made out of the skull
of their ancestors), their fetishes and amulets.
The dram of Jan translated the gospel in terms the people could understand. A dream has
authority as it is considered a message form the other world, the world of the ancestors
and the spirits. The house of gold is symbol for the land of the spirits. It is significant that
that world is above and not down below as in the traditional representation of the land of
the spirits. Jan found there a house and a home. As a former slave he did not have
relatives and a home of his own. The iron door means the status of a slave, while gold is
the symbol of the free person. The people dressed in white. White is the colour of the
deceased. The long hair is the symbol of the Irianese who are not slave but free. The
golden ladder is the traditional representation of the better world. Before everybody had
access to this world, but because of negligence of human being access ahs been lost. In
the dram of Jan the Gospel reunites the two worlds, the broken unity. There is the new
element that forgiveness has to replace revenge. The message from Jan‟s dream was told
from mouth to mouth without using the channels of communication of the Gospel created
by the missionaries. In the whole process the missionaries were outsiders, reduced to a
marginal position. But the people came back to the missionaries and the gurus to learn
more about the Gospel and to ask for catechetical instruction and baptism.
5. Conversion: Continuity or Discontinuity?

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In the history of the conversion of the people of Roon we see a continuity in the use of
religious symbols, as well as a discontinuity in the acceptance of central elements of the
Gospel.
Conversion could be considered, following Max Warren, either as a „change of mind‟ in
the form of a specific individual spiritual experience or as a change of allegiance, the
acceptance of a new environment of thoughts. The latter is, in the nature of things, more
gradual, and less likely to be dramatic (Warren, Max 1967: 164). Protestant and
Independent conversion seem to fall in the former category, the group conversions of
Roman Catholic missionary policy would fall in the latter category.
The sudden conversion of the Western Dani in the early 1960s seems almost
unprecedented. What made them burn their amulets, fetishes and witchcraft tools,
probably their most prized possessions, necessary to survive in a hostile environment?
This would be a clear example of conversion as discontinuity. The burning was by and
large their own initiative. As Hayward (1980: 141-143) describes it the missionaries were
very hesitant towards this sudden enthusiasm for a new religion about which the people
knew still very little. Some were opposed to the sudden burning arguing that it is better to
have a wrong religion, spirit worship, than no religion at all. It is possible that elements
in the traditional religion of the Western Dani triggered off this outcome, though neither
Hayward nor Peters (1975) gives clues in this direction.
The Una people in the Eastern Highlands had a similar, sudden, conversion in the period
1973-1980. Some elements involved in this conversion were, that the people associated the
European people coming into the area as associated with the spirit world because of their
pale skin. Secondly, the newcomers who brought the Gospel used supernatural means of
transport ( a helicopter). Thirdly, the tools the outsiders brought with them were
perceived as superior (steel axes, machetes, knives) and finally, some authoritative Una
people had had a dream pale skinned people who would come and do good to the Una

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people. These factors played a role while there was at the same time a spiritual crisis. The
first village to be converted was Langda. The people in this village were considered the
underdogs in the war with the village of Loryi in the Northern Ei valley. The frequent
earthquakes in that period may also have had an impact.
6. Conclusion
Conversion does not mean a complete break with the past. There is discontinuity, but
also continuity in one form or the other between the traditional religion and Christianity.
The new religion is interpreted with the concepts of the old religion. The new rituals, like
the Roman Catholic sacraments may in the understanding of the converts just mean more
powerful magical rites aimed at achieving health, well being, material wealth, a position
of power When the Western Dani of the Baliem valley in the early 1960s or the Uni people
of the Eastern Highlands in the 1970s burned their amulets and fetishes or destroyed
them in another way, it did not mean that they did away with magical thinking. It may
have meant a replacement of magical tools for better ones, their functional equivalents,
like replacing their stone axes for imported iron ones.
It will be clear from our analysis that more factors are involved in conversion than those
that are mentioned by Horton.
There are similarities in the way prophets are called. They hear a voice: “Go and proclaim
the Gospel”. They tell the message of the Gospel in a form and with rituals, which are
close to the people. The prophets reach people unreachable by the established churches
as they are, generally speaking, living marginal lives in the rural areas without access to
proper schooling or health care facilities.. We could consider seeing the Holy Spirit at
work here calling people to His work: to bring all the peoples the Gospel of eternal
salvation.
We should, however, see these revelations not as absolute, not as replacing biblical

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revelation. The revelations are a step in a process, which lead to conversion. Conversion
is a moment in time and at the same time a step in a process of Christianisation, of growth
in the fellowship with the Holy Spirit. Continuing bible study and reflection is a
precondition for this process to continue.
7 Discussion:
In how far can the Church open itself for the gift of prophecy as a form of special
revelation. As described in Rom. 14? This gift is clearly recognised in the early church,
and even put at a higher level than the speaking in tongues. The early church had also
learnt to distinguish between true and false prophets (see 1 John 4: 1-6).
In how far an the Church develop a positive attitude towards existing prophetic or
messianistic movements? At present the Church keeps itself at a distance, often fearing
competition. Some Churches even claim that demonic influences are at work in these
movements. Governments have also, generally speaking, a negative attitude and many of
the prophets mentioned above have faced severe persecution, imprisonment, banning
orders. One (Zakheus Pakage) was locked up in a mental hospital.
How is revelation related to theology? Dulles sees revelation (also the special
revelation described in this paper) as “ the source and centre, the beginning and end, of
the theological enterprise.” (Dulles SJ, Avery 1983: 283). A challenge for the Church here
in Irian and also for academic theology as taught at universities?
What is the nature of conversion in the context of Melanesia (Irian Jaya) and in other
cultural contexts (Africa, America, Europe)? How does culture relate to the Gospel? Can
we speak about the Gospel without any culture, above culture, independent of culture?

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What is the nature of salvation? And how does salvation influnce a (American,
Irianese, African, European) culture ?
8. Bibliography
Dulles SJ, Avery 1983 Models of Revelation, Dublin: Gill and Macmillan
Giay, Benny 1986. Kargoisme di Irian Jaya, Sentani: Region Press
Giay, Benny 1995. Zakheus Pakage and His Communities. Indigenous Religious
Discourse, Socio-Political Resistance, and Ethnohistory of the Me of Irian Jaya
Amsterdam: VU University Press (PhD Thesis Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam)
Hayward, Douglas 1980. The Dani of Irian Jaya Before and After Conversion Sentani:
Region Press
Horton, R. 1971. “African Conversion”, in: Africa 41: 85-108
Kamma, Freerk Ch. 1972. Koreri. Messianic Movements in the Biak-Numfor Culture
Area, The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff
Kamma, Freerk Ch. 1976. “Dit Wonderlijke Werk”. Het Prtobleem van de Communicatie
Tussen Oost en West Gebaseerd op de Ervaringen in het Zendingswerk op Nieuw-
Guinea (Irian Jaya) 1855-1972. Een Socio-Missiologische Benadering, Oegstgeest: Raad
voor de Zending.
Peters, H. L. 1975. “Some Observations of the Social and Religious Life of a Dani-
Group”, in: Irian. Bulletin of Irian Jaya Development (Jayapura), 4, 2

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Schneider, G. J. 1929. “Sentani Ontwaakt!” in:Nederlands Zendingsblad, 13: 108-109.
Slump, F. 1935. De Zending op West-Nieuw-Guinee, Oegstgeest: Zendingsbureau
(From: Mededeelingen. Tijdschrift voor Zendingswetenschap.)
Warren, Max 1967. Social History and Christian Mission, London
Worsly, Peter 1968. (Second Edition) The Trumpet Shall Sound. A Study of „Cargo‟ Cults
in Melanesia, New York: Schocken Books
© 1998 Dr. A. N. Ipenburg
Notes:
1 The Old Testament view on salvation is not so different. God promises Abraham
„descendants countless as the dust of the earth” (Gen. 13: 16) and ass the „stars of the sky‟
because of his faith (Gen. 15: 5). Jacob, Joseph, David and Solomon were blessed with
wives, children, material wealth and a long life when they kept God‟s law and had faith in His
promises. The people of Israel are promised prosperity, good harvests, rains in due time,
peace and a long life if they keep the Lord‟s commandments ( Leviticus 26: 3-13). However,
the people will be punished by wars, disasters, famine, diseases if the people break the
covenant and do not obey all God‟s commandments (Leviticus 26: 14: 41)
2 Fokke Sierksma also points out the “cargo” character of modern societies. The British
author Priestley found in the USA in some place the sign: “Turn Right On Next Block For
Perfection.” He thought this was typical for American materialistic culture, with its promises of
perfection through health food, body building, special courses, mental training, ownership of
specific cars and so on. (Fokke Sierksma 1978 (second ed.). Een Nieuwe Hemel en een
Nieuwe Aarde. Messianistische en Eschatologische Bewegingen en Voorstellingen bij
Primitieve Volken, Groningen: Konstapel). For Sierksma the emergence of salvation
movements mainly originates in the encounter between Europeans and “Primitive” peoples.
This Eurocentric view seems outdated now. Cf. Benny Giay (1995: 255-6) for an approach
“beyond „cargo cults‟”.
3 I am indebted to Drs. Dick Kronemans (SIL) for this analysis of Una conversion.
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