How Transnational Migration Shapes Gender Relations in Liberian Families in Canada

TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION AND GENDER RELATIONS: THE CASE OF
LIBERIAN IMMIGRANT FAMILIES IN HALIFAX, NOVA SCOTIA
by
Joseph Nyemah Nyemah
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of Master of Arts
at
Dalhousie University
Halifax, Nova Scotia
December 2007
© Copyright by Joseph Nyemah Nyemah, 2007

ii
DALHOUSIE UNIVERSITY
DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT STUDIES
The undersigned hereby certify that they have read and recommend to the Faculty
of Graduate Studies for acceptance a thesis entitled
Transnational Migration and Gender Relations: The Case of Liberian Immigrant
Families in Halifax, Nova Scotia
By
Joseph Nyemah Nyemah
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts
Dated: _______________________________________
Supervisor: ________________________________
Dr. Pauline Gardiner Barber
Readers: ________________________________
Dr. Rebecca Tiessen
________________________________
Dr. David Black

iii
DALHOUSIE UNIVERSITY
DATE: December 6th
, 2007
AUTHOR: Joseph Nyemah Nyemah
TITLE: Transnational Migration and Gender Relations: The Case of Liberian
Immigrant Families in Halifax, Nova Scotia
DEPARTMENT OR SCHOOL: Department of International Development Studies
DEGREE: MA CONVOCATION: May YEAR: 2008
Permission is herewith granted to Dalhousie University to circulate and to have copied
for non-commercial purposes, at its discretion, the above title upon the request of
individuals or institutions.
______________________________
Signature of Author
The author reserves other publication rights, and neither the thesis nor extensive extracts
from it may be printed or otherwise reproduced without the author‟s written permission.
The author attests that permission has been obtained for the use of any copyright material
appearing in the thesis (other than the brief excerpts requiring only proper
acknowledgement in scholarly writing), and that all such use is clearly acknowledged.

iv
DEDICATION
I will do myself injustice if I do not dedicate this thesis to myself. My story is the
story of the poor African child who grew up in a village where there is no telephone, a
trained physician and electricity even in the year 2007. I cannot remember how many
times I have had malaria. The distance between my dwelling house and schools I
attended was always not less than three kilometers, yet I traveled on foot. I must
appreciate my courage, perseverance and resilience from the poverty of the developing
world – a reason why I have studied development. Coming from a war ravaged country
like Liberia, obtaining a graduate degree from Dalhousie University in Canada is an
illustrious fulfillment of a huge dream.

v
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication ………………………………...………………………………………...…....iv
Abstract ………………………………………………………………………………….vii
List of Abbreviations Used……………………………………………………………...viii
Glossary …………………………………………………………….................................ix
Acknowledgements ……………………………………………………………….............x
Chapter One: Introduction……………………………………………………………...1
Chapter Two: Theoretical Underpinnings and Regional Profile …………………….4
2.1. Gender ……………………………………………………………………………......5
2.2. Transnationalism ………………………………………....…………………...….....12
2.3. Globalization ………………………………………………………………………..17
2.4. Regional Profiles ……………………………………………………………………25
2.4.1. Racism, Forced Migration and the Creation of Liberia…………………...25
2.4.2. Liberia, a Mockery of Freedom and a Unique Form of Colonialism …….28
2.4.3. Freed Slaves and the Natives: a Cycle of Oppression ……………………29
2.4.4. Civil War, Displacement and Transnationalism ……………………….…31
2.4.5. A Geopolitical Perspective on the Liberian Conflict within West Africa ..32
2.4.6. The Canadian Immigration Context ………………………………………33
Chapter Three: Key Concepts and ResearchMethodology…………………………38
3.1. The Household: a Key Site for Gender Relations …………………….………...…..38
3.2. Patriarchy: Control over Financial Income and Procreation ……………………..…47
3.3. Capitalism and Gender Relations …………………...………………………………52
3.4. Masculinities and Culture as Concepts of Gender Relations ……………………….59
3.5. Power and Culture as Gender Concepts ………………………………………….....64
3.6. Methodology ………………….…………………………………………………….67
3.7. Semi-Structured Interview Guide ……………………………………………….….68
3.8. Recruitment Process ……………………………………………..………………….70
3.9. Data Collection ……………………………………………………………………..71

vi
3.10. Data Analysis ………………………………………………………………...……73
3.11. Challenges..…………………………………………..…………………………….74
Chapter Four: Migrating From Liberia to Canada: Implications for Gender
Relations…………………………………………………………………………………75
4.1. Profiles of the Participants ………………………………………………………….75
4.2. Migrating to Canada: Why Canada? Decision-Making within the Family, and the
Role of Aid Agencies …………………………………………………………….…79
4.3. Refugee Life and Constructed Male Power ………… …………………………..…83
4.4. The Family Head: a Contested Position upon Arrival in Canada………….………..86
4.5. Employment, Control of Income and Gender Relations in Canada ………….……..89
4.6. Domestic Budgeting and Gender Relations ………………………………….……..91
4.7. Gender Divisions of Labor and Migration ………………………………………….93
4.8. Domestic Technology, Western Life and Gender Relations ……………………….96
4.9. Challenges and Opportunities after Migrating to Canada ………………………….97
4.10. Differences Between Canadian and Liberian Families ……………….…………..99
Chapter Five: New Citizenship Priorities; New Gender Norms ….……………….101
5.1. The Dream of “Living in the Cold” ……………………………………………….101
5.2. Gender Citizenship ………………………………………………………………...103
Chapter Six: Conclusion ……………………………………………………………..111
Bibliography …………………………………………………………………………...115
Appendix 1: Consent Form …………………………………………………………….129

vii
ABSTRACT
This thesis investigates whether there is a relationship between transnationalism
and changing gender relations within Liberian immigrant couples in Halifax, Nova
Scotia, Canada. Drawing on feminist research, a qualitative approach is used to study the
migration histories of five Liberian couples. The thesis argues that migration is
accompanied by a renegotiation of gender relations in decision-making processes
concerning domestic budgeting, household labor, and control over personal income.
Concepts of gendered citizenship, such as employment, freedom, male and female
equality, and language are identified as critical factors which influence changing gender
relations in the context of transnationalism. The thesis posits that by granting resettlement
opportunities to couples from some developing countries, Canada is indirectly
contributing to the promotion of gender equality.

viii
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS USED
ACS: American Colonization Society
ADAM: African Diaspora Association of the Maritimes
AWPSG: African Women Peace Support Group
CAD: Canadian Dollar
DR Congo: Democratic Republic of Congo
DVD: Digital Video Disc
ECOWAS: Economic Communities of West African States
GFA: Globalization from Above
GFB: Globalization from Below
IMF: International Monetary Funds
MISA: Metropolitan Immigrant Settlement Association
NGOs: Non Governmental Organizations
SAPs: Structural Adjustment Programs
UN: United Nations
UNHCR: United Nations High Commissions for Refugees
USD: United States Dollar
WB: World Bank
WFP: World Food Program
WTO: World Trade Organization

ix
GLOSSARY
Khran: An ethnic group in Liberia. This was the ethnic group of former President
Samuel Doe.
Women’s palaver not be easy: This is an expression in the local English of Liberia and
Sierra Leone, meaning women are troublesome
Family size: The extended family system in Liberia and the African context in general
makes this term very fluid. It can refer to a couple, their children and ageing parents,
siblings, cousins, and friends; it can also be limited to people contributing to and eating
from the same pot. The latter is what I refer to in this thesis.

x
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Dr. Pauline Gardiner Barber, Associate Professor in the Department of Sociology
and Social Anthropology, Dalhousie University is an inspirational person. I took lots of
confidence and courage from the respect she showed for my thoughts. Without her
support as my supervisor, I would not have completed this thesis in 2007. I am also
appreciative of the supervision of Dr. Rebecca Tiessen, former chair of the Department of
International Development Studies, Dalhousie University. Despite being relocated to
Kingston, Ontario, Dr. Tiessen showed great commitment and interest in supervising me.
I will always remember working with her. My third reader, Dr. David Black who is the
current chair of the Department of International Development Studies was also a
contributor to the successful completion of this thesis. A three minute telephone call from
Dr. Barber was enough to convince him to serve as my third reader. I am very
appreciative of the support from all of them.

1
Chapter One
Introduction
This thesis investigates whether there is any relationship between transnational
migration and changing gender relations. Incessant political instabilities, inequitable
sharing of resources and natural disasters in many parts of the world are uprooting
millions of people from their homes. While most of these people are internally displaced
within their home countries, a significant number are forced across national borders.
Some remain in refugee camps indefinitely, while others are resettled in western
countries. Also, on a daily basis, economic globalization influences the movements of
huge numbers of people across national borders. Proprietors of big and small
corporations are looking for cheap labors and high profits, while the poor search for
employment, better incomes and improved living conditions. Often, these movements
involve married couples who have to adapt to a new political, economic, social and
cultural context of life.
My thesis contributes to a new chapter in the history of gender scholarship, by
exploring the links between transnationalism and gender relations among the immigrant
population in Halifax, Canada, from Liberia which is also my home country. Uprooted by
a devastating civil conflict, the Liberian immigrant population transited through refugee
camps in West Africa before settling in Canada. Between 2004 and 2007, the United
Nations assisted 90,000 Liberian refugees who had been repeatedly displaced and
continued to search for permanent settlement around the world (UNCHR, 2007). There is
limited research that comparatively analyses women‟s experiences as they migrate from
place to place as a consequence of conflict (see Preston et al., 2004; Giles and Hyndman,

2
2004). My thesis helps break this silence by looking at the potentially changing and
dynamic gender relations within the context of Liberian immigrants in Halifax, Nova
Scotia.
Drawing upon socialist feminist research as a guide, this thesis asks how gender
relations, including power differences, decision-making processes, household budget
management and divisions of labor have been affected within Liberian couples during
their sojourn in refugee camps, and settlement in Canada. Settling into a new country
involves the ability to integrate and the exercise of a new citizenship. In businesses, on
buses, in churches, and at work, Liberians are regularly encountering Canadian ways of
life. Modern media, including televisions, the internet and mobile phones provide regular
exposure to different aspects of Canadian culture for members of the Liberian immigrant
community. Using qualitative research methodologies I examine how the Liberian
community reacts to these encounters with a focus on gender relations.
Migration entails crossing cultural boundaries, experiencing another culture, and
making a new home in a new country (Tastsoglou, 1998). In the context of refugee life,
dependence on food aid and remittances, and not having the legal status to work do not
exempt people from some of the social and economic transformations faced by immigrant
families. My thesis employs open-ended questions to investigate the implications such
transformations have on gender relations particularly, with regards to power and
decision-making processes and control over personal incomes within Liberian immigrant
families. This thesis argues that migration to Canada is indeed accompanied by a
renegotiation of gender relations in the specified areas thereby contributing new insights
to gender scholarship.

3
I have repeatedly used the words “household, family and couple” interchangeably
in the thesis. I acknowledge the risk of generalizing, and hereby caution that both
households and families can take many different forms in different contexts. Considering
the research question of the thesis, combined with the understanding that gender relations
intersect with several social and economic vectors, the study is focused on five Liberian
couples to ensure a thorough examination of the targeted issues. The first chapter reviews
key theoretical issues such as gender, transnationalism and globalization, which are major
concepts guiding my analysis of underpinning factors for population displacement in
Liberia. The chapter ends with a presentation of the regional profile of Liberia and the
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and the citizenship and
immigration context within Canada during the study period.
Chapter two explores feminist scholarship and such relevant gender concepts as
the household, patriarchy, masculinities and power. The chapter examines how capitalism
articulates with gender and migration, and ends with the methodological framework of
the research. The third chapter presents results of the field research. The analysis is a
chronological presentation of gender relations within the participant couples during their
stay in Liberia, the sojourn in refugee camps, and their current circumstances in Canada.
At every stage, I examine concepts such as decision-making processes, employment and
the breadwinners‟ roles, control of income and domestic budgeting, and the position of
head of household. The thesis ends with a fourth, fifth and sixth chapters, reviewing the
relevant academic literature that guides my analysis of the field study data. The final
section contains conclusions of the thesis.

4
Chapter Two
Theoretical Underpinnings and Regional Profile
Feminism embraces a strong sensitivity to issues that affect women. In
governmental politics, local economies and the delivery of social services, socialist
feminist researchers have been very productive in pointing out embedded gender
injustices that are often overlooked by society. Feminist analysis reveals that unequal
access to education between boys and girls in Sub-Saharan Africa is linked to retrograde
policies by national governments, and some cultural practices (Bloch et al., 1998). Using
the same framework, the African Women and Peace Support Group (AWPSG) argues
that in the process of ending forced migration and violence against women through the
restoration of peace in Liberia, women made significant contributions, yet they struggled
for accreditation during peace negotiations (AWPSG, 2004). In these circumstances,
socialist feminists have succeeded in exposing structural injustices which are embedded
in dominant practices. Some of these practices often remain unquestioned by society
arguing that they are cultural.
Drawing upon socialist feminist research perspectives, I present in this chapter,
the key theoretical issues – gender, transnaltionalism and globalization, which propelled
this study. I outline the political history of Liberia within the West African regional
context with a particular focus on gender and migration. I also describe the relevant
immigration context for Canada and the province of Nova Scotia with emphasis on the
city of Halifax, where I conducted this research. I argue that governmental politics and
culture can spur migration and counter or exacerbate oppressive gender practices.

5
2.1. Gender
Gender has been repeatedly conceptualized and employed in varying ways by
different authors. Feminists seemed to have initially conceptualized gender to reject
biological determinism by articulating various differences in the cultural constructs of
femininity and masculinity. As gender unfolds as a popular field of study within the
social sciences, new epistemological issues are also introduced. Some scholars see gender
as relations of power manifested in domination and subordination (Mackinnon, 1987;
Gordon, 1988). Gender has been presented as a consequence of language (Spender 1980),
and as a structural feature of labor and power (Connell, 1987). It has been used to
demonstrate the use of power (de Lauretis, 1987; Bartky, 1988; Sawicki, 1991) and to
characterize the structure of the psyche (Chodorow, 1978). Power is a recurrent concept
within many characterizations of gender.
“Gender is a set of roles which like costumes or masks in the [a] theatre,
communicates to other people that we are feminine or masculine” (Mosse, 1993, p. 2).
Often, society informs us as to whom we are. Gender is perceived in terms of status
(Lopata and Thorne 1978), and articulated as an internalized ideology (Grant, 1993), as
socialization (Gilligan 1982; Ruddick, 1980) and the product of attribution (Kessler and
Mckenna, 1978). Gender is referred to as the basis of social organizations of relationships
between men and women (Mackinnon, 1987; Barret, 1980); and employed to analyze
differences in the distribution of burdens and benefits in society (Walby, 1986; Connell,
1987; Boneparth and Stoper, 1988); also, as a structure of consciousness (Rowbotham,
1973). Often, ideological differences about the status of “head of household” and the

6
unequal sharing of domestic work burdens are among the central issues that dominate
discussions gender theories and practices.
Epistemological contributions on the concept of gender are endless. Hawkesworth
(2006) must be credited for developing an inventory of how gender as a concept has been
used by different authors. She discovered that gender has been presented as individual
identity and aspiration (Butler, 1990; Epperson, 1988); as attributes of individuals (Bem,
1983); as interpersonal relations (Spelman, 1998); as a mode of social organization
(Firestone, 1970; Eisenstein, 1979); as a “prison house” (Cornell and Thurschwell, 1986,
p. 17) for some women whose freedom is often denied or restricted by certain gender
beliefs and practices and as inherently liberating (Irigaray, 1985b; Smith, 1992) for some
men who thrive from women‟s oppression. It is conceptualized as a universal
phenomenon (Lerner, 1986) and as an historically specific consequence of modernity‟s
increasing sexualization of women (Laqueur, 1990; Riley, 1988). Gender has been cast in
terms of binary oppositions, variable and varying continua, and in terms of a layering of
personality, also as a difference (Irigaray, 1985a & 1985b). Hawkesworth (2006) argues
that the different views of different authors suggest that their concerns can be
incorporated into a sophisticated, but holistic conceptualization of gender.
Hawkesworth (2006) clearly points out that cognizant of the contributions of the
argument presented by different feminist scholars; postmodern feminists chose to further
conceptualize gender by attempting to incorporate the views of different scholars and by
attending to the nuances of interpretation and individual subjectivities. Hence, she cites
Joan Scott (1986) who defines gender as a concept involving two interrelated but
analytically distinct parts. Scott (1986) claims that gender is a constitutive element of

7
social relationships based on perceived (or interpreted) differences between the sexes. A
key indication, in all of these contributions, is that gender is a constructed ideology.
I do not intend in this thesis to coin another definition of gender, but rather, to
locate gender in the practical contexts of Liberia and Canada respectively. I pay particular
attention to some concepts such as power, subordination, domestic labor sharing, and
consequence of language deployed to navigate the social, cultural and economic contexts
of Liberia and Canada. Like many African countries, Liberia is a patriarchal society built
around a culture of dominant male influences, which asserts men as superior to women
both in the home and in public domains. In rural areas of Liberia where different African
cultures are predominant, men are socially positioned as leaders and major decision
makers, though there are cases where women are elected or appointed as village chiefs.
Within the leadership ranks of government and churches, men pre-dominantly occupy
senior positions as opposed to women, many of whom work as clerks.
I emphasize here that my assertion that women are less powerful in Liberia must
be interpreted with caution. In the public where women are often taken for granted, and at
home where they often face violence, Liberian women have always negotiated for a share
of power. For example, Massa Washington spoke about women‟s lobbying to enter a
conference sponsored by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)
in 2003. She said:
We had written to ECOWAS… that the women of Liberia wanted to be
represented at this conference, again they did not take us seriously. They
thought we were joking, so we proceeded to invite ourselves. We lobbied for
tickets and then at the end of the day, we got tickets for six women. But
interestingly, most of our benefactors were men…. In the private sector, men
from civil society (Massa Washington cited in AWPSG, 2004).

8
Liberian women were also very influential revealing their power in resolving the Liberian
civil conflict. The head of state who organized the first postwar elections was a woman
(Ruth Sando Perry), and another woman (Ellen Johnson Sirleaf) is currently an elected
president of the country. Also, research shows that market women and farming men in
urban cities and rural towns respectively are viewed by the Liberian public as equals,
because they are equally breadwinners in their respective homes (Moran, 1990). Several
women served as military commanders during the conflict and others are currently
serving as elected village chiefs, police officers and senators in government, though they
continue to constitute a minute proportion of women in relation to men.
To better understand male and female disparity both in public and domestic
domains, several factors such as education, poverty and the political history of Liberia
must be considered. A study done in Liberia in 2006 shows that the net enrollment rate
for boys and girls in primary schools is 61.4% males against 34.12% females (Liberia,
2007). Historically, there have been more men who proceed through the educational
system of the country than women. This explains, partly why there are more men who are
employed for wages than women.
There is, also, a cultural element which must be highlighted. Some families in
rural areas would prefer to socialize girls to remain in the domestic sphere while allowing
boys to pursue formal education. This practice is not disconnected from some capitalist
influences, where most jobs are designed to suit men‟s capacities (gendered skills sets
and interests) while keeping women unemployed. For example, the professional
employment sector in Liberia is dominated by field agricultural positions which are
highly physical and regarded by society as unsafe for women. The lack of employment

9
opportunities for women often leaves them economically powerless and therefore they
are positioned in households to function as unpaid “servants” for their husbands. This
demonstrates how gender can be understood as “a prison house” for women (Cornell and
Thurschwell, 1986). Gender norms imprison women, in a sense, by confining them to
particular spaces, roles, identities and activities. The prison metaphor is important
because it reveals the way in which women lack freedom to make choices or the barriers
that prevent them from empowerment. This “prison house” for women and the gender
norms which maintain it are liberating for men (Irigaray, 1985b; Smith, 1992) because
men are freed from the domestic responsibilities and other work that is deemed women‟s
work. Some women are drawn into marriages constituting polygamous families, which
they cannot easily oppose due to a lack of economic autonomy and because of cultural
pressure to marry. And in some contexts, women are directly or indirectly restricted from
participation in public spaces and confined to their homes.
There is no law which forbids women from owning property in Liberia, but most
economically productive property such as land and houses is owned by men. For
example, in many married homes, property is registered under the names of men only.
The contentious justification used in this case is that men are the ones who earn the
money. Inheritance of property also favors male children, confirming the argument that
gender forms the basis for the distribution of economic benefits in society (Walby, 1986;
Connell, 1987; Boneparth and Stoper, 1988). Sons are often the beneficiaries of their
parents‟ patrimony. The explanation is that girls are strangers, who are destined for other
families through marriage. This is synonymous with the argument that gender is an
internalized ideology (Grant, 1993).

10
Language in Liberia as is common within the West African region generally,
often tends to subordinate women, supporting the theoretical argument that gender is
reflected in, if not a consequence of language (Spender, 1980). Another feminist writer,
Pandey (2004) questions the rationale and functionality of the gendered and sexist
representation of women in the work of West African writers. In their popular songs,
Liberian musicians use phrases such as “woman palaver not be easy” or woman is a big
burden, “when you marry yellow woman you take trouble” and “women are tricky.” This
kind of language projects an inferior picture of women as dependents and as liabilities for
men. The work of these writers and artists are popular within the region and influence
gender relations in a way that presents women as inferior to men.
How is gender constructed in Canada and how are the constructed practices
different from the Liberian context? In Canada, equality is legitimized in the legal system
(social justice), and by social norms, while the economic system is governed by a
combination of legal requirements and economic principles (Denis, 2006). The role of
law and social norms in ensuring some forms of nominal equality and equity in the
distribution of resources is not the same as in Liberia. For example, in providing
education as a benefit to Liberian society, donors and governments are focused on
efficiency in their rationales for programs related to girls, not on the philosophy or value
of equity (Stromquist, 1998). This gender difference between the two countries, also
articulates with the argument that gender is used in the distribution of benefits in society
(Walby, 1986; Connell, 1987; Boneparth and Stoper, 1988). On this particular
comparison regarding education, I acknowledge that there are numerous social and

11
economic factors which must be analyzed in such comparison before arriving at a
comprehensive conclusion.
Some of the reasons associated with the limited access to education for many
females in Liberia are related to parental attitudes, the demand for female labor, and early
pregnancy (Brenner, 1998). In some parts of the country, the majority of elementary
school teachers are males. Sadker and Sadker (1984) claim that male teachers have more
interactions in classes with boys than girls. This is not the case in the Canadian
educational system, where females predominate in elementary school education.
It is, however, an injustice to Canadian post-modern feminists to speak about
gender constructions and practices in Canada without pointing out the incidence of
subordinations and discriminations against immigrant women. It is worth noting that it is
not just immigrant women who face gender inequality in Canada. There are multiple
forms of oppression and gender-based inequalities for women in all socio-economic
groups and ethnic groups. “On the Canadian Labor market, immigrant women of color
are increasingly being used as flexible and disposable labor, suited to the demands of the
globalized economy” (De Wolff, 2003; Vosko, & Cranford, 2003; cited in Man, 2004, p.
137). Many of the dirty domestic jobs in the city of Halifax, and other parts of Canada are
occupied by working class and/ or immigrant women, particularly those of color. The
Liberian immigrant women who participated in this study are overwhelmed with such
jobs, which are labor intensive and pay nothing more than minimum wage ($7.15 per
hour). This phenomenon shows that gender issues are often entwined with other factors
such as race, ethnicity and class.

12
2.2. Transnationalism
Over the past two decades, businesses, the communications industry and human
movements have strongly challenged the limitations on mobility inherent in geography.
This has prompted new terms such as transnational corporations, transnational networks
and transnational migration. Transnationalism must be seen with relationship to static and
declining economies and political instability in the global south, declining demographic
structures in the global north, and a booming universal market of prostitution and human
trafficking. As a "global phenomenon, it [transnationalism] takes into account the context
of globalization and economic uncertainty that facilitates the construction of world wide
networks” (Kastoryano, 2002, p. 1). Socialist feminists often associate transnationalism
with social formations spanning national borders (Vertovec, 1999). In this section, I
investigate whether existing scholarly work has uncovered links between the
deconstruction and reformation of gender identities, and transnationalism.
Transnationalism is a social morphology, type of consciousness, mode of cultural
reproduction, avenue of capital, site of political engagement, and (re) construction of
“place” or locality (Vertovec, 1999). A suggestion here is that transnationalism has the
ability to transform an individual, a couple, a family, a group or a community. In such a
context, gender could also be affected. However, over the past 100 years, scholarly
research has not done much to investigate the links between transnationalism and gender
identities (Pessar, 2003). In recent years, it has been argued that transnational studies
should carefully look at how gender identities in post-migration are established in regards
to integration, adaptation, citizenship and civil engagement through a qualitative

13
approach (Tastsoglou, 2006). Such an approach could make significant contributions as
migration and gender are woven into complex social issues.
After migration, families find themselves in situations where they are emotionally
attached to their current and former locations (Chamberlain & Leyesdoff, 2002). They
grapple with multiple cultural practices. This is the psychological dimension of gendered
citizenship which is often accompanied by migration (Tastsoglou, 1998). The
psychological shocks experienced in post-migration raise several questions about the
process of migration. For example, what information do migrants gather before
migrating, and who in the family is most affected by such cultural shocks? On the latter
question, existing research reveal that after migration, women are more likely to
experience a sense of attachment in a new location because they come in close contact
with school boards, local families, and so forth due to their gender-based roles as care-
givers and mothers (Tastsoglou, 1998). While this contribution is useful in
comprehending integration, it doesn‟t reveal to us the person who struggles within
families to maintain or shed cultural attachments with the place of origin. Research is
needed to investigate the shifting gendered responsibilities and the ways in which new
migrants (often women) take on specific gendered responsibilities as a form of cultural
preservation. These same responsibilities, however, in the Canadian context, may
contribute to changing gender relations within the family and the establishment of new
gender norms.
Transnationalism is a “process by which immigrants forge and sustain multi-
stranded social relations that links together their societies of origins and settlement”
(Basch, Glick Schiller and Szanton Blac, 1994, p. 7). A study in London reveals that

14
some Bangladeshi immigrant women resist factory work arguing that they come from
richer families in Bangladesh, where such jobs are viewed as disgraceful by members of
their social class (Kabeer, 2000). This is referred to as the double consciousness of
gender citizenship engendering the interplay of social and economic citizenships of the
countries of origin and settlement (Tastsoglou, 1998). However, I argue here again that
many migration literatures do not provide us an understanding of how men and women
react differently or similarly to contexts of post-migration.
In a study examining transnational migration and gender, Mexican and
Dominican women were found to favor staying in the United States, as opposed to men
who expressed the desire to return home to enjoy their constructed superiority over
women (Pessar and Mahler, 2003). The authors also argue that Guatamalan refugee
camps became strategic sites for struggles over women‟s and men‟s human rights and
citizenship. Refugee women expressed confidence about returning home with new ideas
on gender parity. Morokvasic‟s (1998) contribution to the discussion indicates that
migration may accelerate the process of questioning male power and consciousness
raising for women, not only because it entails economic independence for women from
men but because it frees women from the grip of a binding and watchful community of
origin. This literature suggests that the outcomes of migration have different cultural and
gender implications for women and men.
The impact of transnationalism on gender relations might not always be uniform.
It could be different from couple to couple, or between different cultural groups. Some
migrants “preserve and reinvent their culture in places separated perhaps by an airline
journey of a day or two” (Almeida, 1995, p. 1). Eritrean women in Canada are pressuring

15
their men to get involved in domestic work since they and the men are equally working
outside of the home (Matsuoka et al., 1999). On the contrary, Somali women do not
pressure their husbands arguing that it is important to preserve their culture (Mohamed,
1999). These experiences show that differences in adapting to the context of post-
migration can influence the shaping of cultural values. However, an interesting theme
articulated in this literature is that some of the changes which accompany migration can
be resisted or accepted.
There are, also, situations in which transnationlism stimulates changes in gender
relations within the country of origin, as opposed to the country of settlement. Research
shows that as a consequence of Sri Lankan women‟s migration to the Middle East to seek
employment, changes in gender hierarchies and spousal conflicts arose locally and
nationally (Gamburd, 1995). The author argues that as most of the women were
returning with some sums of money, they began to assume the roles of wage-earners and
breadwinners in their communities and homes respectively. Gamburd (1995) claims that
these changes threatened the positions of men who did not have equal financial power. It
is essential to point out that these changes threatened masculinities and patriarchy. Also,
it is worth noting that these changes were stimulated by a combination of
transnationalism, globalization and capitalism. However, further research is needed to
investigate the sustainability of gender changes introduced by migrant women who return
home from a different culture.
From another vantage point, transnationalism can be accompanied by various
forms of abuses and gender oppressions. The Canadian government‟s immigration
proposal of 1998, which calls for the reinforcement of the family class as the traditional

16
cornerstone of its immigrant program is challenged by several scholars as facilitating
gender violence and oppression in post-migration (Thobani, 1999; Mcdonald, 1999; and
Macklin, 1999). Thobani (1999) argues that in the case of migrant couples, it makes
women dependents upon husbands, and within the economy, it obscures their economic
work. McDonald (1999) argues that often it is the male who applies and receives a visa,
and permanent resident status, before sponsoring the migration of his wife. When a
woman arrives and wants to adapt to the Canadian ways of life by renegotiating male and
female power relations, she faces threats from the man on grounds that he can cancel the
sponsorship. Men who do so often claim that they were forced into marriages of
convenience, which is used by them as a justification to deport wives in those cases
where men become frustrated or unsupportive of women‟s changing roles and position in
society.
The reviewed literature under transnationalism reveals several issues. The
deconstruction and reformation of cultural and gender identities are a crucial issue in
post-migration. Migrants psychologically struggle to adapt to new cultures while at the
same they have to deal with maintaining or abandoning the cultures of their homeland. A
theoretical point that must be highlighted here is that culture is not fixed and can be
reconfigured gradually or rapidly in post-migration. Changes may refer nostalgically to
an idealized past gender hierarchy or a new more equitable concept of gender norms. We
also see that migration has different implications for men and women. Most of the
differences are influenced by their gender constructed roles in society. For example,
women are more likely to encounter the culture of their new locations because of their
involvement with family affairs which often serves as major conduits for cultural values.

17
We also see that transnationalism can encourage women to engage in a renegotiation of
gender relations, though this new attitude can often meet resistance from men.
2.3. Globalization
“In broad terms it [globalization] reflects the growing links between people,
communities, and economies around the world” (World Bank, 2002, p. 325). The Bank
argues that globalization is not new, and can be traced back to the first wave of global
integration between 1870 and 1914, when transportation was improved and tariff barriers
were reduced. This period is also referred to as the “golden age” of globalization (Santo,
2005). Globalization during this period was driven by forces of trade and finance as well
as migration in the “so-called New World” (Santo, 2005, p. 1). In this section of the
thesis, I focus on the interconnections between globalization, the new global economy,
and their corollaries on transnationalism and gender relations.
Globalization is highly related to neoliberal economic theory. Neoliberalism “is
based on the belief that markets are competitive, or can be made competitive by
deregulation, and that competitive markets, based on private ownership, produce the most
efficient economies and highest levels of welfare” (Bowles, 2005, p. 68). It is within the
framework of this argument that we see the flow of international mobile capitals, which
harness the forces of comparative advantage and place producers where production
conditions are best. Increasingly, there are movements of large multinational
corporations from the north to the south. Accompanied by the relocations of these
multinational corporations are numerous human rights abuses, particularly affecting

18
women and children who migrate to urban centers and neighboring countries to work
tirelessly for low wages.
Globalization then is a process by which countries are incorporated into one
competitive international market driven by rapidly growing technology and economies of
scale, sustained by unimpeded market access, and governed by the international financial
institutions – World Bank (WB), International Monetary Funds (IMF) and the World
Trade Organization (WTO). New communication mechanisms are so powerful such that
a garment design conceived in New York can be transmitted electronically to a factory in
Taiwan, and the first batches of the products received in San Francisco in a week‟s time,
(Castells, 1980; cited in Portes, 1997). The crucial issue here is that this new system was
supposed to result in the competitive integration of the global South into the productive
markets of the Northern developed countries (Guthrie, 2006). Sadly, this has not, and will
not easily work due to an inherent power imbalance between poor and rich countries in
the process of globalization.
“Wherever globalization impinges, inequality deepens. From Mexico to Japan, the
rich are getting richer, while the poor are becoming more desperate and numerous”
(Mandle, 2004). One key consequence of the growing inequalities between rich and poor
countries is the phenomenon of migration as citizens of poor countries strive to find
greener economic conditions. For about two decades now, Sub-Saharan Africa continues
to witness a massive movement of young people who are eager to enter Europe by any
means (BBC, 2007). Some of these migrants from Liberia, Sierra Leone and Cote
D‟Ivoire are driven by political instabilities which are partly fueled by corrupt
international traders who illegally control the resources of these countries. Others from

19
Ghana and Nigeria are simply driven by economic inequalities and poverty, which are
partly propelled by neoliberal policies of the international financial institutions.
Closely related to the neocolonial aspects of globalization is its undemocratic or
even anti-democratic nature. The application of neoliberal policies in the form of
Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) essentially saw the state as an obstacle that
should be removed from the economic sphere. The economies of poor countries were
opened to foreign companies (Sassen, 2000). Restructuring policies forcibly rolled back
the state apparatus and in so doing brought economic policy to the global system level,
outside the realm of the popular masses, particularly women and children, who bear the
brunt of the policies (Niva, 1999). SAPs threaten women farmers‟ abilities to earn an
income and to ensure household food security (Kabeer, 1994; Giles & Hyndman, 2004).
In his article entitled „who calls the shots” Fraser (2005) argues that SAPs stimulated
unemployment, closure of traditional industries oriented to local contexts and has
promoted wide spread of poverty. Many people in Africa, and even some government
officials who were in some ways involved in planning and implementing the SAP project,
would agree with this claim.
Feminists are concerned about the undermining of the nation-state and the social
consequences – gender, race, class and migrant status. Globalization challenges the
ability of the nation-state to ensure that sufficient resources are provided to their citizens
on an everyday basis, thus creating a crisis of legitimacy within such states (Giles &
Hyndman, 2004). Deleterious upshots of globalization, such as reduced access to health
care, education, child care, and other state-provided benefits and services, have been
experienced disproportionately and painfully by women throughout the world, from war

20
zones to refugee camps, factories offices, and homes. As women need to support their
families, they have been forced to take a central stage in the phenomenon of migration, as
evidenced in Asia and Latin America. This trend has feminized survival processes within
the era of globalization (Sassen, 2000). In these processes of migration, women are often
exploited and abused as they seek to access better resources for family survival.
Effects of globalization are strongly associated with transnationalism.
“Contemporary core-bound immigration is not an optional process, but one driven by the
structural requirements of advanced capitalist accumulation” (Portes, 1997, p. 7). The
author claims that in Germany and France, despite official closure of the foreign guest
worker program in the 1970s, immigrant communities have continued to grow. Germany
currently has a foreign population of about 7 million (Portes, 1997). In ethnically
homogenous Japan, labor scarcity is also stimulating various forms of migration
programs. Portes (1997) contends that people who travel should not be called immigrants
but transnationals because they contribute to the economic conditions of host countries.
The current immigration crisis, which pits ordinary Americans concerned about their job
security and feeling threatened by immigrants against the interests of corporate
Americans selling low waged jobs, is a good example of this controversial phenomenon.
Globalization serves as a conduit for resource exploitation and various forms of
political instability in the global south particularly in Africa. The articulation of global
capital investment from the North with armed conflict in the South is synonymous to
earlier colonial intervention on the continent (Macklin, 2004). The “blood diamond”
trade in Angola, Sierra Leone and Liberia for example, fueled conflicts in those countries
by paying for arms and deepening militarization among ethnic, religious and political

21
groups. Three companies (Rex Diamond, AmCan Minerals, and DiamondWorks) that
were involved in the diamond trade of Sierra Leone were also trading on Canadian stock
exchanges (Smilie, Gaberie, and Hazelton, 2000). Such trade links question the
development agendas of northern countries. But more perturbing is the correlation which
exists between the international trade of these resources and gendered violence against
women.
There are other cases in which the flow of international capitals directly
depopulates entire villages to take full control of their resources. In recent years,
Canadians have been embarrassed by activities of Canadian companies in the oil industry
of Sudan. Talisman, a Canadian company, contributed to the displacement of a
significant population of Sudanese, who ended up as refugees in Canada (Giles &
Hyndman, 2004). Talisman and other companies working in Sudan expect the dictatorial
and brutal Sudanese government to protect oil fields from locals, particularly women who
are seen by their advocates as deserving to live on the land of their ancestors (Amnesty
International 2000; cited in Macklin, 2004). The links between oil related development
and forced displacement of local people is not disconnected from human rights
violations. Women and children are insidiously affected.
Globalization contributes to the continuation of colonial divisions of labor and
undemocratic forms of governance (Guthrie, 2006). Expanding on the division of labor,
Pessar (1995) argues that women who migrate to developed countries are caught in
menial and low paying domestic jobs. Some of the Liberian immigrant women who took
part in this study are good examples of the phenomenon of difficult work (cleaning
homes and hotels) over long hours (8 to 12 hours per day) only for minimum wage ($7.20

22
CAD per hour). Parrenas (2000), and Stasiulis and Bakan (2000) also raise serious
questions about the involvement of immigrant women in dirty domestic work in Western
countries. Others who remain in their countries are drawn into low safety and labor
intensive factory jobs (Kabeer, 2000). There are numerous cases in Southeast Asia today.
Another vulnerable group, particularly young girls, continue to fall prey to
international tycoons who profit from the business of prostitution (Miles, 2003). “The sex
industry, previously considered marginal, has come to occupy a strategic and central
position in the development of international capitalism” (Richard, 2003, p. 2). The
industrialization of sex trade and its legalization in many western countries such as
Holland and Italy provide more incentives for trafficking women, and raise serious
questions about the commitment of these countries in improving the status of women
worldwide.
As I have earlier mentioned, it is evidenced that globalization weakens the state,
but while it has weakened some states, it has deliberately enhanced the power of others.
This perspective holds that the core capitalist states have used globalization to expand
their own power, often at the expense of the developing world (Guthrie, 2006). The
imperialist nature of neoliberal globalization can be illustrated in a number of ways.
First, it draws upon an econocentric theory developed in the North being imposed on the
South as a condition of financial assistance. Second, current practices by the European
Union and the United States regarding domestic agricultural support painfully shadows
the unequal treaties of imperial conquest (Nyemah, 2006). The core capitalist countries
force developing countries to tear down all barriers to trade and open their markets;

23
however, the developed countries keep in place their multi-billion dollar per year subsidy
programs allowing them to dominate international markets.
One consequence of such imperialist policy leaves African countries in particular,
to remain largely driven towards the export of raw materials which leaves them at the
mercy of the North for more profitable manufactured goods (Alemayehu, 2000).
Countries such as Ghana and Cote D‟Ivoire both produce primarily cocoa and compete
against one another for cheap wage bottom lines at the expense of developing productive,
differentiated local and regional trading systems (Guthrie, 2006). This is but one
example. Thus this system pits North against South in the division of labor, and also
South against South in the fight to offer labor at the cheapest prices, regardless of social
consequences (Niva, 1999). Key among the social consequences are political instability,
increased hardships for women and children and out-migration.
Globalization is also rife with contradictions. “Processes of globalization have
also liberated women from economic constraints and marginalization by providing them
with the means to generate solidarity across class and gender lines, thus creating formal
and informal networks in the workplace, community and family” (Zaman, 1999a, p. 159).
“It [globalization] promotes interconnectedness in all aspects of contemporary social life”
(Held et al. 1999, p.2). We have seen how feminist movements from western countries
continue to empathically accept and oppose oppressions of women in southern countries.
Their advocacy has produced enormous results in raising the consciousness of various
stakeholders in fighting for gender equality.
Globalization as a phenomenon is not consistent, unitary or unified in affecting
the lives of people positively or negatively. It breeds mixed patterns of poverty, wealth

24
and marginalization, as well as a binary of freedom and oppression for women. Winkin
(1999) presents an analysis of globalization, which shows it as a danger and a benefit.
The author uses the heuristic distinction of “globalization from above” (GFA) and
“globalization from below” (GFB). Winkin (1999) presents the GFA as the “imposition
and acceptance of the new global liberal economic norms such as liberalization,
privatization and deregulation” (38). He claims that this process is the public form of
decision-making processes, which is “anti-democratic, anti-needs-satisfaction and
reinforcing unequal social power between classes” (39). These public norms are often
opposed by feminists due to the inherent marginalization of women‟s voices, and
sufferings which are forced on them.
Winkin (1999) then presents GFB as “diverse and fragmented forms of resistance
and support for the processes of expanding private social power at the expense of the
common good and the satisfaction of needs in general” (39). This is a clever argument, as
it recognizes the multiplicity of actors and unequal processes of globalization. However,
it fails to highlight classism and unequal power dynamics at different levels of
globalization. For example, within a single group of local people who might be opposed
to globalization, it is highly likely that there are differences in power, social status and
interests, which might marginalize others. Even the term “local people” is flawed with
generalizations within the context of globalization. We have seen protests against SAPs
in many African countries by “local people” being ignited by westerners who choose to
disassociate themselves from the autocratic “philosopher kings” (Guthrie, 2006, p. 4) of
their societies. For example, in 2005 Oxfam‟s expatriate staff led a series of protests
against SAPs in Ghana and Ethiopia (Oxfam, 2005).

25
In the reconstruction process of Kosova, several international organizations
undemocratically ushered in their democratization agendas, governed by global interests,
in ways that excluded women (Klein, 2004). From the United States, religious
conservatists used the reconstruction process of Kosova to impose their ideas on local
women, by campaigning to deny reproductive rights to women, and promoting their anti-
abortion agendas (Concerned Women for America, 1999). Our current generation is
witnessing the experimentation of “regime change” in Iraq. Not now, but years later, we
will realize how women are greatly affected by this new philosophy. Historical accounts
of the two decades beginning in the 1990s will be characterized by how globalization has
greatly shaped the world.
2.4. Regional Profiles
2.4.1. Racism, Forced Migration and the Creation of Liberia
Political and ethnic conflicts, as well as forced migration have always been
associated with Liberians and Liberia as a nation. Liberia was created and conceived by
Americans as a way of ridding black people or freed slaves out of the United States. By
the 1800s, the number of freed slaves in the United States was about a quarter of a
million (Barnes, 2004). Some of these former slaves were gradually being educated and
had begun to voice the need for their rights in the United States. Others began to rebel
against brutal plantation owners whom they worked for (Ellis, 1999). Though a few
whites sympathized with them, the American public began to quickly panic about the
threats that the presence of these freed slaves represented to the sustenance of white
supremacy.

26
Pressured by their constituencies, politicians in Washington began to do exactly
what they were petitioned to do. They began to debate and advocate for the removal of
freed slaves from the United States. House Speaker, Henry Clay said:
can there be a nobler cause than that which, whilst it proposed to rid our
country of a useless and pernicious, if not dangerous portion of its
population, contemplates the spreading of civilized life, and the possible
redemption from ignorance and barbarism of a benighted quarter of the
globe. Rotberg, (1999, p. 210).
President Thomas Jefferson made a much stronger case that appealed to the racist
ideology and xenophobia of Americans:
They secrete lessby the kidnies[sic], and more by glands of the skins, which
gives thema very strong and disagreeable odor …. They seemto require less
sleep…. They are more ardent aftertheir females: but love seems with them
to be more of an eagerdesire than a tender delicate mixture of sentiment and
sensation. Their griefs are transient….I advance it therefore as a suspicion
only, that the blacks, whether originally a distant race, or made distant by
time and circumstances,are inferior to the whites in endowment both of body
and mind. West, (1970, p. 95)
White Americans were prepared to force the freed slaves out of the country. The idea of
removing blacks from the United States was so popular that it attracted the support of
religious leaders who were also quiet during the active period of the Trans Atlantic slave
trade. Their endorsement of the slave trade and removal discourse prompted Ikeji to ask
“where was the God of heavens” (Ikechi, 1999, p. 34)? Many people in the world today
continue to seek answers to the numerous questions about the moral underpinnings of
slavery.
As a consequence of the political, racial and xenophobic attitudes of the American
public, the American Colonization Society (ACS) was created in 1817 (Fairhead et al,
2003). The objective of the ACS was to “rescue” freed slaves of color and colonize them
outside of the United States where they would live with liberty (Wilson, 1947). Congress

27
quickly passed the Slave Trade Act in 1819, empowering the US president to arrange for
the repatriation of stranded blacks in the US (Ikechi, 1999). Though the words rescue and
liberty are mentioned here, it is hardly conceivable that freedom was the objective of this
venture.
Liberia was a direct creation of the ACS and its supporters, including
industrialists, missionaries and plantation owners who believed that African people did
not deserve the rights of living among them as equals. Between 1821 and 1860, the
society influenced about 13,000 Africans to return home (Johnson, 2005). However, there
were hesitations and debates among freed African slaves about migrating to Africa or
remaining in the US to establish a nation within the nation (Padmore, 1956). Johnson
(2005) provides four reasons behind the hesitance of the freed slaves: First, it was
believed that remaining in America would be cheaper than repatriating to Africa. Second,
they would face the problem of assimilating into a foreign African culture that most in
America had lost contact with. Third, they would not have to struggle with understanding
African languages and dialects. Fourth, there would be no problem of cultural integration
and development. Assimilating and integrating into a new culture, as raised by the freed
slaves are always argued by scholars of gender and migration as critical challenges facing
migrant populations. Understanding these challenges is crucial to the analysis contained
within this thesis.
As this thesis is focused on the migration of Liberian immigrants in Halifax, Nova
Scotia, it is interesting to point out that some of the freed slaves from the United States
opted to come to Halifax, Nova Scotia in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and
remain here as African Nova Scotians (Johnson, 2005). However, I do not claim here that

28
the migration of the Liberian immigrants to Halifax is in anyway connected to the
presence of the Black Nova Scotians. Despite the historical connections, there are no
unique links or activities between the Black Nova Scotians and the Liberian immigrant
community in Halifax. My intention here is to highlight this historical connection within
the context of Nova Scotia, where I conducted this study.
2.4.2. Liberia, a Mockery of Freedom and a Unique Form of Colonialism
Liberia is referred to as the oldest independent African nation. Paradoxically, it is
also among the most undeveloped of countries and also one of the most inexperienced in
the management of their resources on the African Continent. After its creation, Liberia
served American governmental and plantation interests. Africans participated only
marginally in the management of the colony. For the most part, Liberian policies
reflected the racism, paternalism, and hypocrisy of its American founders (Johnson,
2005). Returned Africans were still controlled by their former masters who disguised
themselves as missionaries and managed the colony. The missionaries navigated different
parts of the country with the Bible and a high political authority (Moses, 1998). The
“spiritually rescued” people were still controlled, but more importantly, this was the
beginning of the creation of a nation that remained in ongoing conflicts. The church
could not be differentiated from the state: those who headed the church also headed
government; hence discriminations and oppression in government were also in the
church.
In 1824, deep frustration led the repatriates to rebel against agents of the
American Colonization Society (ACS) through an armed insurrection (Moses, 1998).

29
Consequently, the American agents were forced to adopt a liberal land grant policy. In
1839, the colony split into several parts under the “commonwealth of Liberia”. One
colony, Maryland of Africa refused to join until the country became independent in 1847.
There was even segregation among mixed color settlers, dark skinned settlers and the
indigenous residents (Barnes, 2004). Language also caused internal rifts among settlers –
those who came from New Orleans spoke only French and felt oppressed by the
predominant English settlers (Moses, 1998). The French and British who were directly
colonizing Africa, had more peace in their territories and put in place better economic
infrastructure than the American creation of a nation nearby.
2.4.3. Freed Slaves and the Natives: a Cycle of Oppression
In 1847, Liberia became the first independent nation in Africa. The American
agents were gone and the freed slaves were in control of government for the first time in
their lives. The naming of cities and states, for example, West Point and Maryland, and
the form of government which they set up were a distant duplication of America. Their
relationship with the indigenous was a repeat of the brutal treatment they received from
the Americans. Many questions arise as to why the circle of conflicts has continued?
Why did the freed slaves choose to do exactly what their white masters did to them? The
answers might be historical but with a psycho-social connection. The Americans
themselves right after having been freed from British oppression repeated the same
account of brutality over black people (Edward, 1994). If the psycho-social connection
argued by Edward (1994) is correct, then the oppression of indigenous Liberians by the
freed slaves was not a surprise.

30
Another author perfectly describes the behavior of the freed slaves:
As the psychology of many of the settlers closely resembled that of their
former Virginia and cotton-belt masters, the Africans wee regarded as a
peon class.Such settlers immediately planned to dominate Africans as the
white planters in America had dominated them …… Having come to Africa
to escape the strictures of slavery, many of the colonists did not want to
engage in the manual labor with which they had been so closely associated.
Fraenkel (1965, p. 13).
Many of the freed slaves wore American clothing in order to distinguish
themselves from the indigenous Africans, even though the tropical heat made them
extremely uncomfortable. Others built large homes that resembled those owned by
plantation owners who were their masters (Johnson, 2005). Another problem was a total
disconnection between the indigenous and the freed slaves. Having very little knowledge
about the indigenous populations, the freed slaves shared the paternalistic views of their
former masters therefore they failed to establish, through diplomatic channels, a smooth
integration.
Everything that the freed slaves did in Liberia only reflected the ideas and
phenomenon of a marginalized majority (Padmore, 1956). For example, the motto of the
country reads: “the love of liberty brought us here”. As the situation of a marginalized
majority continued, tensions developed and a series of violent incidents occurred between
the natives and the freed slaves. In the interior, indigenous residents were discriminated
against in employment and in churches. The rampant economic injustices prompted the
League of Nations to investigate abuses within the Liberian government (Liebenow,
1969). According to Liebenow (1969), one of the recommendations of the League of
Nations was that “Liberia should abandon the policy of holding a “closed door” on the
natives. However, this intervention did very little to quench the brutal ambitions of the
freed slaves who did everything possible to dominate the natives by far in the majority.

31
The indigenous only occupied junior posts in government while dominating the national
army as ordinary or lowly ranked officers.
2.4.4. Civil War, Displacement and Transnationalism
Throughout the 1960s and 70s, it appeared as though Liberia was immune to the
recurrent coup plots and political assassinations within the West African region. By early
1980, a group of predominately non-commissioned officers realized that the guns, which
they carried to protect their brutal masters, could also be used to drive them away. A little
known Master Sergeant Samuel Doe had succeeded in overthrowing the more than 100
years of the successions of repressive freed slave governments. But the story did not end,
as Doe began to exclusively bring his ethnic group – the Khran into government, while
oppressing the rest of the population. The circle of oppression from white Americans, to
freed slaves was still alive though steered by a new freed group – one sector of the
indigenous people.
In 1985, Doe rigged the Liberian national elections, but the US government under
Ronald Reagan, recognized the results arguing that a fraudulent election was better than
no elections (Ellis, 1999). Different forms of violence began to engulf the country. By the
end of the 1980s, opposition against Doe has grown inside of Liberia and within its
neighboring countries, like the Ivory Coast and Burkina Faso. In 1983, a former junior
minister, Charles Taylor fled to the United Sates after being charged for embezzling
government funds (Barnes, 2004). He was arrested and jailed in Massachusetts. While
awaiting extradition, he mysteriously escaped and ended up in military training camps in
Libya. During the 1970s and 1980s, the Libyan leader Colonel Mohammad Khadafi, was

32
a mentor and a strong supporter of anyone who wanted to counter American interests.
Destabilizing Liberia would serve the interest of uprooting the huge American military
base that was established in Liberia.
Charles Taylor got all the necessary resources from some of the radical leaders on
the African Continent and launched a devastating war on the eve of Christmas, 1989. It
is estimated at the end of the war that between 80,000 and 200,000 or nearly 10 percent
of the population were killed (Berkely, 2001). Thousands fled into the neighboring
countries, while more swelled Monrovia‟s population. Some of the participants in this
study are among those who began to flee their homes in the very month during which
Taylor began his revolution. It is within this context of forced migration that this thesis
investigates how gender relations have been affected.
2.4.5. A Geopolitical Perspective on the Liberian Conflict within West Africa
Speaking about the Liberian civil conflict without mentioning geopolitics within
the West African region is always unavoidable. Most of the countries are linked by
ethnicity, intermarriages, and natural resources, as well as economics. Artificial borders
drawn on papers by former colonial masters split ethnic groups between several
countries. Despite the political separation, these people continue to relate to each other
culturally through common languages and intermarriages. For example, the three ethnic
groups which were mainly involved in the Liberian conflict are also present in
neighboring Ivory Coast, Guinea and Sierra Leone. These countries also share common
resources such as diamonds, gold, timber and rubber. While mineral resources may not
ignite war, they can fuel it (Macklin, 2004). In the West African region, the diamonds,

33
gold and timbers fueled instability across the Liberian boarder to Sierra Leone, Guinea
and Ivory Coast.
As the Liberian civil conflict unfolded, it also expanded into neighboring
countries through varying avenues. Civilians who were forced across national borders
were sometimes accompanied by armed men. Also, the thousands of refugees who fled
across the Liberian borders put demographic pressure on the resources of host
communities. Illegal business men who trade arms for the resources of corrupt African
countries quickly moved into the region and took control of the economies, in what the
UN referred to as the blood diamond trade. Consequently, fighting erupted in Sierra
Leone, Guinea and the Ivory Coast in order to make their resources more accessible to
the illegal trade. Despite interventions by the UN and the Economic Community of West
African States, the conflict flourished in displacing millions of people and forcing
thousands into exile. It is this political context that characterizes the migration, which is
central to this thesis.
2.4.6. The Canadian Immigration Context
Canada has a long history of promoting and welcoming immigrants from all over
the world. As a consequence of this practice, diversity in language, race and ethnicity is
always visible in the streets of major Canadian cities. The government has developed
several immigration streams which allow refugees and economic migrants to enter and
settle into the country. Under this section of the thesis, I present a historical analysis of
Canadian immigration policy, and show some links with the forced migration of freed
slaves, which led to the creation of Liberia. I argue that growing global capitalist

34
influences and racial differences are overshadowing the humanitarian elements of
Canadian immigration policy.
Migration into Canada can be traced back to the 1800s when the American
government began to resettle freed slaves in Liberia (Winks, 1971). The author claims
that freed slaves who feared the challenges of reintegration into the Liberian society
found Canada as the most realistic alternative to America‟s discrimination and plantation
system. The Canadian government opened its doors to these people who were seeking
freedom, through the work of freedom fighters such as Harriet Tubman and Sojourner
Truth who facilitated the processes of getting the freed slaves into Canada (Johnson,
2005). Enlightened government policies in Canada largely contributed to the efforts of
these philanthropists.
By the 1800s, Canada had joined other countries in placing severe limitations on
the expansion of slavery (Winks, 1971). The attorney general of Upper Canada issued the
following exhortation and warning in 1819:
Since freedomof the person wasthe most important civil right protected by the
law of England which the province had adopted, the Negroes were entitled to
personal freedomthrough residence in the country, and any attempt to infringe
their rights would be resisted by the courts (Franklin & Schweninger, 1999).
The US government warned that attempts by the Canadian government to grant sanctuary
to freed slaves who were referred to as fugitives would damage their relationship, but the
Canadian government refused to yield and to change its policies (Drew, 1969). The freed
slaves described Canada as the “promised Land” (Winks, 1971). Immigrants and refugees
continue to regard Canada as one of the best countries to live in the world due to its high
ranking by the UN index of development (Parkin and Mendelsohn, 2003). The
acceptance of refugees continues to constitute a significant component of Canadian

35
immigration policies. For example, in 2001, 10% of the total population who came to
Canada as immigrants were refugees (see Canada Immigrant Statistics, 2007).
Despite the humanitarian orientation of the historical background of Canadian
immigration policy and the high ranking of Canada based on the UN human development
index, racism, discrimination and gender oppression are also evident in the country.
When the Irish began to pour into Canada, Canadians began to be less receptive to blacks
in the 1840s, and there was nothing that the government could do to stop discrimination
and racism, particularly in Nova Scotia (Winks, 1971). In addition to the challenges of
adapting to the extremely cold weather, the Africans faced unemployment, segregation,
and in 1818, a special school was run for them in Halifax (Bristow, P. et al. 1994).
Racism and other forms of discrimination against immigrants and refugees continue to
exist within Canadian society today.
The incidence of racism and gender oppression against immigrants, particularly
women within Canadian society has been coming to the attention of gender scholars in
recent years. There are multiple subordinations of working class immigrant women who
come to Canada (Man, 2004). Feminist scholars have mounted criticism against Canadian
immigration policies. Hyndman (1995) argues that the domestic caregiver stream, which
brings in lots of females from Asia, allows Canadian women to move into the more
attractive labor markets, while leaving the tedious domestic jobs to immigrant women.
Zlontnik (1995) also argues that these jobs are viewed as female jobs, but many Canadian
women reject them due to their underpayment. Some immigrant men are also involved in
this phenomenon of taking over the domestic work industry from middle class Canadian
women.

36
There are, however, other immigrant women in Halifax and other parts of Canada,
who despite being educated in Canada, are unable to have better jobs equally occupied by
their white Canadian counterparts. The Federal government of Canada and the Provincial
government of Nova Scotia, where Halifax is located, are increasingly promoting the
concept of “visible minority” as a policy matter to the advantage of immigrants.
However, the connection between policy and action is always a complex point of
contention. It is argued that within Canada, there is a gap between the policy of ensuring
that visible minority groups have improved access to government services and the actual
process of integration (Watts, 2005). This is a crucial issue in Halifax, particularly when
it comes to employment.
Capitalist influences and changing demographic structure have also shaped
Canadian immigration policies in ways that are associated with discrimination and gender
oppression. After World War II, Canadian immigration policies were mainly aimed at
economic expansion (Knowles, 1992; Man, 2004). The promotion of capitalist interests
(Li, 2003; p.5) and population growth (Krahn et al, 2003) has increasingly overshadowed
the agenda of immigration policy makers in Canada. The 1998 immigration policy report
captioned “not just numbers” advocated for the recruitment of “modern pioneers” (well-
educated, employable and competent in English and French) who are capable of self-
support (Hyndman, 1999). Hyndman argues that this report suggested that Canada should
change its humanitarian commitment from the resettlement of refugees to helping them
near their countries of origin (1994). Though the government continues to resettle
refugees like the Liberians in this study, the disproportionate arrival of skilled Europeans
and Asians supports Hyndman‟s argument of containing refugees. For example, in 2001,

37
40% and 30% of the immigrant population arriving in Canada were Europeans and
Asians respectively, as opposed to 5% Africans (Canadian Immigrant Statistics, 2007).
The key question in this study is to investigate the relationship between
transnationlism and gender relations within Liberian immigrant couples in Halifax,
Canada. In this chapter, I have introduced and characterized some of the principal
theoretical issues including gender, transnationalism and globalization which contribute
to the understanding of the question. I have also introduced the migration and political
contexts of Liberia and Canada to preset the direction of the analysis of this thesis. A key
issue that surfaced in this chapter is that there is a link between transnationalism and bad
governmental politics, racism and gender oppressions. These issues have historically
overshadowed the lives of Liberians, and have influenced their migration since the 1800s.

38
Chapter Three
Key Concepts and Research Methodology
In their book “Of Marriage and the Market” Young et al (1998) draw on feminist
research perspectives to preset the work of several writers focused on male and female
relationships in the workplace, market, and at home. Their analysis shows that the
subordination of women by men is systemic and requires a constant and meticulous
approach. Some elements of the thorough approach, which the authors refer to, involve a
careful elucidation of concepts such as household, patriarchy, capitalism, masculinities,
power and culture. I have repeatedly used these terms in this thesis. Sociologists and
anthropologists caution against generalizations in the use of such terms. Hence, I devote
this chapter of the thesis to exploring some of these concepts and how they articulate with
approaches to the study of gender relations.
3.1. The Household: a Key Site for Gender Relations
Social scientists are struggling to clearly conceptualize the “household”.
Economists suggest that the household is a production and consumption unit, while
anthropologists argue that social and cultural variations between the characteristics of
households are very critical in comprehending what the household constitutes. A study of
household economy in Britain and Ghana shows that households within the two countries
are dissimilar by differences in their acquisition of consumption goods (Whitehead,
1995). By using access to food, the study identified Ghanaian households with direct
production, as opposed to British households who are identified with the purchasing of
goods from wages. While much of this study focuses on economic determinants such as

39
production and consumption, the difference in access to food must be seen in a broader
social and cultural context in which households are located.
For the purpose of this study, I explore interactions within the household with a
particular emphasis on transnationalism and gender relations. “Gender relations can be
seen as the full ensemble of social relationships” (Kabeer, 1994, p. 55). I look at how the
household and gender relations within it are affected in time and in space. Within the
current context of globalization and the increasing influences of capitalism, the household
and spousal relations within it deserve attention from the insights of feminist scholars. I
examine the interplay of power relations, decision-making processes, and domestic
economics to argue that the household is a political field of shifting power dynamics. I
have interchangeably used household and family, and immigrant and refugee, suggesting
the fluidity associated with conceptualizing these terms.
In their characterization of the household as a living place, with its decorations
and utilities, Stevi and Moores (1995) point out that there is a connection between the
material and symbolic aspects of daily domestic life. Their contention is that gender
relations, such as power, and decision-making processes are manifested in the way
household resources are consumed by members. Contrary to the contemporary views
about household life, in which the household is portrayed as a private place, they argue
that households are fundamentally economic entities underpinned by economic relations
embedded in wider socioeconomic structures.
The control and allocation of resources within the household is a complex
process which has to be seen in relation to a web of rights and obligations. The
management of labor, income and resources is something which is crucially
bound up with household organization and the sexual division of labor.
(Moore, 1988, p.56, cited in Kabeer, 1994, p. 95).

40
A key theme coming out of this discussion is that interactions within the household are
complex and political.
Dorothy Hobson (1995) puts the household under spotlights by examining the
relationship between “housewives” and the mass media, particularly radios and
televisions. Her examination is focused on viewing and listening practices between
husbands and wives. She observes that these communication materials are part of the
day-to-day experiences of women. There are, however, some stricken points of gender
interactions, which come out of her study. Unlike men, the most peaceful time that
women can have to watch a television is only when their children are gone to bed, even at
that, they still experience interruptions when their husbands need water or food. This
shows that there is a power imbalance in which women or “housewives” as she puts it are
equated to servants for other household members.
Another materialist feminist, David Morley (1995) examines power relations over
domestic television viewing within some British households. He argues that power
imbalances are manifested in negotiating preference for programs, which are watched.
The study reveals that the home is viewed by society as a site of leisure for men, as
opposed to a site of work for women, whether they also work outside the home or not. An
implication for this phenomenon is that men will be much more relaxed watching
television than their wives who will be preoccupied with domestic work and
overshadowed by the fears of not using their husbands‟ viewing time. This practice
confirms that the household is constructed as a man‟s castle of leisure and a woman‟s
dungeon of drudgery (Miller, 2001). The household then, is also a common site of binary
opposites for women and men both psychologically and physically.

41
Morley‟s (1995) study also uncovers a display of power over the use of
television‟s remote-control device in British households. Men use the device to
manipulate channels without considering the interests of their wives and children:
Woman: I don‘t have the chance to use the automatic control. I leave that
down to him. It is aggravating, because I can be watching
something and all of a sudden he turns it over to get the football
result.
Daughter: the control‘s always next to Dad‘s chair. It doesn‘t come away
when Dad‘s here. It stays right there. (Morley, 1995, p. 177).
Here, the household is turned into a field of manipulation by men. What is more glaring
here is the level of powerlessness and powerfulness on the two extremes of the household
continuum. It is politically right to suggest here that women within such households are
on the threshold of becoming slaves to men‟s power. This oppression is not only physical
but immensely psychological.
An intriguing point about Morley‟s (1995) study is an intersection between
women‟s employment and male domination. The study reveals that in families where
husbands were unemployed and the wives were employed, husbands were willing to
compromise their interests by giving other family members an opportunity to watch
whatever they wanted on televisions. In my study, I also discovered that unemployed
Liberian men treated their wives in a similar manner. I have termed this behavior by the
Liberian men as a “false co-operation”, as you will later see in this thesis. A key
argument here is that men present themselves as the bosses of their homes, but in fact,
this position of power is not permanent and can be adjusted by other factors, as
employment has proven in this particular case. Men can consider themselves as bosses of
some domains but women will consider themselves the boss of other domains (like the

42
kitchen). So there are many places where women exert authority or control within the
home.
Assessing the implication of money within households, Westwood (1995) argues
that the household is concerned with the pooling of resources and effort as part of the
general process of reproduction. She focuses on market-based households in England and
claims that there is a dichotomy between the household as a private sphere and macro
economies which are constituted by the public sphere and are generally patriarchal. A
recurrent claim in her study is that while women may control the day-to-day affairs of
domestic budgets, they remain powerless within the household. “Women‟s wages are
lower than men‟s and, more importantly women‟s wages are spent on food and less
valuable items, while men‟s are allocated for mortgages and cars” (Westwood, 1995, p.
85). While this practice is rapidly changing in the developed world, it remains one of the
excruciating ways of subordinating women in many parts of Africa, including the rural
parts of Liberia where my research participants originate from.
Other bodies of literature characterizing the household suggest that mere
differences between men and women in the division of domestic labors reflect
domination and subordination. “Studies of the organization of domestic labor and marital
relationships confirm that cooking continues to be a task done more by women than men;
this is also the case cross-culturally” (Murcott, 1995, p. 89). The argument of the author
is that society often attaches meanings to these tasks in ways that present women as
attachments to men. For example, the “presumption that women are cooks is extended to
show that their responsibility in this sphere [household] is tempered with reference to
their husband‟s, not their own choice” (Murcott, 1995, p. 90). There is no doubt that food

43
is often prepared to please the tastes of consumers. In some cases, consumers dictate or
suggest what is to be cooked. While this is not always done as a demand, it has
implications for power relations.
Analyzing consumption patterns within the household, some feminist writers
(Kabeer, 1994; Sen, 1999; Charles, 1995; Delphy, 1995 and Corrigan, 1995) take a more
direct approach in analyzing interactions within the household and claim that the
household is, in fact, a site of oppression. Kabeer (1994) claims that no one person within
a household can be made better without suppressing other members. Charles (1995)
argues that in order to please the male bread-winner, women tend to give to him a lion‟s
share and the most nutritious part of family‟s food. By doing so, the food needs of other
family members are affected. A similar finding is reported among poor women in India
(Sen, 1999). An indication here is that there is structural inequality within the household.
Still focused on domestic production and consumption, Corrigan (1995) urges us
to avoid viewing the household as a unit through which resources flow easily. The author
argues that we need to look at particular points in the flow and at the social and economic
relationship which structure the control exercised by different members of the household
over the flow at each point. Another feminist, Delphy (1995) provides us an example
which shows an inegalitarian characteristic of the household. She claims that in Tunisian
households, men have two to three meals a day, while women have one or two.
“Women‟s position as servers involves a systematic subordination of their own
preferences to those of their partners” (Charles, 1995, p. 106). Subordination related to
food here, is a complex concept as it involves a form of self denial on the part of women.

44
A key factor over which gender relations are often manifested is domestic
budgeting. In analyzing domestic budgeting, economists have treated the household as
though it were an individual and have assumed that the same economic theories used on
individuals are applicable to the household. This approach has created a “black box”
between earning and spending (Pahl, 1995). The author contends that such an approach
blurs a huge web of mechanisms, which involve controlling, managing, different sorts of
spending, consumption and the sharing of resources within the household. Pahl (1995)
makes an interesting argument, but it is limited by her inability to offer us a clear
approach for understanding household economies. Education, religion and culture might
have varying implications in the operations of household economies.
There is, however, a Marxist‟s version of the household, which suggests that the
household is a democratic institution.
A household manager or decision-maker will internalize the utility
functions of family members through a high level of concern or caring
for other members and will also be more informed than other
(particularly younger) members(Evenson,1976, p. 89, cited in Kabeer,
1994, p. 95)
A controversial suggestion here is that the household is a site of internal harmony of
interests. Some sociologists waste no time in disputing this claim because it fails to
recognize the subordination of women within the household. They argue that the
household is fundamentally a concealing outfit for the exercise of male authority
(Galbaith, 1974, p. 35, cited in Kabeer 1994, p. 101). The Marxist‟s version of the
household holds a questionable truism.
Another relevant body of literature scrutinizes the household in the context of
migration. It looks at how positions of women relative to men are affected in post-
migration. “When a woman migrates with her husband she does forgo the substantial

45
advantage she could have derived had she moved alone” (Chattopadhyay, 1997, p. 441).
This argument seems generalizing, but as the author points out “there is evidence that
women, particularly single women who had not been employed previously, have
improved their positions after migration” (Lacey, 1986; cited in Chattopadhyay, 1997, p.
139). This might be true in some cases, particularly in the context of migration from poor
to better-off economies. Family migration literature in developed countries often suggests
that a woman‟s migration with the husbands is disruptive of the wives‟ labor market
careers (Lichter, 1983; Maxwell, 1988; cited in Chattopadhyay, 1997, p. 441). Childcare
and women‟s disproportionate share of the domestic labor are often some of the key
elements behind this argument.
Researching the settlement mechanisms of Hong Kong immigrant households in
Toronto, Salaff (1997) focuses on how men and women go about seeking employment in
their new communities. She discovers that husbands are more likely to get employed
through kinship and other networks of friends and colleagues than women are. One
explanation for this difference in accessing the job market can be attributed to the fact
that women might be held back at home managing child care, cooking and doing a host
of other domestic tasks, while their husbands enjoy the pleasure of their family‟s public
relations and have more opportunities to build social connections relevant to
employment. In the migration context of refugee life, women seem to enjoy more
employment opportunities than men (see Alwis, 2004; Westerbeck, 2004; Carving, 2005;
Abdi, 1998). My study also discovered that in refugee camps, none of the men from the
five couples interviewed earned a regular income as opposed to their wives. This income
status in refugee camps for the couples was contrary to what it was previously in Liberia.

46
The manner in which aid agencies regard and interact with households is also an
intriguing dimension to explore, particularly in the context of refugee life. One aspect of
a household which is often of prime concern to aid agencies is whether it is headed by a
male or female. For example, UNHCR assistance policies classify women-headed
households as vulnerable households (UNHCR, 1994a, n.d. cited in Hyndman, 2004).
Hyndman (2004) argues that UNHCR gender policy is inherently flawed with
contradictions: a female-headed household is classified as vulnerable, but if the same
female head is a health professional or a water technician, she will automatically become
a member of the refugee leadership, which is often a decision-making body. The paradox
is that members of the leadership committees are often not considered as vulnerable by
UNHCR in refugee camps because they are influential and control resources. The
question then is what is the status of such women and their households? Why is the head
of the household position so gendered in a controversial way?
In addition to UNHCR, many non governmental organizations (NGOs), as well
as, government agencies also maintain gendered vulnerability policies in classifying
households through the head position. Asking “who is the head of your household” is a
routine question embedded in the dominant culture of many aid agencies. Field staff
would often carry with them information charts in which such questions are part of the
introductory sections of their encounters with refugee households. Hyndman (2004)
argues that this policy of gendering vulnerability victimizes women. She found another
flaw within UNHCR resettlement policies. She discovered that among Somali refugees in
Kenya, where rapes are common, women (some of whom are heading households) who
report rapes to the UNHCR with the hope of being resettled in a developed country are

47
requested to provide an elderly male family member to testify to the truth of their claims.
Another paradox here is that women who by heading their households are already
vulnerable, and who do not have an elderly male household member, might not be
resettled if they are raped.
The household literature, which I have reviewed thus far, suggests three
distinctive themes: the household deserves continuing attention by researchers; it is a
playing field of power struggles, economic politics, oppressions and self-denial; and it is
often gendered by aid agencies. Continuous studies of the household by feminists will
make significant contributions to the understanding of shifts in gender relations within
the domestic domain. As a playing field of various forms of power struggles, the
household is rife with contradictions and manipulations that are complex and political.
The fashion in which aid agencies interact with the household is gendered in ways that
essentialize and contribute to women‟s subordination.
3.2. Patriarchy: Control over Financial Income and Procreation
Patriarchy is “a system of social structures and practices, in which men dominate,
oppress and exploit women” (Walby, 1990, p. 20). My point of departure here is to
continue to explore how men‟s domination of women is displayed within the household
with a particular focus on patriarchal influences. “Households as units where production
and redistribution take place, represent centers of struggle where people with different
activities and interests come into conflict with one another” (Boyd et al, 2003, p. 2).
Decisions within households do not necessarily represent the equal interests of all their
members. In such interplay of interests and power, those who are stronger and more

48
influential will enjoy dominance and subordination over others. How then, are such
struggles manifested over control of financial income?
Maher‟s (1998) examination of patriarchy within Moroccan households reveals
that men do not want women to acquire financial security as they are likely to file for
divorce. Conversely, “women are discontented with their lot but they are trapped in their
subordination to economic dependence on men” (p. 133). Contributing to this argument
of women‟s vulnerability to patriarchy within the household is the contention that
women‟s subordination or domestication is ultimately a result of men‟s control over
women‟s reproductive capacity (Stolcke, 1998). In research on sexuality and control of
procreation, a Yugoslav migrant woman crisply narrates that “my husband says a woman
loses sexual desire, so if I take it [contraceptive] he might even think that I have someone
else; he always wants to be sure that any minute he can impregnate me” (Morokvasic
1998, p. 201). This example reveals a display of power disparity in favor of men.
Literature on domestic budgeting shows that women‟s meager incomes are often
spent on perishable items as opposed to male spending patterns favoring sustainable
property (Bennholdt-Thomsen, 1998). There are also theoretical critiques of the ideology
of viewing households as natural units where divisions of labor and male power are
assumed as normal (if not biologically ordained). Research addressing this critique
reveals that in some British families, men‟s superior incomes relative to women‟s give
them more power in intra-household decision-making, and the distribution and
consumption of resources (Harris, 1998). In Ghanaian Khuasi‟s ethnic context, the
household is conceptualized as an enterprise in which the labor of all members
contributes to the production of subsistence goods (Whitehead, 1998). Whitehead (1998)

How Transnational Migration Shapes Gender Relations in Liberian Families in Canada

How Transnational Migration Shapes Gender Relations in Liberian Families in Canada

Recommended

Recommended

More Related Content

Viewers also liked

Viewers also liked (17)

Similar to How Transnational Migration Shapes Gender Relations in Liberian Families in Canada

Similar to How Transnational Migration Shapes Gender Relations in Liberian Families in Canada (20)

How Transnational Migration Shapes Gender Relations in Liberian Families in Canada