HUMAN RIGHT WATCH AND BURMA(MYANMAR) UPDATE JULY 2018

7/13/2018 World Report 2018: Burma | Human Rights Watch
https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2018/country-chapters/burma 1/15
Burma’s stalled democratic transition gave way to a massive human rights
and humanitarian crisis starting in August 2017, when the military
launched a large-scale ethnic cleansing campaign against the Rohingya
Muslim population in Rakhine State. More than 650,000 Rohingya have fled
to neighboring Bangladesh to escape mass killings, sexual violence, arson,
and other abuses amounting to crimes against humanity by the security
forces.
2017 marked the country’s first full year under the democratically elected
civilian government led by the National League for Democracy (NLD) and de
facto civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi. The NLD-led government took some
positive steps, including ratifying the International Covenant on Economic,
Burma
Events of 2017
Rohingya refugees walk through rice fields after crossing the border from Burma into Palang Khali,
near Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, October 19, 2017.
© 2017 Jorge Silva/Reuters
AVAILABLE IN
WORLD REPORT 2018 ESSAYS COUNTRIES

Social and Cultural Rights, engaging in some efforts to resolve past land
confiscation cases, and enacting minor reforms to laws regulating speech
and assembly. However, the government increasingly used repressive laws
to prosecute journalists, activists, and critics for peaceful expression deemed
critical of the government or military.
Despite the appearance of civilian rule, the military remained the primary
power-holder in the country. It continued to block efforts to amend the 2008
constitution, which allows the armed forces to retain authority over national
security and public administration through control of the defense, home
affairs, and border affairs ministries. The constitutional provision allowing
the military to appoint 25 percent of parliamentary seats affords it an
effective veto over constitutional amendments.
The peace process with ethnic armed groups made no meaningful progress.
Fighting intensified in Kachin and northern Shan States, resulting in an
increase in forced displacement and other abuses against civilians, primarily
by government forces.
The Burmese army carried out systematic killings and rape of several hundred
Rohingya Muslims in Tula Toli village in Rakhine State on August 30, 2017.

Crimes Against Humanity and Ethnic
Cleansing of Rohingya
On August 25, in response to coordinated attacks on security force outposts
northern Rakhine State by militants from the Arakan Rohingya Salvation
Army (ARSA), security forces launched a large-scale military operation
against the Rohingya Muslim population.
Military units, assisted by ethnic Rakhine militias, attacked Rohingya
villages and committed massacres, widespread rape, arbitrary detention,
and mass arson. Some Rohingya who fled were killed or maimed by
landmines laid by soldiers on paths near the Bangladesh-Burma border.
Satellite imagery showed that more than 340 primarily Rohingya villages
were either substantially or completely destroyed.
Prior to August 25, the total Rohingya population in Burma was estimated to
be more than 1 million, though precise figures do not exist as the Rohingya
were excluded from the 2014 census. An estimated 120,000 Rohingya
remain internally displaced in central Rakhine State from waves of violence
Burmese security forces have committed widespread rape against women and girls as
part of a campaign of ethnic cleansing against Rohingya Muslims in Burma’s Rakhine
State.

in 2012. The military and government have denied that the Rohingya are a
distinct ethnic group, effectively denying them citizenship, and calling them
“Bengali” instead of “Rohingya” to label them as foreigners.
The military and government appointed multiple investigative commissions
on the 2016-2017 violence, but each engaged in whitewashing, denying any
unlawful killings. The Burmese government repeatedly stated it would not
grant access to members of a United Nations Fact-Finding Mission, created
by the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in March 2017 following attacks
on the Rohingya in late 2016.
In December 2017, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution urging
Burma to give the mission full, unrestricted, and unmonitored access. The
government denied access to affected areas in Rakhine State to independent
journalists and human rights monitors. It also continued to heavily restrict
access to humanitarian agencies, compounding the already-dire
humanitarian conditions that internally displaced people (IDP) and other
residents face.
Ethnic Conflicts and Forced Displacement
As the peace process stalled, fighting between the military and ethnic armed
groups continued over the year in Kachin and northern Shan States, with
civilians endangered by indiscriminate attacks, forced displacement, and
blockage of aid by the government. Approximately 100,000 civilians remain
displaced in camps in the region, many near areas of active conflict,
heightening their vulnerability.

In March, fighting broke out in the Kokang region of Shan State when the
Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) attacked military
posts and casinos in Laukkai. Over 20,000 temporarily fled across the border
into China, and about 10,000 were displaced to central Burma. In June,
fighting escalated in Tanai township in Kachin State, displacing thousands.
Sporadic fighting in Chin State with the Arakan Army, comprised of ethnic
Rakhine Buddhists, endangered civilians, forcing hundreds from their
homes.
Reports rose of injuries and deaths caused by landmines, used by both
government and ethnic armed forces. Landmine casualties in Burma over the
past decade are the third highest in the world. Both government and ethnic
armed groups unlawfully recruited children for their forces. The government
did not adequately or effectively investigate alleged abuses by military
personnel in conflict areas.
Attacks on Free Expression and Media
The government increased its use of overly broad and vaguely worded laws
to detain, arrest, and imprison individuals for peaceful expression. Activists
and journalists reported an increase in surveillance, threats, and
intimidation by security personnel or their agents. The rise in prosecutions of
journalists has had a chilling effect on the country’s media.
Prosecutions for critiques of government or military officials have surged
since the NLD took office. Over 90 cases have been filed under section 66(d)
of the 2013 Telecommunications Act, a vaguely worded law that
criminalizes broad categories of online speech, with over 20 journalists
among those charged.

In September, after parliament rejected a proposal to remove the law’s
criminal penalty, President Htin Kyaw signed into law amendments to the
act that reduced the maximum prison sentence from three to two years and
allowed for bail, but the majority of problematic provisions were retained.
In January 2017, the army filed defamation charges under section 500 of the
penal code against nine students who performed a satirical play about
armed conflict at a peace assembly in Irrawaddy Region. A local human
rights defender was charged under section 66(d) in June for streaming a
video of the play on Facebook. The chief editor of Myanmar Now, Swe Win,
was arrested in July under section 66(d) for a Facebook post criticizing
extremist Buddhist monk Wirathu. He was released on bail but has faced
extensive pretrial delays.
Khaing Myo Htun, an environmental rights activist, was sentenced to 18
months in prison in October for violating sections 505(b) and (c) of the penal
code, which criminalizes speech that is likely to cause fear or harm and
incites classes or groups to commit offenses against each other. He had been
detained since July 2016 for helping prepare a statement released by the
Arakan Liberation Party, of which he was the deputy spokesperson, accusing
the military of rights violations.
The Voice newspaper’s chief editor Kyaw Min Swe and columnist Kyaw Zwa
Naing were arrested in June under section 25(b) of the 2014 Media Law and
section 66(d) of the Telecommunications Act for an article satirizing a
military propaganda film, despite having printed an apology in May. Later
that month, three journalists—Aye Nai and Pyae Phone Naing from the
Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), and Lawi Weng from The Irrawaddy—were
detained under section 17(1) of the 1908 Unlawful Associations Act while
reporting on an event organized by the Ta’ang National Liberation Army
(TNLA), an ethnic armed group, in northern Shan State. After a domestic and
international outcry, the charges were dropped.
The government has long used the Unlawful Associations Act to restrict
freedom of association and detain peaceful activists. In October, authorities
sentenced two Kachin Baptist community leaders, Dumdaw Nawng Lat and
Langjaw Gam Seng, to four years and two years in prison, respectively,

under section 17(1). The two men were charged with allegedly supporting
the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) after they assisted journalists
documenting military damage to civilian areas in northern Shan State.
Despite changes to the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Act, the
right to protest is still limited. In October, the law was amended to remove
the requirement of government consent to hold an assembly or processions,
yet it retains several provisions that fail to meet international standards. The
police announced in November a total ban on all public assemblies in 11
major townships in Rangoon.
A new privacy law enacted in March includes vague provisions on
surveillance and data protection.
Religious Freedom
Religious minorities, including Hindus, Christians, and Muslims, continue to
face threats and persecution in a country that is approximately 88 percent
Buddhist. Religious activities are often tightly regulated and authorities
threaten to fine or imprison those who conduct organized prayers in their
homes.
In May, authorities sent a letter to a Christian man in Rangoon, warning him
not to continue to pray in his home with others without first receiving
approval from authorities. In Sagaing Region, a Buddhist mob attacked
Christian worshippers, destroying homes and personal property.

The government took increasing action against Buddhist monks and
organizations that used extremist and ultranationalist rhetoric. In May, the
government banned the use of the name and logos of the Buddhist-monk-led
Ma Ba Tha, or Association for the Protection of Race and Religion. Some but
not all branches of the organization complied. A well-known extremist
monk, Wirathu, was banned from public speaking for one year, but has on
occasion violated the order without consequences.
In April, a mob of about 50 to 100 Buddhist ultranationalists put pressure on
local officials and police in Rangoon’s Thaketa township to close two Islamic
schools. The authorities carried out the mob’s demand and have not
reopened the schools, denying several hundred students access to
education. Following the closures, local officials charged seven Muslims
who participated in a public prayer session on May 31. They faced up to six
months in jail for holding public prayers under the Ward or Village Tract
Administration Law.
Attacks on Human Rights Defenders
Accountability for attacks on human rights defenders remains impeded by
the country’s weak rule of law, corrupt judiciary, and unwillingness to
prosecute members of the security forces.
On January 29, Ko Ni, a prominent Muslim lawyer and senior NLD advisor,
was shot and killed outside the Rangoon airport. Ko Ni, a longtime advocate
for interfaith dialogue and democratic reform, had been a proponent of
controversial legislation including a hate speech bill and constitutional

amendments. Authorities arrested four suspects, but have not apprehended
the individual alleged to have engineered the attack. Aung San Suu Kyi was
widely criticized for her silence after the killing.
Three recent murders of environmental defenders—rights activist Naw Chit
Pandaing and investigative journalist Soe Moe Tun in late 2016, and
community leader Lung Jarm Phe in February 2017—remain unsolved.
On November 1, a land rights defender in northern Shan State, Htay Aung,
was killed by a mob while on his way to discuss a dispute over confiscated
land.
Land Rights and Government Land Seizures
The government took several steps toward reforming land laws that provide
weak land tenure security for farmers and toward resolving decades-old
claims of land confiscation that occurred under military rule.
However, progress was limited as attempts to reform laws and land
governance structures failed to provide additional protections for
landholders and did not incorporate provisions of the 2016 National Land
Use Policy. Farmers faced threats and arrests for protesting about unresolved
land confiscation claims. Poor redress mechanisms left many without a
livelihood or compensation and facing increased barriers to health care and
education.

Human Trafficking
Human trafficking remained a serious problem in several areas, particularly
in the north where armed conflict and widespread displacement exacerbated
financial instability. Women and girls in Kachin and Shan States who went
to China in search of work faced abuses. Many women and girls were sold to
Chinese families as “brides” and often faced horrific abuses including being
locked up, subjected to sexual slavery, forced to bear children of their
“husbands” by rape, and forcibly separated from their children. The
Burmese government put few measures in place to protect women and girls
from these abuses or assist women and girls who escaped or sought to do so.
Key International Actors
China continued to strengthen its ties with Burma, shielding the Burmese
government from concerted international action and scrutiny over the
Rohingya crisis. Large-scale infrastructure projects ramped up under China’s
“One Belt, One Road” initiative, including an eastern seaport development
that offers strategic access to the Indian Ocean.
China attempted to play a larger role in Burma’s peace process through ties
to ethnic armed groups on the border. In November, China served as a
mediator for talks between Burma and Bangladesh on the return of Rohingya
refugees, but the resulting agreement failed to meet international standards
for the protection and respect of rights of refugees.
Burma’s civilian government continued to receive strong backing from
Western donors, who remained hopeful about the reform process yet
concerned about weak governance and the increased role and stature of the

military.
In response to the Rohingya crisis, in September the UN Security Council
held its first open discussion of the situation in Burma in eight years. A draft
Security Council resolution was blocked by a veto threat from China. Instead,
in November it adopted a Presidential Statement expressing grave concern
over reports of human rights violations in Rakhine State by Burma’s security
forces and calling on Burma to cooperate with UN investigative bodies.
In December, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution drafted by the
Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and co-sponsored by a broad
cross-regional coalition that called for an end to military operations,
unhindered access for humanitarian assistance and actors, the voluntary
and sustainable return of refugees to their original places, accountability for
violations and abuses, and full respect for the “human rights and
fundamental freedoms” of the Rohingya population, including full
citizenship. The resolution also requested the appointment of a special
envoy to Burma.
In December, the UNHRC held a special session condemning the violations,
urging the government to grant access to the council-created Fact-Finding
Mission, and calling on the government to address root causes, such as
statelessness and the denial of citizenship to Rohingya. The council said that
returns should be safe, voluntary, dignified, and in accordance with
international law, and requested additional reporting by the UN High
Commissioner for Human Rights.
While Burma faced widespread international condemnation for the military’s
ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya, concrete action was less forthcoming. In
September, the United Kingdom announced it was halting all engagement
programs with the Burmese military. In October, the European Union
suspended invitations to senior military officers and undertook a review of
defense cooperation. The United States ceased consideration of travel
waivers for current and former senior military officials and rescinded
invitations for senior military officials to attend US-sponsored events. In
October, citing the crisis in Rakhine State, the World Bank announced it

would delay a loan for US$200 million, its first direct financial assistance to
the government’s budget since the institution suspended its lending to the
country in the late 1980s.
The US government removed Burma from its annual list of governments
using child soldiers, despite documentation of ongoing recruitment. Burma
remains on the UN’s annual “list of shame” for the military’s use and
recruitment of child soldiers. The US also upgraded Burma’s designation in
its global Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report, despite continued violations
and weak efforts by the government to end trafficking and punish those
responsible.
BROWSE COUNTRIES
Latest News on
Keynote
Burma
Choose...

JANUARY 2018 COUNTRY SUMMARY
Burma
Burma’s stalled democratic transition gave way to a massive human rights and
humanitarian crisis starting in August 2017, when the military launched a large-scale
ethnic cleansing campaign against the Rohingya Muslim population in Rakhine State. By
November, over 625,000 Rohingya had fled to neighboring Bangladesh to escape mass
killings, sexual violence, arson, and other abuses amounting to crimes against humanity
by the security forces.
2017 marked the country’s first full year under the democratically elected civilian
government led by the National League for Democracy (NLD) and de facto civilian leader
Aung San Suu Kyi. The NLD-led government took some positive steps, including ratifying
the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, engaging in some
efforts to resolve past land confiscation cases, and enacting minor reforms to laws
regulating speech and assembly. However, the government increasingly used repressive
laws to prosecute journalists, activists, and critics for peaceful expression deemed critical
of the government or military.
Despite the appearance of civilian rule, the military remained the primary power-holder in
the country. It continued to block efforts to amend the 2008 constitution, which allows the
armed forces to retain authority over national security and public administration through
control of the defense, home affairs, and border affairs ministries. The constitutional
provision allowing the military to appoint 25 percent of parliamentary seats affords it an
effective veto over constitutional amendments.
The peace process with ethnic armed groups made no meaningful progress. Fighting
intensified in Kachin and northern Shan States, resulting in an increase in forced
displacement and other abuses against civilians, primarily by government forces.

2
Crimes Against Humanity and Ethnic Cleansing of Rohingya
On August 25, in response to coordinated attacks on security force outposts northern
Rakhine State by militants from the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), security
forces launched a large-scale military operation against the Rohingya Muslim population.
Military units, assisted by ethnic Rakhine militias, attacked Rohingya villages and
committed massacres, widespread rape, arbitrary detention, and mass arson. Some
Rohingya who fled were killed or maimed by landmines laid by soldiers on paths near the
Bangladesh-Burma border. Satellite imagery showed that more than 340 primarily
Rohingya villages were either substantially or completely destroyed.
Prior to August 25, the total Rohingya population in Burma was estimated to be more than
1 million, though precise figures do not exist as the Rohingya were excluded from the 2014
census. An estimated 120,000 Rohingya remain internally displaced in central Rakhine
State from waves of violence in 2012. The military and government have denied that the
Rohingya are a distinct ethnic group, effectively denying them citizenship, and calling
them “Bengali” instead of “Rohingya” to label them as foreigners.
The military and government appointed multiple investigative commissions on the 2016-
2017 violence, but each engaged in whitewashing, denying any unlawful killings. The
Burmese government repeatedly stated it would not grant access to members of a United
Nations Fact-Finding Mission, created by the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in March
2017 following attacks on the Rohingya in late 2016.
In December 2017, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution urging Burma to give the
mission full, unrestricted, and unmonitored access. The government denied access to
affected areas in Rakhine State to independent journalists and human rights monitors. It
also continued to heavily restrict access to humanitarian agencies, compounding the
already-dire humanitarian conditions that internally displaced people (IDP) and other
residents face.

3
Ethnic Conflicts and Forced Displacement
As the peace process stalled, fighting between the military and ethnic armed groups
continued over the year in Kachin and northern Shan States, with civilians endangered by
indiscriminate attacks, forced displacement, and blockage of aid by the government.
Approximately 100,000 civilians remain displaced in camps in the region, many near areas
of active conflict, heightening their vulnerability.
In March, fighting broke out in the Kokang region of Shan State when the Myanmar
National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) attacked military posts and casinos in
Laukkai. Over 20,000 temporarily fled across the border into China, and about 10,000
were displaced to central Burma. In June, fighting escalated in Tanai township in Kachin
State, displacing thousands. Sporadic fighting in Chin State with the Arakan Army,
comprised of ethnic Rakhine Buddhists, endangered civilians, forcing hundreds from
their homes.
Reports rose of injuries and deaths caused by landmines, used by both government and
ethnic armed forces. Landmine casualties in Burma over the past decade are the third
highest in the world. Both government and ethnic armed groups unlawfully recruited
children for their forces. The government did not adequately or effectively investigate
alleged abuses by military personnel in conflict areas.
Attacks on Free Expression and Media
The government increased its use of overly broad and vaguely worded laws to detain,
arrest, and imprison individuals for peaceful expression. Activists and journalists reported
an increase in surveillance, threats, and intimidation by security personnel or their agents.
The rise in prosecutions of journalists has had a chilling effect on the country’s media.
Prosecutions for critiques of government or military officials have surged since the NLD
took office. Over 90 cases have been filed under section 66(d) of the 2013
Telecommunications Act, a vaguely worded law that criminalizes broad categories of
online speech, with over 20 journalists among those charged.

4
In September, after parliament rejected a proposal to remove the law’s criminal penalty,
President Htin Kyaw signed into law amendments to the act that reduced the maximum
prison sentence from three to two years and allowed for bail, but the majority of
problematic provisions were retained.
In January 2017, the army filed defamation charges under section 500 of the penal code
against nine students who performed a satirical play about armed conflict at a peace
assembly in Irrawaddy Region. A local human rights defender was charged under section
66(d) in June for streaming a video of the play on Facebook. The chief editor of Myanmar
Now, Swe Win, was arrested in July under section 66(d) for a Facebook post criticizing
extremist Buddhist monk Wirathu. He was released on bail but has faced extensive
pretrial delays.
Khaing Myo Htun, an environmental rights activist, was sentenced to 18 months in prison
in October for violating sections 505(b) and (c) of the penal code, which criminalizes
speech that is likely to cause fear or harm and incites classes or groups to commit offenses
against each other. He had been detained since July 2016 for helping prepare a statement
released by the Arakan Liberation Party, of which he was the deputy spokesperson,
accusing the military of rights violations.
The Voice newspaper’s chief editor Kyaw Min Swe and columnist Kyaw Zwa Naing were
arrested in June under section 25(b) of the 2014 Media Law and section 66(d) of the
Telecommunications Act for an article satirizing a military propaganda film, despite having
printed an apology in May. Later that month, three journalists—Aye Nai and Pyae Phone
Naing from the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), and Lawi Weng from The Irrawaddy—
were detained under section 17(1) of the 1908 Unlawful Associations Act while reporting on
an event organized by the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), an ethnic armed group, in
northern Shan State. After a domestic and international outcry, the charges were dropped.
The government has long used the Unlawful Associations Act to restrict freedom of
association and detain peaceful activists. In October, authorities sentenced two Kachin
Baptist community leaders, Dumdaw Nawng Lat and Langjaw Gam Seng, to four years and
two years in prison, respectively, under section 17(1). The two men were charged with

5
allegedly supporting the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) after they assisted journalists
documenting military damage to civilian areas in northern Shan State.
Despite changes to the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Act, the right to protest
is still limited. In October, the law was amended to remove the requirement of government
consent to hold an assembly or processions, yet it retains several provisions that fail to
meet international standards. The police announced in November a total ban on all public
assemblies in 11 major townships in Rangoon.
A new privacy law enacted in March includes vague provisions on surveillance and data
protection.
Religious Freedom
Religious minorities, including Hindus, Christians, and Muslims, continue to face threats
and persecution in a country that is approximately 88 percent Buddhist. Religious
activities are often tightly regulated and authorities threaten to fine or imprison those who
conduct organized prayers in their homes.
In May, authorities sent a letter to a Christian man in Rangoon, warning him not to
continue to pray in his home with others without first receiving approval from authorities.
In Sagaing Region, a Buddhist mob attacked Christian worshippers, destroying homes and
personal property.
The government took increasing action against Buddhist monks and organizations that
used extremist and ultranationalist rhetoric. In May, the government banned the use of the
name and logos of the Buddhist-monk-led Ma Ba Tha, or Association for the Protection of
Race and Religion. Some but not all branches of the organization complied. A well-known
extremist monk, Wirathu, was banned from public speaking for one year, but has on
occasion violated the order without consequences.
In April, a mob of about 50 to 100 Buddhist ultranationalists put pressure on local officials
and police in Rangoon’s Thaketa township to close two Islamic schools. The authorities
carried out the mob’s demand and have not reopened the schools, denying several

6
hundred students access to education. Following the closures, local officials charged seven
Muslims who participated in a public prayer session on May 31. They faced up to six months
in jail for holding public prayers under the Ward or Village Tract Administration Law.
Attacks on Human Rights Defenders
Accountability for attacks on human rights defenders remains impeded by the country’s
weak rule of law, corrupt judiciary, and unwillingness to prosecute members of the
security forces.
On January 29, Ko Ni, a prominent Muslim lawyer and senior NLD advisor, was shot and
killed outside the Rangoon airport. Ko Ni, a longtime advocate for interfaith dialogue and
democratic reform, had been a proponent of controversial legislation including a hate
speech bill and constitutional amendments. Authorities arrested four suspects, but have
not apprehended the individual alleged to have engineered the attack. Aung San Suu Kyi
was widely criticized for her silence after the killing.
Three recent murders of environmental defenders—rights activist Naw Chit Pandaing and
investigative journalist Soe Moe Tun in late 2016, and community leader Lung Jarm Phe in
February 2017—remain unsolved.
On November 1, a land rights defender in northern Shan State, Htay Aung, was killed by a
mob while on his way to discuss a dispute over confiscated land.
Land Rights and Government Land Seizures
The government took several steps toward reforming land laws that provide weak land
tenure security for farmers and toward resolving decades-old claims of land confiscation
that occurred under military rule.
However, progress was limited as attempts to reform laws and land governance structures
failed to provide additional protections for landholders and did not incorporate provisions
of the 2016 National Land Use Policy. Farmers faced threats and arrests for protesting
about unresolved land confiscation claims. Poor redress mechanisms left many without a
livelihood or compensation and facing increased barriers to health care and education.

7
Human Trafficking
Human trafficking remained a serious problem in several areas, particularly in the north
where armed conflict and widespread displacement exacerbated financial instability.
Women and girls in Kachin and Shan States who went to China in search of work faced
abuses. Many women and girls were sold to Chinese families as “brides” and often faced
horrific abuses including being locked up, subjected to sexual slavery, forced to bear
children of their “husbands” by rape, and forcibly separated from their children. The
Burmese government put few measures in place to protect women and girls from these
abuses or assist women and girls who escaped or sought to do so.
Key International Actors
China continued to strengthen its ties with Burma, shielding the Burmese government from
concerted international action and scrutiny over the Rohingya crisis. Large-scale
infrastructure projects ramped up under China’s “One Belt, One Road” initiative, including
an eastern seaport development that offers strategic access to the Indian Ocean.
China attempted to play a larger role in Burma’s peace process through ties to ethnic
armed groups on the border. In November, China served as a mediator for talks between
Burma and Bangladesh on the return of Rohingya refugees, but the resulting agreement
failed to meet international standards for the protection and respect of rights of refugees.
Burma’s civilian government continued to receive strong backing from Western donors,
who remained hopeful about the reform process yet concerned about weak governance
and the increased role and stature of the military.
In response to the Rohingya crisis, in September the UN Security Council held its first
open discussion of the situation in Burma in eight years. A draft Security Council
resolution was blocked by a veto threat from China. Instead, in November it adopted a
Presidential Statement expressing grave concern over reports of human rights violations
in Rakhine State by Burma’s security forces and calling on Burma to cooperate with UN
investigative bodies.

8
In December, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution drafted by the Organisation of
Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and co-sponsored by a broad cross-regional coalition that called
for an end to military operations, unhindered access for humanitarian assistance and
actors, the voluntary and sustainable return of refugees to their original places,
accountability for violations and abuses, and full respect for the “human rights and
fundamental freedoms” of the Rohingya population, including full citizenship. The
resolution also requested the appointment of a special envoy to Burma.
In December, the UNHRC held a special session condemning the violations, urging the
government to grant access to the council-created Fact-Finding Mission, and calling on the
government to address root causes, such as statelessness and the denial of citizenship to
Rohingya. The council said that returns should be safe, voluntary, dignified, and in
accordance with international law, and requested additional reporting by the UN High
Commissioner for Human Rights.
While Burma faced widespread international condemnation for the military’s ethnic
cleansing of the Rohingya, concrete action was less forthcoming. In September, the United
Kingdom announced it was halting all engagement programs with the Burmese military. In
October, the European Union suspended invitations to senior military officers and
undertook a review of defense cooperation. The United States ceased consideration of
travel waivers for current and former senior military officials and rescinded invitations for
senior military officials to attend US-sponsored events. In October, citing the crisis in
Rakhine State, the World Bank announced it would delay a loan for US$200 million, its
first direct financial assistance to the government’s budget since the institution
suspended its lending to the country in the late 1980s.
The US government removed Burma from its annual list of governments using child
soldiers, despite documentation of ongoing recruitment. Burma remains on the UN’s
annual “list of shame” for the military’s use and recruitment of child soldiers. The US also
upgraded Burma’s designation in its global Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report, despite
continued violations and weak efforts by the government to end trafficking and punish
those responsible.

7/13/2018 Burma - Myanmar | World | Asia | Human Rights Watch
https://www.hrw.org/asia/burma 1/7
FREE SPEECH
Burma’s stalled democratic transition has given way to a massive human rights and
humanitarian crisis. Since August 2017, the military has committed mass killings, sexual
violence, and widespread arson against Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State that amount to
crimes against humanity, forcing several hundred thousand to flee to Bangladesh. Armed
conflict between the military and ethnic armed groups in northern Burma has intensified,
causing mass displacement. Under Aung San Suu Kyi’s de facto leadership, prosecutions of
journalists, activists, and critics have increased. The military remains the country’s most
powerful institution, with control of key ministries and autonomy from civilian oversight.
Available in မြန်မာဘာသာ>>
Burma
Explore Asia
Email address Count Me In ×Email address Count Me In ×Email address Count Me In ×Email address Count Me In ×Email address Count Me In ×Email address Count Me In ×Email address Count Me In ×

July , | Dispatches
Reuters Journalists Charged in Myanmar
Shayna Bauchner
Senior Coordinator, Asia Division
ASIA
July , | News Release
US: Strengthen Targeted Sanctions on Burma
FREE SPEECH

Myanmar: Free Reuters Journalists, Drop Case
Videos WATCH MORE
May , | Video
Video - Landslides Threaten Rohingya Shelters in Bangladesh

December ,
Massacre by the River
Burmese Army Crimes against Humanity in Tula Toli
November ,
“All of My Body Was Pain”
Sexual Violence against Rohingya Women and Girls in Burma
November ,
“The Farmer Becomes the Criminal”
Human Rights and Land Confiscation in Karen State
July , | Statement
Myanmar: Accountability needed to stem continuing abuses against Rohingya
Reports
News
Video - Landslides Threaten Rohingya Shelters in Bangladesh
Burmese Government Demolishes Rohingya Villages
Burma: Methodical Massacre at Rohingya Village
MORE REPORTS

June , | Dispatches
A Better US List of Countries Using Child Soldiers
Jo Becker
Advocacy Director, Children's Rights Division
June , | News Release
Myanmar: Prosecute Dismissed O cers for Atrocities
June , | Statement
UN Human Rights Council: As US Retreats, Other Countries Need To Work Together
in Defense of Human Rights
June , | Statement
Accountability Mechanism Needed to Break the Cycle of Impunity in Myanmar
June , | Dispatches
Myanmar’s Proposed Rakhine Commission Latest Sham
Param-Preet Singh
Associate Director, International Justice Program
May , | Dispatches
Canada Promotes Justice for Myanmar’s Rohingya
Farida Deif
Canada Director
May , | Statement
Joint Submission to CEDAW on Myanmar

May , | News Release
Myanmar: Deadline to Report on Rape of Rohingya to UN
Bangladesh: Landslides Threaten Rohingya Shelters
May , | Commentary
When Will Britain Step Up on Burma?
David Mepham
UK Director
Published In:
UN Security Council: Refer Myanmar to ICC
Rohingya Crisis
Human Rights Watch reporting on the Burmese military’s campaign of ethnic cleansing.
Read More
READ MORE

Daily Brief July ,
As the International Criminal Court nears 20th anniversary, justice more important than ever; what
the football World Cup has taught us; Iran arrested women for dancing; secret jails in south Yemen
exposed by Amnesty; what Malala wants for her 21st birthday; police and military interfering in
Cambodia's elections; and why clean water is a human right...
WORLD REPORT
Burma

7/13/2018 Myanmar: Quash Conviction of Former Child Soldier | Human Rights Watch
https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/04/02/myanmar-quash-conviction-former-child-soldier 1/6
(Yangon) – authorities should exonerate and
release a former child soldier who spoke to journalists
about his army experiences, Human Rights Watch said
today. On March 28, 2018, the Dagon Seikkan Township
Court sentenced Aung Ko Htwe to two years in prison
Myanmar: Quash Conviction of Former Child Soldier
Protect Victims of Underage Military Recruitment
April , : AM EDT Available In 简体中文 English 日本語
   
Myanmar army soldiers take positions near Laukkai, February 17, 2015. ©
2015 Reuters

with hard labor under penal code section 505(b), whose
overbroad provisions have frequently been used to curtail
freedom of expression.
Myanmar security forces arrested Aung Ko Htwe on
August 18, 2017, following an interview he gave to Radio
Free Asia into the army
in 2005 at age 14. A military officer thenfiled a complaint
against him under section 505(b). Aung Ko Htwe faces up
to three additional years in prison for allegedly desecrating
Myanmar’s seal during the trial.
“The prosecution of Aung Ko Htwe reveals the depths of
the Myanmar military’s efforts to muzzle anyone who
exposes its wrongdoing,” said , Asia director.
“Former child soldiers should receive support and
rehabilitation, not further military abuse. The authorities
should immediately pardon and release him.”
In his interview with Radio Free Asia, Aung Ko Htwe
described how he was abducted from a Yangon train
station and conscripted into the army. In 2007, he tried to
flee from the army with two other child soldiers. During
their escape, they a motorbike owner
while attempting to rob him. All three children
.
Aung Ko Htwe signed a confession after months in an
army prison camp, but later stated
. The sentence to 10 years in
prison, and he was released in July 2017 – one month
before his arrest under section 505(b).
The prosecution of Aung Ko Htwe reveals the
depths of the Myanmar military’s e orts to
muzzle anyone who exposes its wrongdoing. ”

Brad Adams
Asia Director
In 2009, his family about his
recruitment with the International Labour Organization
(ILO), media reported. Under the terms of the 2007 ILO
agreement with Myanmar, Aung Ko Htwe is entitled to
continued protection from “judicial or retaliatory action”
related to his forced recruitment complaint.
Section 505(b), which has been used by successive
administrations of the
government, carries a sentence of up to two years in
prison for anyone who “makes, publishes, or circulates any
statement, rumor, or report with intent to cause, or which
is likely to cause, fear or alarm to the public, or to any
section of the public, whereby any person may be induced
to commit an offence against the State or against the
public tranquility.” While international law permits
restrictions on speech to protect public order, the United
Nations Human Rights Committee has stated that the
limitations imposed must be “appropriate to achieve their
protective function” and be “the least intrusive instrument
amongst those which might achieve their protective
function.” The provision’s overly broad terms violate these
permissible restrictions and facilitate the suppression of
peaceful expression.
As a “non-bailable” offense under the Code of Criminal
Procedure, section 505(b) also facilitates long-term
pretrial detention and abuse. The government should
repeal the provision or amend it to bring it in line with
international standards on the protection of free
expression.

After Aung Ko Htwe’s sentencing, the court announced
under the Union Seal Law,
which carries a maximum sentence of three years in
prison, for allegedly damaging the seal of Myanmar when
stepping on a copy of the 2008 Constitution. In addition,
he had been sentenced to six months in prison in February
on a contempt of court charge under section 228 of the
penal code for criticizing the presiding judge. The
excessive charges and harsh sentencing reflect the
government’s to
prosecute journalists, activists, and critics for peaceful
expression deemed critical of the government or military.
Authorities also targeted supporters of Aung Ko Htwe who
staged peaceful protests outside his court hearings,
according to family members and media reports. Two
supporters with multiple offenses, including
penal code section 505(b) as well as section 153, which
provides up to one year in prison for intentionally or
knowingly provoking a riot. Arrest warrants
for four others, including one of Aung Ko
Htwe’s sisters. Prosecuting individuals for taking part in
nonviolent protests violates the internationally protected
right to peaceful assembly, and all such charges should
immediately be dropped.
While the Myanmar army has made progress in recent
years toward reducing the into the
armed forces, the practice . In
December, the UN secretary-general reported that
in
Myanmar in the first six months of 2017, with
approximately 100 complaints of child soldiers deployed
in battalions under investigation. The government should
release all remaining child soldiers in its forces as well as

ensure that the draft Child Rights Law contains provisions
to criminalize recruitment of children, hold military and
civilian recruiters accountable, and protect child victims.
“It’s a cruel irony that Aung Ko Htwe has been forced to
serve a prison term for describing his forced services in
the army,” Adams said. “Silencing a victim calls into
serious question the government’s pledges to identify
child soldiers and root out the perpetrators of their
abuse.”
Region / Country Asia, Burma
   
Your tax deductible gi can help stop human
rights violations and save lives around the
world.
, Other
DONATE NOW

US: Return Burma, Iraq to Child Soldier List
June ,
“They Can Arrest You at Any Time”
The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Burma
Topic Children's Rights, Child Soldiers, Free Speech
MORE READING
Burma: Failing to Demobilize Child Soldiers
REPORTS
October ,
"My Gun Was As Tall As Me"
Child Soldiers in Burma

7/13/2018 Myanmar: Accountability needed to stem continuing abuses against Rohingya | Human Rights Watch
https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/07/04/myanmar-accountability-needed-stem-continuing-abuses-against-rohingya 1/4
Make no mistake, the Rohingya crisis continues unabated.
Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya are at risk in both
Myanmar and Bangladesh. Around 500,000 Rohingya
remain in Rakhine State, where the government of
Myanmar has taken paltry few steps to reform and revise
the laws, policies and practices that have effectively made
many of them prisoners in their own villages or in
internally displaced persons camps. The consequence of
these failures and deliberate policies means that Rohingya
in Myanmar continue to face deprivation of their basic
rights, including to their freedom of movement, education,
and health care. This is all facilitated and exacerbated by
the Myanmar government’s unwillingness to address and
amend the discriminatory 1982 Citizenship Law.
In Bangladesh, over 700,000 Rohingya refugees forced to
flee their homes after a campaign of ethnic cleansing led
by the Myanmar military are languishing in the squalor of
large, densely packed, poorly constructed, unplanned, and
extremely vulnerable camps. As the monsoon and cyclone
seasons reach their apogees in the coming weeks, the risk
Myanmar: Accountability needed to stem continuing abuses
against Rohingya
Interactive dialogue with the High Commissioner for Human Rights
July , : AM EDT
   

7/13/2018 Myanmar: Accountability needed to stem continuing abuses against Rohingya | Human Rights Watch
https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/07/04/myanmar-accountability-needed-stem-continuing-abuses-against-rohingya 2/4
only increases. The population endures the physical
threats of landslides, flooding and the spread of
communicable disease with no real relief in sight as
attention and funding for critical programming has ebbed.
The international community should not turn its gaze
from this cascading crisis.
The recent agreement concluded between the Myanmar
government, UNHCR and UNDP on the agencies’
participation in the process of returning Rohingya refugees
and access to communities in northern Rakhine State
could be a step in the right direction. But a lack of
transparency and the Myanmar government’s history of
hostility, obstruction and repeated denial of access to
critical UN officials cast doubt about what the agreement
actually says and whether it will be implemented.
Refugee return cannot be divorced from the question of
impunity for the alleged crimes against humanity that
caused the refugees to flee. Efforts by the Myanmar
government to create a new commission of inquiry with a
token international member and international staff cannot
overcome a system known for partiality, lack of
independence, and propensity to whitewash grave
international crimes.
We support the High Commissioner’s call to create an
accountability mechanism. A IIIM (international, impartial
and independent) mechanism is urgently needed to gather
evidence on perpetrators of grave crimes and prepare case
files for prosecution. This should supplement, but is no
substitute for, a Security Council referral to the
International Criminal Court. Until there is genuine
accountability, there will be no end to Myanmar’s cycle of
impunity.

7/13/2018 Reuters Journalists Charged in Myanmar | Human Rights Watch
https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/07/09/reuters-journalists-charged-myanmar 1/5
A judge in Yangon formally charged two Reuters
journalists on Monday for possessing confidential
government documents in the latest blow to press
freedom in Myanmar. Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo,
Targeted for Exposing Massacre of Rohingya
July , : PM EDT | Dispatches
Shayna Bauchner
Senior Coordinator, Asia Division
   
Reuters journalists Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo leave Insein court in a police
van in Yangon, Myanmar, July 9, 2018. © 2018 Reuters

detained for the past seven months during preliminary
hearings, will now face trial for allegedly violating
Myanmar’s colonial-era Official Secrets Act, which carries
a prison sentence of up to 14 years.
The judge decided to proceed to trial despite strong
evidence for dismissal – witness accounts pointing to
entrapment, indications of police misconduct in the
investigation, and prosecution witnesses with
contradicting testimonies.
The two journalists were detained in December after
meeting with police officers who handed them papers in
an apparent setup, since corroborated by several
witnesses, including an officer who testified that the police
were ordered to “trap” the journalists by planting
“secret” documents on them.
Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo
In the months before their arrest, Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe
Oo had been investigating a massacre of 10 Rohingya
Muslims by Myanmar security forces in September 2017 in
Inn Din village, northern Rakhine State. The massacre was
part of the military’s campaign of ethnic cleansing that
drove more than 720,000 Rohingya into neighboring
Bangladesh. Myanmar authorities, who have denied
The government can arrest us like this, waste
our time in the court for many days.... But we
want to tell them, right here, that they can
never hide the truth. ”
Email address Count Me In ×Email address Count Me In ×Email address Count Me In ×Email address Count Me In ×Email address Count Me In ×

extensive evidence of mass atrocities, appear to have
targeted Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo because their
reporting threatened the government’s tightly controlled
narrative.
“The government can arrest us like this, waste our time in
the court for many days, and stop us from being able to
write news,” Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo wrote in a letter
from prison. “But we want to tell them, right here, that
they can never hide the truth.”
After an initial thaw in the country’s long-repressed media
environment, the new civilian administration under de
facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi has cracked down on free
speech. Since 2016, scores of cases have been filed
against journalists and activists for perceived criticism of
the government or military under a slew of repressive
laws.
The charges against Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo for their
uncovering of atrocities reflect more than just the dire
state of free speech in Myanmar. They show the lengths
the government will go to silence and punish those who
expose its brutal ways.
Your tax deductible gi can help stop human
rights violations and save lives around the
world.

7/13/2018 Demolition of Gwa Son | Human Rights Watch
https://www.hrw.org/video-photos/satellite-imagery/2018/02/23/demolition-gwa-son 1/2
February ,
Demolition of Gwa Son
Satellite imagery recorded before and after the clearing of the destroyed village of
Gwa Son.
January , February ,
JuxtaposeJS

7/13/2018 US: Strengthen Targeted Sanctions on Burma | Human Rights Watch
https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/07/09/us-strengthen-targeted-sanctions-burma 1/5
(Washington, DC) – The US Congress should adopt
legislation to enhance targeted sanctions against Burmese
military commanders who are implicated in serious human
rights abuses, Human Rights Watch said today in a letter
to congressional leaders with 45 other nongovernmental
and faith-based organizations.
US: Strengthen Targeted Sanctions on Burma
Groups Call Legislation ‘Imperative’ to Address Atrocities
July , : AM EDT
   
Rohingya refugees cross the Naf River with an improvised raft to reach to
Bangladesh in Teknaf, Bangladesh on November 12, 2017. © 2017
Reuters/Mohammad Ponir Hossain

Related Content
The groups said it is “imperative” Congress address the
human rights crisis in Burma. The United Nations,
Human Rights Watch, and other rights groups have found
that the atrocities against the Rohinyga amount to crimes
against humanity. Important new measures to toughen
targeted sanctions are pending with key congressional
leaders. The legislation is needed to address the Burmese
military’s campaign of ethnic cleansing against the ethnic
Rohingya and the country’s sharply deteriorating human
rights situation.
Joint Letter to Senate and House Armed Services
Committees
Sen. Jim Inhofe and Sen. Jack Reed during a March 13, 2018 hearing of the
Senate Armed Services Committee in Washington, DC. © 2018
Reuters/Aaron P. Bernstein

“More than 400 members of Congress on both sides of the
aisle have agreed tougher measures are needed now to
address the Burmese military’s crimes,” said John Sifton,
Asia advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. “Congress
needs to send strong sanctions legislation to the White
House as soon as possible.”
The House of Representatives recently and
overwhelmingly approved provisions for the National
Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) that strengthen
targeted sanctions on Burmese military officials who are
implicated in serious human rights abuses. Similar
language, supported by 22 Senators from both parties, was
approved with unanimous bipartisan support by the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Technical and
procedural hurdles prevented the language from being
included in the NDAA when approved by the full Senate.
Leaders in the House and Senate armed services
committees, responsible for reconciling the two versions
of the bill in “conference,” should now include the key
provisions, the groups said.
The pending legislation would authorize targeted,
appropriate measures against key individuals who bear
responsibility for atrocities. It provides clear incentives for
reforms to professionalize Burma’s military and reduce
corruption, conflict, and abuses. It will also bolster
Burma’s civilian leadership and help encourage it, the US
administration, and concerned governments more broadly,
to take additional steps to bring perpetrators of grave
abuses to account.


7/12/2018 Search Results | Page 3 | Human Rights Watch
https://www.hrw.org/sitesearch/myanmar?page=2 2/6
November , | Commentary
Going home is their right
But it’s not safe for Rohingya refugees, yet
Expand Shamsun Nahar (L), 60, a Rohingya widow who fled from Kha Maung Seik
village of Myanmar ... Myanmar, have fled to neighbouring Bangladesh to escape the
terror unleashed on them by the Myanmar ... in Bangladesh — this is about refugees
having the chance to simply survive. Long denied citizenship in Myanmar ...
December , | Statement
UN Rights Body Send Strong Message to Burma
th special session of the HRC on the human rights situation of the minority
Rohingya Muslim population and other minorities in the Rakhine State of Myanmar
The Myanmar security forces campaign of ethnic cleansing against ethnic Rohingya in
northern ... But the government of Myanmar should promptly provide adequate
restitution or compensation for lost homes, property ... regional groups, sends a
powerful message: if Myanmar imagines that in the months to come, the gaze ...
Filter by News Category
showing - of results for “myanmar”
myanmar
Search
Sort by Most Relevant Entries Most Recent Entries
Select Some Options

October , | News Release
Myanmar: Drop Case Against Kachin Religious Leaders
Verdict Expected on Dubious Unlawful Association, Defamation Charges
to be immediately released. (Yangon) – Myanmar authorities should drop the charges
against two ethnic Kachin Baptist ... 500 of the Myanmar Penal Code for providing
information about the Myanmar military’s alleged ... Following the publication of
photos of the damaged church on December 15, Maj. Kyaw Myo Min Latt of Myanmar ...
March , | News Release
Australia: ASEAN Summit Should Promote Rights
Turnbull Needs to Press Leaders to End Abuses
specific human rights concerns at the summit, including crimes against humanity in
Myanmar ... throughout ASEAN. The security forces of Myanmar and the Philippines
are implicated in ongoing crimes against ...
December , | Commentary
The Rights Weekender
in Afghanistan; and calling for immediate action on ethnic cleansing in Myanmar.
Global ...
March , | Statement
Global Unions, International Human Rights and Workers’ Rights Organizations Call for End to
Politically Motivated Prosecution of Tola Moeun
(Malaysia) Action Labour Rights (Myanmar) Labour Education Foundation (Pakistan) Schone Kleren Campagne ...
(Italy) FEMNET (Germany) UNiA (Switzerland) Fair Action (Sweden) Solidarity of Trade Union (Myanmar ...
February , | Letter
Letter to Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull
Re: Human Rights and the ASEAN-Australia Leaders’ Summit
for inciting and instigating crimes against humanity in the anti-drug campaign. Myanmar’s President Htin Kyaw ...

October , | Commentary
Top Human Rights Tweets of the Week
to the Myanmar. The UK continues to sell arms to Saudi Arabia despite the Kingdom’s
war crimes in Yemen; ... obtains documents suggesting the US is monitoring American
citizens. Burma, Rohingya, Myanmar, Facebook, ...
February , | Statement
years of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: Closing the
Implementation Gap
Human Rights Watch Statement to High-level Panel on th Anniversary of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights and th Anniversary of the Vienna
Declaration and Program of Action
of “second-class humans”- whether they be Rohingya Muslims facing ethnic cleansing in
Myanmar, women facing sexual ...
December , | Report
Massacre by the River
Burmese Army Crimes against Humanity in Tula Toli
Language English Summary On August 30, 2017, Hassina Begum, a 20-year-old ethnic
Rohingya woman, was among the few survivors of a massacre of unspeakable brutality.
Just days after a deadly attack by Rohingya militants against Burmese security forces,
hundreds of Burmese soldiers in uniform, ...
September , | Statement
Myanmar: Global Appeal for UN Action
Stop Crimes Against Humanity
the human rights abuses and humanitarian catastrophe engulfing Myanmar’s ethnic Rohingya population, Human ... it
is clear that the atrocities committed by Myanmar state security forces amount to crimes against humanity,” ...
bilateral, multilateral, and regional actions they can take to place added pressure on the Myanmar ...

January , | Report
Hidden Chains
Rights Abuses and Forced Labor in Thailand’s Fishing Industry
Language English Summary Our money is with [the owner], so he can decide to give us
permission [to change jobs] or not. They hold all the power and we can’t do anything. –
Sinuon Sao, Cambodian migrant on a fishing vessel, Mueang Rayong, Rayong, November
2016 Despite several years of highly ...
October , | Commentary
India’s Response to the Rohingya Crisis Is Timid
Call Upon Myanmar to End Ethnic Cleansing
of the biggest challenges the world is facing today: Ethnic cleansing in Myanmar. Half a
million desperate ... in Myanmar by holding an abusive military to account. During a
visit by Prime Minister Narendra Modi ... to Myanmar soon after the crisis erupted, the
official statement agreed that “terrorism violates human ...
June , | Statement
Myanmar should address systemic violations, cooperate with UN Fact-
nding Mission
Item Interactive Dialogue with Special Rapporteur on Myanmar
The challenges the government of Myanmar faces in ensuring that the human rights of
everyone ... failure to protect Myanmar’s religious minorities. Muslim communities that
have had to resort to praying ... this Council took a strong stand against the violations in
Rakhine State and elsewhere in Myanmar by adopting ...
September , | Blog
Half a Million
their homes. https://t.co/QUof2L5oyc — Pierre in Myanmar (@pierre_peron) September 28, 2017 Language English
...
February , | Letter
Submission to the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights concerning Bangladesh
rd plenary session
Bangladesh has received an influx of over 655,000 Rohingya refugees from across the border with Myanmar ... against
Rohingya women and girls in northern Rakhine State, Myanmar, during the Myanmar military’s ethnic ... access to all
forms of sexual and reproductive health care in Myanmar because of discriminate state ...

September , | Commentary
Myanmar Rohingya Crisis: Australia Needs to Stand Up and Help as the
Situation Worsens
the Bangladesh-Myanmar border, in Teknaf, Bangladesh, September 6, 2017. © 2017
Reuters The world seems to be sitting ... on its hands as the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar
descends into what the United Nations High Commissioner ... Rohingya in Myanmar
have faced decades of discrimination and persecution, at times evolving into full-scale ...
September , | Commentary
Long Past Time for Sanctions on Myanmar’s Generals
Expand A Tatmadaw sign outside Mandalay Palace in Mandalay, Myanmar. © 2017
Flickr/Adam Jones ...
Myanmar: Free Wrongfully Detained Kachin Christian Leaders
Trial Slated for July
(Yangon) – Myanmar authorities should immediately and unconditionally release two ethnic Kachin ... journalists
who reported on alleged Myanmar military airstrikes that severely damaged a Catholic church ... to eight and six years
in prison, respectively. “The Myanmar military works hard to intimidate and repress ...
September , | Letter
Open Letter to Member and Observer States of the UN Human Rights Council
Urgent action needed on Myanmar
in Myanmar, particularly in Rakhine State. Reports estimate that more than 270,000 Rohingyas have fled ... on the UN
Human Rights Council to urgently act – by passing a resolution on Myanmar calling for an end ... established a Fact-
Finding Mission on Myanmar (FFM) at its 34th session in March this year, following reports ...
rst previous … next last

June , | Dispatches
Transitional Justice in Nepal
A New Government O ers Some Hope but Will Need International Assistance
of the Disappeared in Kathmandu, Nepal August 30, 2017. © 2017 Reuters Confronted
with global crises in Myanmar ...
April , | Dispatches
Pardons No Substitute for Reform in Myanmar
Government Needs to Repeal or Reform Abusive Laws
of the over 8,000 inmates released to mark Myanmar’s new year amnesty announced by
Myanmar's President ... Win Myint, in Yangon, Myanmar on April 17, 2018. © 2018
Reuters / Anna Wang The Myanmar government ... in detention or on trial on politically
myanmar
Search
June , | Statement
Statement on Compliance at the Intersessional Meetings of the Mine Ban Treaty
government force. We are investigating allegations in several past users, such as Myanmar and Syria. ... by non-state
armed groups in Afghanistan, Cameroon, DR Congo, Iraq, Libya, Myanmar, Nigeria, Pakistan, ...
Select Some Options

motivated charges, according to local monitors. Real reform in Myanmar ...
Rape Puts Myanmar Army on UN ‘List of Shame’
Secretary-General Report Details Sexual Violence as Weapon of War
Myanmar’s military, or Tatmadaw, in his annual list of parties that have committed
sexual violence ... spotlighting its use as a weapon of war and persecution. The report
finds that the Myanmar armed forces’ ... of trafficking and sexual exploitation.
Myanmar’s military has long been implicated in the country’s ongoing ...
Bangladesh: Landslides Threaten Rohingya Shelters
Disaster Looms in Refugee Camps; Safer Ground Needed
dangers of landslides. Altogether over 700,000 recent Rohingya refugees from Myanmar
are living in camps ... to return to Myanmar if their rights and identity are respected, but
sadly that won’t happen anytime soon,” ...
May , | Dispatches
Bangladesh’s Monsoon Season Threatens Rohingya Refugees
UN Security Council Should Act to Protect Population at Risk
of the Red Cross in Myanmar posted a video on Twitter from Maungdaw town, just
across the border from ... this monsoon, but the difficulties they face, including the
desire of many to return home to Myanmar when it’s ... including by the UN Security
Council, so that Myanmar puts in place the necessary economic, political, ...
June , | Statement
Statement on Stockpile Destruction at the Intersessional Meetings of the Mine Ban Treaty
Myanmar, Nigeria, Pakistan, Syria, Ukraine, and Yemen, as well as in Western Sahara, were reported ...

March , | Statement
Myanmar: Accountability for Ethnic Cleansing Urgently Required
Clustered Interactive Dialogue with Special Rapporteur and Fact- nding Mission on
Myanmar
the world has watched in horror as Myanmar’s military has carried out a vicious
campaign of ethnic cleansing ... to detention camps since previous rounds of ethnic
cleansing in 2012. Myanmar’s government has yet to conduct ... by removing evidence of
the crimes committed. Put plainly, Myanmar’s campaign of ethnic cleansing against ...
April , | Commentary
Yes to refugee repatriation, but rst things rst
to be a case of wishful thinking. Even as Myanmar’s response to the Bangladeshi
government’s first list of more ... thousands of names of Rohingya to go back to the
villages that Myanmar authorities have burned ... and bulldozed, erasing evidence of
their crimes against humanity. Before the start of actual returns, Myanmar ...
April , | News Release
Myanmar: Quash Conviction of Former Child Soldier
Protect Victims of Underage Military Recruitment
日本語简体中文 Expand Myanmar army soldiers take positions near Laukkai, February
17, 2015. © 2015 ... Reuters (Yangon) – Myanmar authorities should exonerate and
release a former child soldier who spoke ... 505(b), whose overbroad provisions have
frequently been used to curtail freedom of expression. Myanmar ...
May , | Q & A
Q&A: North Korea, Sanctions, and Human Rights
violations involving China, Russia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Myanmar, Uganda, Nigeria,
Ukraine, and Egypt, ...

May , | Dispatches
Rising Hostility to Media Threatens Real Democracy
Free Press Uncovers Life’s Hidden Dangers
the media, according to a US poll. Two reporters are detained in Myanmar for
investigating a massacre, one ... journalists and bloggers for “defamation” which resulted
in a Myanmar poet being jailed after writing, “On my ...
Bangladesh: Skirting the Issues at the UN
Periodic Rights Review Response Ignored Main Concerns
of thousands of Rohingya fleeing atrocities by the Myanmar military. The Bangladesh
delegation spoke at length ...
The Human Rights Watch Film Festival
Films & Discussions Showcase Courageous Activists During Challenging Times
and the Rohingya in Myanmar from Silicon Valley’s control over free speech. New York
Premiere Please be advised ...
August , | News Release
UN: Myanmar’s Threat to Block Fact-Finding Mission
Stand Up to Bullying Tactics of Visa Denial
日本語 Expand A Myanmar border guard police officer stands guard in Tin May village,
Buthidaung ... township, northern Rakhine state, Myanmar July 14, 2017. © 2017 Simon
Lewis/Reuters (Geneva) – The United ... Nations needs to insist on its ability to carry out
a mandated fact-finding mission on Myanmar, Human ...

April , | Report
Strengthening the UN Human Rights Council from the Ground Up
Report of a One-Day Dialogue held on February
to report on progress towards implementation of those commitments. Council
resolution 31/24 on Myanmar ... Rapporteur to “work with the Government of Myanmar
to identify benchmarks for progress”. A year later, ... adopted at that session (resolution
34/22) called on the government of Myanmar to “work with the Special ...
December , | Statement
UN Security Council Meeting a Chance to Act on Myanmar
Inaction Will Enable Further Abuse of Vulnerable Rohingya
take prompt, concerted, and effective international action to respond to Myanmar ’s
Rohingya crisis, Human ... that “Condemnations have not resulted in Myanmar’s
government ending its abuses or holding those responsible ... to account.”
Characterizing Myanmar security force atrocities against the ethnic Rohingya
population as “crimes ...
January , | Commentary
Mr. Trudeau, Strong Words and Money Will Not Save the Rohingya – It’s
Time for Canada to Act
by Myanmar's security forces against Rohingya Muslims. More than 650,000 Rohingya
have been forced since August ... to Myanmar, Karen MacArthur, took part in a
discussion in November on "Diversity Management in the Age ... at a time that the
Myanmar authorities are engaging in ethnic cleansing to ensure that there is no
diversity ...
March , | Commentary
Human Rights Should Be a Focus of ASEAN-Australia Summit
of the Philippines and Myanmar are implicated in alleged crimes against humanity, and
their governments have shown ... expression and peaceful assembly. Embracing Abusive
ASEAN Leaders Since August 2017, Myanmar’s military has ... that these atrocities
amount to crimes against humanity. Myanmar’s de facto leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, has
dismissed ...

March , | Statement
A time to stand up for human rights: UN rights body needs to ensure
e ective outcomes, placing victims rst
Interactive Dialogue with High Commissioner for Human Rights
in Myanmar, the Council should heed your call to press for an independent
international mechanism to expedite ... abuses in Venezuela, the OIC calling for a Special
Session on Myanmar, or the UK moving an urgent debate ...
rst previous … next last

7/12/2018 Search Results | Human Rights Watch
https://www.hrw.org/sitesearch/myanmar 2/7
July , | Statement
Myanmar: Accountability needed to stem continuing abuses against
Rohingya
Interactive dialogue with the High Commissioner for Human Rights
are at risk in both Myanmar and Bangladesh. Around 500,000 Rohingya remain in
Rakhine State, where ... the government of Myanmar has taken paltry few steps to
reform and revise the laws, policies and practices ... camps. The consequence of these
failures and deliberate policies means that Rohingya in Myanmar continue ...
July , | Dispatches
Targeted for Exposing Massacre of Rohingya
Expand Reuters journalists Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo leave court in a police van in
Yangon, Myanmar ... for possessing confidential government documents in the latest
blow to press freedom in Myanmar. Wa Lone and Kyaw ... for allegedly violating
Myanmar’s colonial-era Official Secrets Act, which carries a prison sentence of up to 14
...
myanmar
Search
Select Some Options

Myanmar: Prosecute Dismissed O cers for Atrocities
UN Security Council Should Urgently Refer Myanmar to the ICC
Expand Myanmar troops take part in a military exercise, February 3, 2018. © 2018
Reuters (New ... York) – The Myanmar government should prosecute recently removed
army officers for their role ... on a Myanmar military Facebook page, the military
announced the dismissal of Maj. Gen. Maung Maung Soe ...
June , | Statement
Accountability Mechanism Needed to Break the Cycle of Impunity in
Myanmar
Interactive Dialogue with Special Rapporteur on Myanmar
Across Myanmar, people continue to pay the price for the government and military’s
indifference ... to basic human rights and accountability. In Kachin and Shan States,
Myanmar’s military has attacked ... there will be no end to Myanmar’s cycle of
impunity. Interactive Dialogue with Special Rapporteur on Myanmar Asia Burma ...
June , | Dispatches
Myanmar’s Proposed Rakhine Commission Latest Sham
Security Council Referral to ICC Only Real Hope for Justice
简体中文 Expand A Rohingya refugee family cross the Naf River at the Bangladesh-
Myanmar border ... Myanmar’s government announced it was launching an
“independent commission of inquiry” to “investigate ... Unsurprisingly, the government
made no mention of its response to the attacks: Myanmar military forces carried out ...
Myanmar: Free Reuters Journalists, Drop Case
Reporters Face Longer Sentences Than Soldiers Convicted in Massacre
a court hearing in Yangon, Myanmar, June 18, 2018. © 2018 Reuters (New York) –
Myanmar authorities should ... rolled up papers allegedly linked to security force
operations in northern Rakhine State. The Myanmar ... – locking up and prosecuting
those exposing the truth. Brad Adams Asia Director “Myanmar authorities set up ...

May , | Dispatches
Canada Promotes Justice for Myanmar’s Rohingya
New Strategy Seeks to End Impunity for Atrocity Crimes
Myanmar, during a trip by United Nations envoys to the region April 29, 2018. Picture
taken on April 29, ... 2018. © 2018 Reuters The Canadian government is stepping up the
call for justice for Myanmar’s embattled ... to preserve evidence of the Myanmar
military’s heinous crimes against Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State. ...
July , | Dispatches
Will Boris Johnson’s Departure Prompt New UK Diplomacy?
Resignation of UK Foreign Secretary Should Spark Fresh Push on Human Rights
in pushing for a continuation of UK arms sales to Saudi Arabia. London’s diplomatic
record on Myanmar, where ... the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal
Court, leaving hundreds of thousands of victims ...
UN Security Council: Refer Myanmar to ICC
Stand Up for Rohingya Victims of Crimes Against Humanity
Nations Security Council should immediately refer the situation in Myanmar, including
the widespread ... fled Myanmar military abuses since August 2017, adding to an
estimated 200,000 Rohingya refugees who ... that the Security Council has heard directly
from Rohingya refugees about the horrors inflicted by Myanmar’s army, ...
Myanmar: Deadline to Report on Rape of Rohingya to UN
Committee Seeks Information on Rakhine State Atrocities Against Women, Girls
22, 2018. © 2018 Reuters (Yangon) – Myanmar should comply with a United Nations
committee’s request ... with an 11-page joint report on sexual violence committed by
Myanmar’s security forces against Rohingya villagers ... in 2016 and 2017. Related
Content Joint Submission to CEDAW on Myanmar In November 2017, the independent
...

UN: US Retreat from Rights Body Self-Defeating
Other Countries Need to Step Up at Human Rights Council
and ethnic minorities in Myanmar at the United Nations.” Expand U.S. Ambassador to
the United Nations Nikki ... in Syria, Yemen, Burundi, Myanmar, and South Sudan, and
addresses key topics such as migration, ... the world, including in Syria, Yemen, North
Korea and Myanmar. Now other governments will have to redouble ...
July , | Interview
Interview: The Future of International Justice Amid Boundless Cruelty
The ICC Turns
of 700,000 Rohingya Muslim in Myanmar. We see the proliferation of the ugliest kinds
of crimes that the ICC ...
June , | Statement
UN Human Rights Council: As US Retreats, Other Countries Need To Work
Together in Defense of Human Rights
Item General Debate
violations around the world it purports to defend, including in Syria, Yemen, North
Korea and Myanmar. The US ...
May , | Statement
Joint Submission to CEDAW on Myanmar
Human Rights Watch and Fortify Rights on the Situation of Women and Girls from
Northern Rakhine State
against Women (CEDAW) for an exceptional report from the Myanmar government on
the situation of women ... rights violations committed against ethnic Rohingya women
and girls by Myanmar security forces. Our ... and other sexual violence, arbitrary arrests,
and mass arson—committed by Myanmar’s army and other state ...

July , | Statement
Joint NGO Concept Note for an EU Special Representative on International
Humanitarian Law and International Justice
Translating EU Commitment to Deter and Repress the Most Serious Crimes of
International Concern into E ective Action
as in Burma/Myanmar’s Rakhine State. And yet, global political consensus in support of
the International Criminal ...
UN: Dangerous Double Standard on Children in Conflict
Secretary-General’s ‘List of Shame’ Should Reflect Report Findings
the conflict began in 2014. The secretary-general included Myanmar’s armed forces, the
Tatmadaw, on the list ...
ICC Prosecutor’s Unprecedented Bid to Bring Justice to Rohingya
Security Council Should Refer Situation in Myanmar to the Court
deportation of the Rohingya people from Myanmar to Bangladesh.” Bangladesh is a
member of the ICC, but Myanmar ... isn’t. This distinction is critical because, since the
ICC lacks jurisdiction over Myanmar, the most ... attributed to Myanmar’s armed
forces against the Rohingya. It is based on the ICC’s ability to assert ...
May , | Video
Video- Landslides Threaten Rohingya Shelters in Bangladesh
Myanmar are living in camps in Bangladesh. Asia Bangladesh Burma Refugee Rights
Bangladesh: Landslides ...

May , | Dispatches
Journalists Watch from Prison as Myanmar Backslides
Media Under Assault on World Press Freedom Day
Zin while arriving for a court hearing in Yangon, Myanmar on May 2, 2018. © 2018
Reuters / Ann Wang ... There’s little cause for celebration this World Press Freedom Day
in Myanmar, where freedom of the press ... despite an ostensible transition toward
democratic rule under de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s ...
May , | Commentary
Top Human Rights Tweets of the Week
that puts Israel in the company of North Korea, Sudan, and Iran; Myanmar's ethnic
cleansing campaign ...
… next last

7/12/2018 Oversimplifying Conflicts Doesn't Help Protect Civilians - FPIF
https://fpif.org/oversimplifying-conflicts-doesnt-help-protect-civilians/ 1/9
By Andy Heintz (https://fpif.org/authors/andy-heintz/), March 1, 2018. Print
Oversimplifying Conflicts Doesn’t
Help Protect Civilians
Conflicts don't have to include "genocide" to demand
intervention. And "intervention" doesn't have to mean military
action.
(Photo: Jordi Bernabeu Farrús / Flickr)
“Hell on earth” — that’s how the Washington Post recently described Eastern
Ghouta, the rebel-held Damascus suburb now under siege from the Syrian regime
and its allies.

As reports of civilian deaths and other atrocities surface from the conflict there, calls
have once again surfaced for the international community to “do something” about
the slaughter. Similar patterns played out during the regime’s assault on Aleppo in
Syria, as well as in other corners of the world — from Darfur to Myanmar. The
question of “doing something” is usually reduced to a question of whether foreign
countries should intervene militarily.
There also is a tendency among the international community to base decisions on
how to handle an armed conflict strictly on whether a party to the conflict has been
deemed guilty of “genocide” — that is, “acts committed with the intent to destroy, in
whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group.” For example, when
Bosnian Serbs murdered 8,000 Muslim men and boys in Srebrenica in 1995, the
massacre was correctly declared genocide.
But other crimes against humanity can be just as deadly as acts that meet the official
international standard of genocide, or worse. For instance, ISIS is arguably guilty of
genocide in Iraq and Syria, where it systematically targeted Yazidis, Shiites, and
other groups. The Syrian regime, on the other hand, has been far more
indiscriminate in its targeting of civilians. It’s not “genocidal,” but it’s racked up a far
higher body count and caused tremendous suffering.
This highlights the importance of knowing the legal definitions of human rights
language, so international actors cannot use the excuse of a lack of evidence for
“genocide” as a reason not to take action that could help mitigate suffering in an
armed conflict.
Bridget Conley, a research director at the World Peace Foundation, also thinks that
the international definition of genocide often differs from how the public defines the
term. And she adds that solely focusing on military force as a response ignores other
options available to end armed conflicts where crimes against humanity or genocide
are occurring.

Conley specializes in mass atrocities, genocide, museums, and memorialization.
Before she joined the WPF, she served as research director for the U.S. Holocaust
Memorial Museum’s Committee on Conscience for 10 years, where she helped
establish the museum’s program on contemporary genocide.
I spoke with Conley about atrocity prevention, genocide, and the important of
nuance in approaching them.
Some people have called for the U.S. to play a more interventionist role
in Syria. What are your thoughts on this position?
I think it’s important to assess what we have done and are doing, and how that
contributes to the dynamics of violence before simply pushing for more
interventionism.
We need the right interventions, and this is not solely military but our diplomatic
capacities — which today are severely depleted and under-resourced. We already
intervened earlier in the conflict in terms of supporting armed groups that have
fought the Syrian government, and we are supporting the coalition that is fighting
against the Islamic State.
ISIS needs to be defeated in my opinion. If it can be done in a way that gains us
leverage with the regime that can be used to increase protection of civilians, that
would be the still-dismal, given the amount of suffering that has occurred, best-case
scenario.
What are some policies that have helped prevent potential genocides in
the past?
In most cases, there is a tradeoff between using influence to condemn and isolate a
regime or other actors that might be willing to use violence against civilians, and
actively engaging such regimes to resolve the core political crisis that drove them to
pursue such policies.

It must be made clear that atrocities are not an outcome that can be tolerated, but
this can be balanced with an approach that does not push a regime or other actors
further in a corner when they feel like they have nothing left to lose.
It’s that tradeoff that is very difficult to manage, and it’s rarely managed well. The
people who are strong advocates for intervention will always be more in favor of
cracking down on regimes, while there will always be another side that is willing to
appease beyond the last moment. Wisdom often falls within the nuanced area in
between, and rarely receives accolades from either side.
Do you believe that kind of nuance is often missing in public discussions
in the media about how to stop genocide or mass atrocities?
Media discussions are rarely that helpful. The media tends to tilt towards paying
attention to the more extreme positions: It’s either we’re against atrocities (which we
all should be), or we are to accept them as a political reality. This isn’t necessary.
You can be really critical of a regime while still engaging with it and working on ways
to increase protections for civilians. This is what diplomats often try to do. But the
discussions in the public realm seem to focus on two clear-cut opposing positions —
you’re either for this or for that.
Do you think the public’s perception of the definition of genocide varies
from the actual definition of genocide that was established in the 1948
genocide convention?
I think there is a wide variance between the public perception and the actual
definition that was established at the convention. In my opinion, the quirks of the
genocide convention render it particularly difficult and possibly unhelpful to
understanding campaigns of violence against civilians. I think there are better
articulations of genocide. “Mass atrocities” has been the more relevant term in many
situations.

Are there times when crimes against humanity that don’t fit the exact
definition of “genocide” could actually be worse than examples that do
fit the definition?
I once had a young student ask, “What about the slave trade. Isn’t that genocide?” I
don’t think it’s genocide, but I think 400 hundred years of institutionalized
dehumanization has its own exigencies. I think people have a responsibility to
understand harms, rather than ranking harms. I think ranking harms is a very
distasteful endeavor. For me, the challenge is to understand the harm being done to
people and to work against this harm in whatever form it appears.
In international law, “genocide” refers to the systematic elimination of
people according to their ethnicity, race, religion or nationality. Do you
think it would be smart to add class and political affiliation to that list?
No. But it’s not because I view class-based or politically motivated killings as less
harmful than ethnic, racial, religious, or national group-related killings. It’s because
I think trying to correct the genocide convention is less of a fruitful path than trying
to use other terms that we already have, like “crimes against humanity.” This already
provides a legal path for the type of prevention and protection that might be
necessary in some cases.
What is your opinion of the United Nation’s Responsibility to Protect
(R2P) doctrine? Is this a good idea?
I think that the core concepts and ideas of the Responsibility to Protect are deeply
valuable, and I think we have seen them play out as coalitions have been built
around the idea of the Responsibility to Protect. My caveat is I do think it’s
dangerous to create a policy spectrum that includes an authorization for war within a
protection mandate. Military intervention should be held out of R2P as a separate
way to engage in a conflict. I just don’t think it should live in the same house as
prevention and a non-coercive response.

You and others criticized some of the advocacy groups involved in the
Darfur campaign for not taking a more nuanced view of the situation on
the ground? Could you explain what aspects of this advocacy work you
were criticizing?
I think it’s very, very difficult to run an advocacy campaign. You have to put out a
message that has clarity and relevance while also having the flexibility to change
messaging as the situation on the ground changes. I think it’s incumbent upon
advocacy groups to have a sense of primary responsibility to the situation — and not
to the advocacy campaign itself.
If you’re oriented to running an advocacy campaign, you have a different set of
exigencies than if your primary task is to impact a situation. I think it’s very easy for
an advocacy campaign to take on a life of its own, where it becomes the goal.
I read in Darfur that when there was a decrease in violence, this change
was not recognized by some advocacy groups. Is this accurate?
That’s true. In 2009, there were more people killed in Juarez, Mexico than Darfur.
The character of the violence had changed and become much more fragmented. It
was not like earlier periods when the overwhelming majority of the atrocities were
being committed by government forces and its militia allies.
Do you think this made it harder for the Obama administration to
handle the situation in Darfur in an effective manner, since public
opinion still believed genocide was taking place in the region?
I don’t think it handcuffed them. I think policy makers are capable of being adept
and nuanced. That is their job. I do think there is the question of how much of the
energy of the administration is diverted if there is a loud campaign that is pushing
for a certain interpretation of the situation. I don’t think it changed policy, but it did
divert attention to a certain interpretation of the current situation that, in my
opinion, had not kept up with how the conflict had evolved.

Do you think it’s important to present a nuanced picture of conflicts such
as the one in Sudan, where the majority of atrocities were being
committed by government forces and their allies, but there also were
human rights abuses being committed by the rebel forces?
I don’t think it helps to mischaracterize the key actors. I think South Sudan provides
a strong lesson of why this shouldn’t be done. You had an advocacy campaign that
treated the Southern leadership as good guys, but now that they are in power they
are the primary perpetrators of violence against civilians in their areas. I think it’s
better to understand the diversity of threats, and how the salience of threats changes
over time as circumstances change.
Do you think providing protections to the citizens of Benghazi would
have been a better policy than helping overthrow Muammar Gaddafi’s
regime?
I remember the time when Gaddafi’s forces were slowly moving eastwards towards
Benghazi and there were legitimate and strong fears that something terrifying would
happen if they took Benghazi. There were some other towns that Gaddafi’s forces
had taken where massacres had not taken place, but the leadership in those towns
had already fled, so Benghazi was seen as kind of the last stand for the resistance
fighters. I do think there is logic to seeing Benghazi as place where there was a
strong imperative to provide protection for civilians.
However, regime change is a very radical step. You don’t have to be an apologist for
Gaddafi to say regime change wasn’t the right policy. Changing how a state functions
is exceptionally difficult, and finding a new leader is a key part of that process. Often
the new leader will repeat the old patterns of the leadership they have just
overthrown. Political relationships are more complex than one person, and if there is
no structure to hold in place a different type of relationship, then you get what
happened to Libya after Gaddafi was overthrown. The situation was very chaotic and
highly lethal.

You seem to be noting the importance in seeing conflicts on a country by
country basis as opposed to seeing Sudan as “another Rwanda” or Syria
as “another Iraq“?
There are obviously lessons to be learned from the past, and mechanisms that can be
put in place like smart, focused sanctions on regimes involved in mass atrocities.
How these mechanisms and tools can be deployed should always be in relation to a
really deep understanding of the nature of risk and the nature of the political
community you want to impact.
Share this:
Andy Heintz is a freelance writer whose work has been published in Balkan Witness,
Secularism is a Women’s Issue, Europe Solidaire, CounterVortex, and Culture
Project. He’s working on a book called Dissidents of the International Left.
Issues: Human Rights (https://fpif.org/issues/human-rights/), War & Peace
(https://fpif.org/issues/war-peace/)
Regions: Bosnia and Herzegovina (https://fpif.org/regions/bosnia-and-
herzegovina/), Iraq (https://fpif.org/regions/iraq/), Syria
(https://fpif.org/regions/syria/)
Tags: Bashar Al-Assad (https://fpif.org/tag/bashar-al-assad/), Civilian Casualties
(https://fpif.org/tag/civilian-casualties/), crimes against hum
(https://fpif.org/tag/crimes-against-hum/), Genocide
(https://fpif.org/tag/genocide/), international law
(https://fpif.org/tag/international-law/), Military Intervention
Tweet 2
Print (https://fpif.org/oversimplifying-conflicts-doesnt-help-protect-civilians/#print) Share 0 Share

HUMAN RIGHT WATCH AND BURMA(MYANMAR) UPDATE JULY 2018

HUMAN RIGHT WATCH AND BURMA(MYANMAR) UPDATE JULY 2018

Recommended

Recommended

More Related Content

What's hot

What's hot (20)

Similar to HUMAN RIGHT WATCH AND BURMA(MYANMAR) UPDATE JULY 2018

Similar to HUMAN RIGHT WATCH AND BURMA(MYANMAR) UPDATE JULY 2018 (20)

More from MYO AUNG Myanmar

More from MYO AUNG Myanmar (20)

Recently uploaded

Recently uploaded (20)

HUMAN RIGHT WATCH AND BURMA(MYANMAR) UPDATE JULY 2018