Gender Equality in Political Youth & Student Organizations_Research

This project has been funded with support from the European
Commission. This publication reflects the view only of the
author, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any
use which may be made of the information contained therein.
A Research Report on
GENDER EQUALITY
in Political Youth & Student Organizations

A Research Report on Gender Equality
in Political Youth & Student Organizations
First Edition: June 2015 (200 Copies)
Coordination:
Asmita Women Publication House, Communication and Resource Institution
Main Researcher:
Manju Thapa
Assistant Researcher:
Shanta Bhandari
Profile Drafting:
Jayadev Gautam, Bharat Adhikari
Translation and Proofreading (English Text)
Rabindra Gautam
Proofreading (Nepali Text)
Bindesh Dahal
Layout and Design:
Sudan Bista
Publisher & Copyright:
Demo Finland, Lalitpur, Nepal
Email: nepal@demofinland.org
Web: www.demofinland.org
Disclaimer:
The views expressed here by the author/s do not necessarily reflects that of the Demo Finland
nor the Ministry of Foreign Affair of Finland nor the European Commission.

Acknowledgements
When we commenced working with political youth and student organizations in Nepal, since
2007, we repeatedly felt the need of a more comprehensive knowledge on the gender aspects
of these organizations and in Nepalese society as a whole. As youth and student politics in
Nepal is considered to be an entry point for many youngsters, it is equally important to ensure
gender frame in these ‘entry gates.’ In a diverse and centralized society, women alongside other
marginalized groups tend to remain excluded from the ruling circles and their voices of equity
are often neglected. Women suffer also on social and cultural characteristics based on patriarchy.
The study has gathered experiences and has analyzed different policies, measures and tools that
can be instrumental in increasing gender parity in Nepalese politics. It also has looked into the
steps taken to attracting women in politics and influencing their competencies in politics. An
attempt is also made to analyze the current measures for gender parity in the organizations. We
are hopeful that the study report can be useful in planning and implementing the gender equality
in political and student organizations.
I sincerely thank Manju Thapa for her tireless efforts to lead and complete the study over the
period of two years. I would also thank Shanta Bhandari, Jayadev Gautam, Bharat Adhikari,
Bindesh Dahal and Sudan Bista for their contribution in finalizing and helping in publishing this
report. I must also acknowledge the attribution of my predecessor, Riikka Jalonen, to initiate this
effort. Last but not the least, all the contributors from political youth and student organizations
and my colleagues in Demo Finland deserve an appreciation.
I am certain that this work is not complete by all means but a start. Comments and feedback are
highly appreciated.

Rakesh Karna
Country Director
Demo Finland/Nepal
June 2015

Table of contents
Chapter 1 – Introduction 1-5
1.1. Background and Rationale 1
1.2. Identification of Problems 4
1.3. Objective of the research 5
Chapter 2 – Conceptual Framework and Research Structure 6-14
2.1. Conceptual Framework 6
2.2. Research Structure 6
2.2.1. Socio-timing settings of the research 6
2.2.2. Geographical area covered in the research 7
2.2.3. Socio-cultural settings of the research 7
2.2.4. Timeframe of the research 8
2.2.5 Methodology 8
2.2.6. Limitations of the research 11
2.2.7. Barriers during collection of statistics 12
2.2.8. Analysis of research timely 14
Chapter 3 – The Contribution of Women in Democratic Movements and
the Condition of Gender Equality in Political Parties 15-19
3.1. The contribution of women associated with youth and student
organizations in democratic movement of Nepal 15
3.2. The condition of gender equality among political parties 19
3.3. An Analysis of the Quantitative and Qualitative Participation of
Women in Political Parties 19
Chapter 4 – Political Youth and Student Organizations and situation of gender equality 30-59
4.1. Background 30
4.2. Political Youth Organization 31
4.2.1. Nepal Youth Party 31
4.2.2. Youth Union Nepal 33
4.2.3. Young Communist League 35
4.2.4. Progressive Youth Organization, Nepal 36
4.2.5. Nepal National Youth Federation 37
4.2.6. Terai-Madhesh Youth Front 37
4.2.7. Madheshi Youth Forum, Nepal (Democratic) 37
4.2.8. Madheshi Youth Forum-Nepal 38
4.2.9. Sadbhawana Youth Forum 39
4.2.10. National Democratic Youth Organization 39
4.2.11. Federal Youth Federation Nepal 40

4.3. Political Student Organization 40
4.3.1. Nepal Student Union 41
4.3.2. ANNFSU 43
4.3.3. ANNFSU (Revolutionary) 46
4.3.4. ANNFSU (Fifth) 48
4.3.5. Nepal National Student Federation 48
4.3.6. Terai-Madhesh Student Front 48
4.3.7. Madheshi Student Forum, Nepal (Democratic) 49
4.3.8. Madheshi Student Forum, Nepal 49
4.3.9. Student Forum 49
4.3.10. National Democratic Student Organization 49
4.3.11. Progressive Student Union, Nepal 50
4.4. Analysis of quantitative and qualitative participation of women
in extant youth and student organizations 51

Chapter 5 – Statistical Analysis relating to Concepts and
Women’s Political Involvement 60-75
5.1 Background 60
5.2. Findings of statistical analysis on political involvement and opinion
of women who are active in youth and student organization 60
Chapter 6 – Conclusion and recommendations 76-81
Conclusion 76
Recommendations 80
References 82
Annex: Research questionnaire on the reciprocal-relationship
of women in youth and student organizations and in politics 96
List of Table
Table No. 1. : Women participation in the central leadership of political party 21
Table No. 2. : The Policy Level Arrangement of Gender Equality in the Statutes of
Political Parties 25
Table No. 3. : Youth Party’s Central Leadership and Women 32
Table No. 4. : The Central Leadership and Women of Youth Union Nepal 33
Table No. 5. :Young Communist League, Nepal’s Central Leadership and Women 36
Table No. 6. : Central leadership of NSU and women 41
Table No. 7. : Central leadership of ANNFSU and women 43
Table No. 8. : Central leadership of ANNFSU (Revolutionary) and Women 47
Table No. 9. : Gender equality in youth and student organizations 51
Table No.10.: Analysis of the provision relating to women and gender
stipulated in the Statutes of youth and student organizations 57

Bar Chart, Pie Chart and Table of statistics in relation to women’s opinion and
political involvement in chapter 5
Tables
Table 1: Number of the respondents in accordance with districts 61
Table 2: Number of respondents in terms of age groups and geographical areas 62
Table 3: Number of respondents’ in terms of their ethnicity 64
Table 4: Number of respondents on the basis of their ethnic group, who have or have
not faced problems and challenges during their political involvement. 65
Table 5: Data on respondents who have to face criticism or no support while
working in political organizations 66
Table 5: Experience of respondents about difficulties or challenges faced by other
women within committees of the organizations, because of being a woman 69
Table 6: Level of awareness among respondents of different parties about provision of
women friendly and gender sensitive policy and program in their organization 71
Table 7: Willingness among respondents to continue their political responsibilities
in some way even after their tenure is over in respective youth and
student organization (party-wise) 72
Table 8: Opinion of respondents on whether or not women should involve and be
active in politics (Party wise) 73
Pie Charts
Pie chart 1: Number of respondents in terms of their mother party 63
Pie chart 2: Number of respondents in terms of education level 63
Pie chart 3: Percentage of respondents in terms of religion 63
Pie Chart 4: Types of difficulties or challenges faced by other women within
committees of the organizations, because of being a woman 70
Pie chart 5: Willingness among respondents to continue their political
responsibilities in some way even after their tenure is over in
respective youth and student organization (according to
education level in percentage) 72
Bar Charts
Bar 1: Reasons behind women’s involvement in youth and student organizations 64
Bar 2: Situation of respondents on the basis of their ethnic group, who have to
face challenges due their political involvement. 65
Bar 3: Types of problems and challenges women have to face after their
engagement in politics 66
Bar 4: Percentage of respondents according to their political parties, who have
to face criticism or no support while working in political organizations 66
Bar 5: Situation of aspects on criticisms and lack of support faced by
respondents (in percentage) 67

Bar 6: Percentage of respondents according to their party, who have to face
difficulties and challenges while working in committees of organizations,
because of being a woman 68
Bar 7: Because of being a woman, types of difficulties have to be faced by women
within committees of organizations. 68
Bar 8: Party wise experience of respondents on difficulties or challenges faced
by other women within committees of the organizations, because of
being a woman 69
Bar 9: Efforts made by respondents to resolve the difficulties and challenges
of their union/organization as mentioned above. 70
Bar 10: Opinion of respondents of different parties on respective organizations
should develop their own women friendly and
gender sensitive plan, policy and program (in percentage) 71
Bar 11: Willingness among respondents to continue with their political
responsibilities in one ways or other even after their tenure is over in
current youth and student organization (according to development
region in percentage) 73
Bar 12: Opinion of respondents about reasons behind women being less
fascinated to actively involve in politics. 74
Bar 13: Reasons identified by respondents for women, who have been
involved in political organizations, failing to give continuity in
respective organizations, and for those, who have been continuing, 75
have not been able to achieve position at leadership or
decision making level

Accronyms
ANNFSU All Nepal National Free Students’ Union
ANNFSU (Fifth) All Nepal National Free Students’ Union (Fifth)
ANNFSU (Revolutionary) All Nepal National Free Students’ Union (Revolutionary)
UCPN (Maoists) United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoists)
CPN Communist Party of Nepal
CPN (F. G. C.) Communist Party of Nepal (Forth General Convention)
CPN (ML) Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist Leninist)
CPN-UML Communist Party of Nepal-United Marxist Leninist
NC Nepali Congress
NSU Nepal Student Union
NDSU National Democratic Student Organization
NDYO National Democratic Youth Orgnization
YCL Young Communist League
FSU Free Student Union

A Research Report on Gender Equality in
Political Youth and Student Organizations
Chapter 1: Introduction
1.2. Background and Rationale
The second round of election of the Constituent Assembly, which is supposed to draft the
constitution, the supreme law of the country, was already held, and it also has completed its
specified tenure. The political parties in the both, the first and second Constitution Assembly,
could not forge a unanimity, and thereby the country is currently in a state of impasse marked
by fraught in a protracted transition. There exists instability, uncertainty and unsteady political
situation in the country. The youth and student organizations aligned with various political
parties have been contributing a crucial role in Nepal’s democratic process and its history. The
role executed by the youth and student organizations to establish democratic governance system
by routing despotic Rana regime before 2007 B.S. and by dethroning monarchy is exceedingly
noteworthy and appreciable. The youth and student organizations have always been in the
front-line as strong power for their groups’ rights as well as of the country’s volatile political
movements. While referencing institutionalization of democracy and making it sustainable,
voices have been reverberated for establishing inclusive governance system to ensure justifiable
and proportional representation of all levels of people. There is a need to address the demand for
women’s proportional representation and independent idenfication in all governance system,
including in state and social structures, by the state reconstruction policy. It is essential to analyse
the role of youth and student organizations, who are considered as effective transforming power
as to what they are doing and can do and must pursue for women empowerment and gender
equality.
There is the need of adequate women presence in youth and student organizations for ensuring
women’s effective participation in general and transitional specific situation of country’s national
politics. There are several incidents and examples of women, who had participated in historic
movements, which was led, or were present in the fore-front, by youth and student organizations,
have remained active in the long run national politics. The roles of women participation in these
organizations and in the movements have sometimes persisted imperative as well as general too.
Ithasbeenidentifiedfromvariousresearchesthatmostofthewomenleaders,whoarenowactive
in the dynamics of national politics, have been imbued with youth and student organizations’
political vocation. Those who got emanated into governmental and party politics from youth and
student politics are found more with conceptutal clarity and commitment. The contribution, for
this cause, that the youth and student organizations endowed in generating committed, dedicated
and matured women political leaders in the country, should be extolled with high appraisal.
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The affirmative impression of these organizations should not be overlooked. While, the women
leaders of youth and student movement, who amassed huge acceptance in one of their political
phases, have also been found elapsed, as they are now no longer active in current politics. Those
women, who smarted with imprisonment and torture, for their involvment in protests against
current conservative and parochial familial and social boundary as well as shredding threatens
and bans of monocratic regime, are latent in folios of history. Should it not have been forgotten
that on the facts of their inputs, the foundation has been well-made for today’s youth and student
organizations, as well as the struggle for attaining women’s rights has been culminated into
present situation. Let alone the due respect extending for their contribution, it is found to have
not been pragmatically documented.
There has not been any specific survey and research till this report is published on issues as to
how many women leaders were produced by the Nepal’s youth and student movements and
what numbers of them have been successfully engaged in active politics or how many of them
had to switch to adopt other careers than politics for various reasons. Besides, there have not
been genuine discussions on how to sustain and create conducive environment for hundreds of
women, who remain active in youth and student organizations, in the long run national politics.
Therefore, the need of comprehensive study that centers on issues of systematic documentation
of the vital roles that the youth and student organizations have played in producing women
leaders, and for ensuring political career of the existing active women leaders of youth and
student organizations, had been realized. This report is prepared to at least help fulfilling this
need. It is an important achievement for the Nepali student, youth and women movement to
carry out such research and to publish and propagate its concluding remarks.
Generally, there is a three-pronged direct relationship among the gender equality movement,
and youth and student organizations.
• First, the student organizations are the doorway points for most of the active women
leaders (including males) in Nepal’s political account. There were 197 (32.77%) women
members in the first Constituent Assembly. The 45.9% of them have entered into national
politics through student organizations (Women Parliamentarian Group, International
Idea and others, 2068 B.S.). Besides, it is known through general observation that most of
the women leaders, who are in the central committee of the various political parties, have
been emanated from the politics of youth and student organizations. This is why, it would
not be illogical to assert that the youth and student organizations are the main entrances
to attract and establish women in political processes.
• Second, the role of youth and student organizations in advancing movement initiated
for the women empowerment and gender equality and in getting it succeeded remains
remarkable. There exists high necessity of collaboration on the youth and student
organizations to address the issues on women rights.
A Research Report on Gender Equality in Political Youth & Student Organizations
22

• Third, the youth and student organizations have remained influential people’s wings of all
political parties, which influence and play decisive role in national politics. The youth and
student organizations are placed in authoritative role to directly influence the decisions
of their mother-party in the present and future. These organizations in the present can
influence the parties’ decision by exerting pressure and through advocacy, while in the
future, the leaders of these organizations can be the leaders of the party and involve in
decision making process for ensuring women rights.
Therefore, the youth and student organizations are the important agency for rightly directing
the fundamental issues of gender equality which are supposed to be addressed by the national
politics. More the youth and student organizations become gender sensitive and inclusive, the
more the parties’ policies and programs become gender sensitive and inclusive. This is why, it
is the serious issue for all if the political youth and student organizations have practiced gender
equality and sensitivity.
It was realized, in this pretext, to conduct a separate study about gender equality in the youth
and student organizations and their politics. This study was characteristically projected to
collect documentation, enumerated details and statistics about women who worked being
associated with the youth and student organization; to analyse as to how the youth and student
politics has contributed in appealing women in national politics as well as for enhancing their
capacity in the politics; to identify specific problems as to why women cannot be engaged in
long-run politics; and with the intent to galvanize women to join politics, to continue and to
reach them to leadership, and to recognize necessary practical ways and steps to adopt women-
friendly environment in near future by alleviating problems if they exist within the student
organizations. Apart from this, this study had been assumed to prepare introductory profile of
both of the women who left politics and have been adopting other professions and of those who
have been active in national politics till now from their earlier phase of political career with the
youth and student organizations; to collect statistics and to analyse from the very beginning of
the establishment of all political youth and student orgarnizations (of the central level leaders);
to analyse viewpoint of the existing district level women leaders, as well as to analyse present
solution and to recommend resolution for ensuring gender equality in future.
This study has been carried out assimilating these expectations about gender equality in the
youth and student organization and in politics. The timeframe for this research is scheduled from
January 2013 to May 2015. The research in itself is a unique one since there has not been any
survey and research on issues, including the ingress of women leaders in Nepali politics through
political party associated youth and student organizations and their movements; as to how it
contributed in development process and its continuity; the situation of gender equality within
these organizations, etc. For this purpose, this research has got a distinct and high importance.
3

1.2. Identification of Problem
There have perceptibly been several improvements in relation to gender equality and women
empowerment in comparison to the past within the state mechanism as well as within its
major stakeholders, the political parties, along the way toward development in Nepal. Women
participation has prominently been increasing in some of the political parties and youth and
student organizations. However, various research reports depict that the practice of gender
equality has not fully been integrated among Nepalese political parties, while the complete
incorporation of genderequality and of its sensitivity for addressingthe issueof participation and
other concerns has still not been fully practiced. The condition of having not been fully adopting
gender-based equality within the political parties and its people’s wing is the big challenge to
establish inclusive democracy and its stability in the country.
Nevertheless, women union and associations of almost each of the political parites, which are
labelledaspeople’swings,arealsoactive.Theseunionsorassociationshaveplayeddistinguishing
role in developing women leader activists by uniting women’s community, raising awareness
among general public on concerns of women rights, and by urging the party and the state,
and beguiling all women toward parties (Thapa, 2056 B.S.).
Women’sunionororganizationsintheformofpeople’swingofalmosteachofthepoliticalparties
are also active. These unions and organizations have played prominent roles in uniting women
community, drawing attention of the parties and of the state by sensitizing the public on issues
of women rights, and in developing women cadres and leaders engrossing all the women toward
relating parties (Thapa, 2056 B.S.). However, there should be special lobbying for promoting
gender sensitivity in youth and student organizations, which are considered parties’ influential
people’s wings.
Itisrealizedthatthereexistsirregularitiesofpower-sharingwithinthepartiesandorganizations,
as well as the need for identifying structures and outlines of inequalities which still exist in
the whole political system, political parties, youth and student organizations. It is absolutely
important for the leaders of party and organization to uphold sensitivity to positively change
it. However, sustainable organizational basis for gender equality refers to any organization that
devises obvious strategy on this subject articulating in the organizations’ policy, rules and other
documents, and to solely implement it. Such organizational basis in Nepal’s most of the political
parties and their aligned youth and student organizations have not been entirely prepared.
Recognizing this problem at the center, this research has been carried out.
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1.3. Objective of the Research
The main objective of this study is to contribute towards making youth and student politics
adopt gender equality in future by the means of first analyzing the existing situation of gender
equality on the basis of reliable statistics collected from various sources, and then recommending
practical suggestions for its positive conversion.
This research specifically aims to study of the following issues:
• To identify women’s quantitative and qualitative situation in practice of Nepal’s political
parties,
• To analyse women’s participation and the situation of gender equality in the past and
present political youth and student organizations,
• To highlight the role of women allied with youth and student organization in various
political movement and alterations in the past,
• To identify major barriers for the possibilities of conquering at the leadership position
and of complete participation of women, as well as the causes for women’s indifference
and incompetence to be engaged in long-run politics,
• To recommend and suggest the methods to be implemented in future by analyzing
existing mechanisms for the enhancement of women participation and gender equality
in the politics.
5

Chapter Two
Conceptual Framework and Research Structure
2.1. Conceptual Framework
Democracy specifically entails for equal and just governance system where all citiziens are
sovereign,andtheyareentitledtohaveequalaccesstoallofthestateresourcesandopportunities.
This sort of state mechanism and its fair sub-structures can only ensure the full use of citizens’
rightsregardlessofanydiscriminationintheformofgender,caste,religion,group,healthcondition
and community. To fully attain it, it is exigent to safeguard equal and meaningful participation
of women in state’s various mechanisms, political party, youth and student organizations. Also,
it is equally imperative to address their needs and concerns through formulating policies by
these organizations. This research has been carried out surrounding the rationale of the issue of
gender equality in youth and student organizations and in the politics.
2.2. Research Structure
It is essential to follow defined research structure and methods in order to attain fact-based and
accurate research study. It has been sincerely abided by this aspect during the research period,
andthereby,obviousresearchstructurehasbeenespousedtoensurethefactsarediscovered,and
biased and hypothetical conclusions are dispirited. Following are the structures and reference
analysis used in this research:
2.2.1. Socio-timing settings of this research
Democracy is the governance system that ensures rights of all citizens and its full practice.
It listens about people’s needs and concerns, manages, ensures by laws and transforms
it into practice. Democracy and women are correlated to each other. Central Bureau of
Statistics (2011 A.D.) indicates that more than 51.1 percent of total population in Nepal
are women. This means that democracy has to incorporate women, who form more
than half of the total population, in its process. Democracy is prerequisite to achieve
equality in practice by changing existing system that prohibits women from enjoying
their rights, discriminates and outcastes them. This is why, democracy is indispensable
for the overarching empowerment of women and so are women for making democracy
meaningful.
The patriarchal structure of Nepali society usually confines women within the private
dome. Such discrimination and inequality being prevalent in the private dome has
molded them to withstand disparity. Public law and agencies have enabled continuing
the discriminations existing in private arena. Given that democracy is all for people,
various international provisions have repeatedly expressed commitments to manage
women participation and representation. Accordingly, the Convention for the Elimination
of All Discriminations Against Women (CEDAW), Beijing action-plan endorsed by the
66

forth world women conference, United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 on
women, peace and security, etc. have called for the increment of women’s participation in
decision making position of all positions of the member states. Various constitutional and
legal provisions in the context of Nepal have tried to ensure women’s participation and
representation in politics.
Among the six constitutions promulgated in the country, in the constitution of 1990 A.D.
andtheinterimconstitutionof2007,seatshavealsobeenreservedforincreasingwomen’s
political participation. The election held in 2054 under the local level election act 2054
gave almost 40,000 women the opportunity to be associated in the local level (Thapa
and Khakurel, 2070 B.S.). Endorsing the resolution motion, the then reinstated house of
representative on 30 May 2006 established the principle to guarantee at least one third of
women participation at each structure of the state, and which proposal was unanimously
endorsed by all the parties who were present at. It has obliged the political parties, who
endorsed pledge proposal, to abide by the provision. But despite of having these national
and international provisions, the status of women participation and representation
on various political position and agencies and on other coveted positions is relatively
low. Women have low representation in elected positions. Though Nepal’s democratic
practice has formally given equal status to women in politics, they are not provided with
equal status in practice, and the indifference for not addressing the social and cultural
hindrances produced by the ill-practice of gender inequality that the women have been
surviving with from its history are the major reasons. This research has been carried
out in this social and spatial circumstances, and which recommends to search for ways
for enhancing women participation in politics and for increasing women participation in
youth and student organization, who are considered as political parties’ people’s wings.
2.2.2. Geographical area covered in the research
Some of the primary information has been collected from Kathmandu and other 16
districts, though the research has covered geographical area across the country. The
districts include, Bajhang, Bajura, Dadeldhura, Rolpa, Banke, Bardia, Rupandehi, Baglung,
Mustang,Nuwakot,Rautahat,Mahottari,Dhanusha,Morang,SunsariandPanchthar.These
districts represent majority of various community people and all the geographical areas of
five development regions. It covered the districts from Terai to hilly area. However, except
Mustang, there is not well representation of districts, which are located in high ultitude,
due to some technical reason. Provided that many women who are actively working in
the youth and student organizations based on the capital, this research has attempted
to primarily analyse the condition and opinion of women who work in the distrcts in the
youth and student organizations.
2.2.3. Socio-cultural settings of the research
Inrelationtodiscussaboutsocio-culturalsettings,womenleaders’experienceandopinion
has only been considered while collecting the political engagement and conceptual clarity
7

on of the active leaders in the youth and student organizations in districts. The opinion
of the men leaders has not been sought in this statistics. The experience and opinion of
the total of 365 women leaders from 16 different districts with various geographical and
cultural specialities has been incorporated. Besides, some of the central level leaders in
the youth and student orgarnizations were interviewed about the situation of women
participation and gender equality in the organizations. Also, the profile of 37 women
personalities has been incorporated. The respectable persons from the youth and student
organizations of the major political parties have been included assimilating their opinion.

2.2.4. Timeframe of the research
This research covers the period from January 2013 to May 2015. The research has close
connection with the central and district level other actitivites of the project implemented
by Demo Finland on gender equality in youth and student organizations and in politics.
This study has also analysed the experience of women leaders who participated during
the consultation and has accumulated their opinion. Also, various policies, ways and
mechanisms that have been formulated for the enhancement of gender equality in Nepali
politics have been analysed.
2.2.5. Methodology
Both the field and documentary sources of information have been applied in order to
collect and to analyze the information during this research. Literature review which
are in one or other ways relevant to this research topic has been conducted as the first
methodology. Various published and unpublished literary and other resources relating to
gender equality in youth and student politics in Nepal have been collected and analyzed
during this research. It is found during the research that there has not been any study or
research carried out which exactly match this topic. Nevertheless, some of the relevant
political books and research reports that have documented and analysed student, youth
and women movement have been collected and studied in order to acutely examine the
background and trend of these movements.
In this regard, the publications that the leaders of various youth and student organizations
have written analyzing their own organization are undertaken as the first kind of
reference. Binda Pandey’s book entitled“Noble history and Dynamic Future: Today’s Youth
and Students, Tomorrow’s Capable People-power” was published in 2007 B.S. This book
specifically includes the broad topics like history of Nepal’s students’ movement, women’s
access to education: the condition of participation and policies concerned, student’s
movement and women’s participation. The very rare and historic information has been
sincerely sought and presented. Despite this, the book has been limited in exhuming and
analyzing the ANNFSU’s history, and because of this limitation, this book has not provided
sufficient information about other student organizations and their movements other than
the ANNFSU. The information on one of Nepal’s major student organizations, ANNFSU’s
movement,organizationanditsprocessbasedonitspoliciesrelatingtowomenandwomen
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participation is extremely appreciable and remarkable, while sincere consideration has
been paid to make the facts and figures authoritative.
The book “Past and Present of Nepal Student Union” published by Bhupendra Jung Shahi
in 2068 B.S. has detailed the important information, including on brief history of Nepal
Student Union, history of student movement, martyrs of Nepal Student Union, etc. Though
this book has not analysed about the processes of student movement and about the
organization through gender perspective, it has been feasible to depict these information
about women who contributed being in the central leadership to the organization
through the chapter of the book, namely “NSU’s General Assembly and Leadership”. The
book entitled “Nepali Congress and Sister Organization” authored by Nainsingh Mahar
gives the details about the history of Nepal Student Union. Likewise, the book entitled
“Nepal Student Union on Democratic Movement” written by Gowardan Rana, which
was published in 1990 A.D. was found, but we could not locate it during the research. In
this regard, the books entitled “Akhil Gyan” written by Lekhnath Neupane, “Sixty Years
of Struggle” by Shivakumar Dangi, “Nepal Student Union till today” co-authoredly by
Nilkantha Rijal, Bharat Khadka and Dipendra Khadka, “Nepal Student Union in Student
Movement” by Gajendra Bahadur Karki, “Sahayatra” jointly published by eight student
organizations, etc. are found to have been published in different phases of Nepal’s politics.
The publications made by non-political groups on the analysis of political organization
were studied during this research as the second type of references. For instance, the book,
published by youth initiative, entitled “Generation Dialogues Youth in Politics: Nepal” has
incorporated topics, including youths in politics, history of student politics, case studies of
YCL: youth participation, armed groups of eastern Terai, youth involvement in Tharuhat
movement, etc.
Third type of references include some of the important documents written by foreign
writers and organizations on Nepal’s youth and student movement. The report, whose
date of publication is anonymous, namely “A crisis in Nepali Student Politics: Analysing
the gap between politically active and neutral students” written by Political Analyst,
Amanda Snellinger has critically explained about a symptom of big political problem with
reference to the level of political difference between students studying at government and
private universities and students who are active and idle in politics. Analyzing the historic
role of student organizations and their relations with the mother parties, which is found
to have been altered, the report has concluded that the student organizations have started
losing the opportunity of being the influential political power. On another report written
by her, namely “Student movements in Nepal: Their Parameters and their idealized forms”,
a comprehensive discussion has been detailed on whether student movement is an ideal
social movement or simply a systematic political legacy to fulfill the objective of political
party. The report on “Political Party Youth Wings in Nepal” published by Carter Center
in 2011 A.D. has concluded, analyzing the organizational membership, acitivites and
9

the coordination among these organizations in the peace process, that there exists the
perpetuation of internal-conflict between the YCL and CPN-UML aligned Youth Force on
issue of economic benefits, eventhough the overall clashes between youth organizations
appear to have decreased.
The report paper titled “Women, Political Parties and Social Movements in South Asia”
written by Amrita Basu incorporating the issues of history, meaning and concerns of
women movement, Dr. Mina Acharya authored “Changed scenario of Nepal’s women
movement: A critical sketch”, “Role of women group in Nepal’s democratic movement”
written by Mira Basnet, “Women movement in Nepal” by Shivamaya Tumbahamphe,
“Reminiscence of Prison” by Durga Ghimire, “Research report and strategic action-plan
2065 on women’s political participation, empowerment and inclusiveness in Nepal”
published by Punarjagaran Samaj Nepal, “Status of women in political parties, 2007”
published by Jagaran Nepal, “Status of women in political parties and CSOs: An updated
survey report, 2011” and “Women’s inclusive participation in Nepali politics: Situation,
achievement and challenges, 2070 B.S.), the research-based introductory book on
“Women members of Constituent Assembly” published by International Idea, “Politcal
women personalities of democratic movement” published in four series by the Beyong
Beijing Committee, “Gender equality, expectation and situation in political parties”
published by Didibahini, “Research report on existing gender situation and meaningful
participation in the statutes of major political parties” published by Shantimalika,
“Women in transformation” published by Asmita Women Publication House, various
publications of Asmita Magazine, “Walks of Women Struggle” published by Nepal Women
Union, etc. were collected and studied. These pre-published references have helped to
understand the situation of gender equality in Nepal’s women movement and in political
parties for this research. Though these reference documents give details about Nepal’s
youth and student organizations and women movement, however, they can only provide
few reference and information to this research, which is mostly focused on analyzing the
situation of gender equality in Nepal’s political youth and student organizations.
As per the second research methodology, for collecting relevant information, the
experiences and opinions of the women leaders who are active in youth and student
oraganizations have been documented. During this process, a set of questionnaires have
been prepared aiming to capture the individual experiences and description of women
who are involved in student politics and in youth organizations in the districts, the
conceptual questions relating to the women’s political involvement and their experience
and opinions toward the situation of gender equality within the organization as they
are engaged in the organizational career. Later on, the questionnaire was brought to 16
different districts and was filled up by the women political leaders and cadres. On the
basis of information collected, the conclusions were made after analyzing the statistics.
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Information and statistics collected from primary sources have been analyzed as the
third research methodology. The objective was to collect the documentation of lists and
statistics of women who have been in the central leadership in various youth and student
organizations since the establishment. In this regard, the facts in relation to twenty-two
youth and student organizations associated with eleven different political parties have
been collected and recorded. In this process, the list of leadership of the old organizations
have been collected from their establishment, while it has been possible to list out only of
the current leadership of the organizations which were formed quite later.
The published statutes of all the parties and organizations have been collected and
analysed under the forth research methodology. The total of twenty-one organizations’
statutes have been collected in order to analyse the quantitative status of gender equality
and to understand organizations’ policy status. Out of the twenty-two organizations, the
statuteofNepalNationalYouthFederationhasnotbeenanalysed,sinceitcouldnotprovide
the statute to us. Similarly, the status of gender participation in the central leadership of
the mother parties of these organizations or the eleven major political parties, and their
statutes have been analysed from the perspective of gender equality. Political parties
are considered as the source of power to provide the youth and student organizations
with the guidance, the platform to speak up and protection, while the youth and student
organizations are the foundations to develop cadre or leadership for the political parties
and the national politics. Therefore, the parties’ statutes have been analysed considering
the fact that the policies, perspectives and programs of the political parties have direct
influence on the policy making process, program formulation and implementation.
Oral and written interview has been applied as the fifth major methodology for this
research. One of the objectives of this research was to prepare profiles of both of the
women who have been involving in the youth and student politics from various phases
to the present in one way or other, as well as of the women who have started other
professions leaving aside the political career. It had been expected to identify the reasons
behind the women who have not been able to continue their political career, as well as to
appreciate the contribution made by the movements of youth and student organizations
in the national politics in terms of increasing women’s participation. The profile of thirty-
seven women leaders, who have been engaged in the politics through youth and student
movement or organization, have been prepared via taking written or oral interview.
During the process of preparing the profiles, some other published documents have been
taken as reference by the request and on approval of the concerned leaders. In this way,
sincere and genuine attempt has been endeavored to make this research a realiable, fact-
based, neutral and logical.
2.2.6. Limitations of the research
There are certain limitations of this research. It has not included all the concerns of
gender equality in Nepali politics. First, it has analyzed the status of gender equality
11

of only twenty-two youth and student organizations and their eleven different mother
parties. This is the main limitation of this research, for there are other political parties
and the youth and student organizations allied as their people’s organizations. The
political parties, including Nepal Workers Peasants Party, CPN-M, CPN-Maoists led by
Mohan Baidhya and their youth and student organizations have not been included in this
report. The experience and opinion of the women leaders, who have been associated with
the political parties even beyond these twenty-two parties mentioned above, has been
incorporated in the profile below, though they have not been included during the research
via the analysis of the status of gender participation, of statutes and questionnaire.
Second, while incorporating the experience and opinion of the district level women
leaders, women of only 16 districts out of 75, and even those who had participated in the
training sessions have only been included, and which is another constrained boundary
which has set limitation to this research.
Third, this research has only been able to analyse the statutes to understand the status of
policies of the above mentioned political parties, and youth and student orgarnizations,
which may not be sufficient to fully comprehend on, and so, has set another remarkable
limitation to. Political reports, election declarations, decisions of the central committee
member, etc. of these parties and organizations have not been analysed.
The conclusion and recommendations in relation to the status of gender equality in
Nepal’s political youth and student organizations have been presented in this research
having been constrained within these limitations.
2.2.7. Barriers during collection of Statistics
There had been some barriers while collecting statistics during the research period, and
because of this, though it was mentioned in the objective initially, all these aspects have
not been fully researched and analysed. Amongst the barriers, some of the major ones are
mentioned below:
Lack of expected respondents in the district level:
The questionnaire was prepared with the objective of critically understanding the
experience and opinion of women leaders, who are in the district committee in the district
level youth and student organizations. However, as there were participants who were not
the district committee members and were simply the members of the youth and student
organizations, therefore most of the questions were not relevant to them.
Difficulty in obtaining historical political documents:
The attempt to obtain the historical political documents of various organizations, which
are extremely important for this research, was not much simple and convenient, as it
was expected. It was initially planned to collect the copies of political documents of the
youth and student organizations and their mother parties, including statutes, political
1212

report, other declarations and the decisions made by the organizations in regard to
gender equality. However despite making frequent follow-ups, these documents could
not be obtained. After the regular follow-ups and requests, the statutes from only 11
political parties and 21 youth and student organizations have been collected. Most of the
organizations appear to have not been properly recording their documents and activities.
Women who started other professional career than the politics are found out of
contact:
Some of the women, who were active in some period and leading youth and student
organization and their movements, are now away from political circumference. Though
most of them were recorded, they could not be located now. Some other the then major
women leaders are out of the country, and so are out of the reach. Some appear to have
not been interested in talking about themselves. Because of these reasons, very few of
them have been included in the profile, though the initial planning had projected to cover
many of such women figures.
Obstruction to obtain documents due to separation and unification process among
the youth and student organizations:
There is a long history of separation and unification of the political parties in Nepal. Having
been influenced, the youth and student organizations, who are considered as the people’s
wings of these political parties, in the same scale are found getting into the process of
parting and unification. The political parties usually become feeble and unreliable during
the process of separation, while, not only they become strong when they are uniting, but
also democratic practice would be stronger in the country as there would be few political
centers. The practice of separation and unification happened mostly with the youth and
student organizations affiliated with communist party, and at the later phase, they faced
same who are allied with Madhesi Parties, and there had been once with the Nepali
Congress affiliated youth and student organization. It is because of this practice, the
documents and records of the period of these processes of the existing youth and student
organizations have not been obtained. It has been difficult to research and document the
history of these organizations due to years’ of relentless process of getting parted and
united. It has been difficult to select the authoritative basis while collecting the documents
from among the the parted as well as united ones. They might have missed some records
in the provided table in terms of women participation in the central leadership of the
youth and student organizations.
Dilemma in confirming the names of some of the older leaders of youth and student
organization:
Though some of the names of earliest leaders have been found recorded, it is not clear
in terms of gender identification, since their names appear appropriate for both of the
sexes. The names, including Laxmi, Bishnu, Kanchan, Tara, Komal, are usually used both
for men and women. So, there might have been mistakes in quantifying the status of
13

women participation in politics. There exists a space for confusion and misrepresentation
in terms of locating the males and females in this research. However, the number of such
naming is not in a big figure, and so it cannot substantively affect the conclusion of this
research.
2.2.8. Analysis of Statistics
Aiming to analyse the experience and opinions of the district level women leaders, the
questionnaires filled up by the women leaders, who are associated with the youth and
student organizations of sixteen different districts, have systematically been encoded
into SPSS software, tabulated and analysed. The information collected from political
parties and youth and student organizations in regard to women participation has been
analysed in proportionate figure, and the policies relating to gender equality as per the
statutes have been analysed by marking the standpoints. There are some suggestions and
recommendations made after carrying analysis of facts and figures and by adopting both
of the methodologies, including quantitative and qualitative, for enhancing the situation
of gender equality in youth and student organizations, on the basis of the interview held
with the women leaders during the drafting of profile.
1414

Chapter 3
The Contribution of Women in Democratic Movements
and the Condition of Gender Equality in Political Parties.
3.1 The contribution of Women associated with youth and student
organizations in democratic movement of Nepal.
From the initial phase to 2017 B.S.
The revering struggle of Nepali students for raising voices favoring civil rights and democracy
right from the beginning of 104 years old familial Rana Regime to the establishment of democracy
by ending Monarchy has equally been vigorous. In this regard, students and youths masquerading
themselvesaspowersofpoliticalpartiesinthebigpoliticalrevolutionsandchangesforprotecting
democracy and nationality in the country have been the major force to challenge the established
system and rulers. Because of patriarchal social values and familial role, women in the earlier age
had got fewer opportunities of education, and so, the women students were fewer in number in
politics. Although the number is fewer, women have regularly shown their courage to struggle
in every phase of political changes. Moreover, when the political associations were banned, the
free youths made their assembly secretly and created awareness in people to fight against the
undemocratic system; for this the women youths had a great role.
Establishing Women Committee (Mahila Samiti) in 1974 B.S., along with Yogmaya Devi and
Divyadevi,whoexertedfocusonthepublicityofwomen’seducation,domesticskills,etc.;Yogmaya
Neupane (1998 A.D.), who raised her voice for the rights of widow and against the practice of
bribe and high interest loan; Chandrakanta Malla (2090 B.S.) who demanded women’s education,
have created awareness among the women and held protest against the autocratic Rana regime
(Thapa and Khakurel, 2013 A.D.). Astakumari and Chanchala Manandhar had been engaged in the
perilous task of covertly spreading the pamphlets of Nepal Prajaparishad, which was established
in 1993 B.S., that were against the Rana regime. Some Women like Yug Kumari, Ram Maya,
Chyameni had personally helped to revolt against the Rana regime and Kamakchya Devi, Sahana
Pradhan, Sadhana Pradhan worked in many underground groups of youth that were formed in
1990-2000 B.S. and helped create awareness against Rana regime among the people. In 2003-
2004 B.S. with the establishment of Mahila Aadarsha Society, Nepal Women Association, the then
youth women Rewanta Kumari Acharya, Sita Sharma, Hemlata Pradhan, Mangala Devi Singh,
Sahana Pradhan, Sadhana Pradhan, Kamakchya Devi, Shanta Shrestha, Snehalata had helped to
encourage men youths, who were involved in democratic movements and in organizing women
to raise the voice to end the Rana regime. In a protest program for civil rights movement in 2004
B.S., many youth women like Sahana Pradhan, Sadhana Pradhan, Nanimaiya Pradhan, Shanta
Shrestha, Snehalata Rajbhandari, Kankalata came on the street, and were arrested (Basnet, 2053
B.S.). Any huge admiration of the courage and the revolution of these women against the system
in the then society, which used to behave women as an ornament and a prestige of household but
restrict their presence in the society, would be quite lesser.
15

Following the very guts of those women, some other women too worked continuously to revolt
against the Rana regime. Some of the women who were engaged in 2007 B.S. and the onward
movements were Indira Acharya, Nalini Upadhyay, Kamini Koirala, Nona Koirala, Kumari Laxmi
Devi, Nanimaiya, Snehalata, Kanaklata, Kokila Tuladhar, Hasina Shrestha, Siddhi Laxmi Ranjitkar,
Hiradevi Tuladhar, Sushila Chalisey, Sri Maya Shah, Tikadevi, Lakhkhi Pariyar, Sushila Koirala,
Bunu Koirala, Baladevi Singh, Sri Maya Jyapuni, Durgadevi Hamal, Sarojni, Nanichhori, Krishna
Kumari, Parbati Gurung, Lalit Kumari, Sabitri Shrestha, Kesawati Chitrakar, Gangadevi Joshi,
Laxmi Devi Sundas, Maiyadevi and all. The women from outside the Kathmandu were also
engaged in the movement (Basnet, 2053 B.S.).
Thus, the movements of 2007 B.S. was successful with the involvement of youth women, but as
the contemporary leaders were all men, and due to their rooted and discriminatory perception,
the men leaders were not ready to accept from their heart that women should get the equal
democratic rights. Because of the very reason, there were rumors that women should be devoid
of voting rights in the first election of Kathmandu municipality in 2008 B.S. However, women
who were active in political and social spheres carried out a big movement demanding the voting
rights and rights to be elected. They conducted a protest rally and put their demands of voting
rights in the palace of the then Prime Minister Mohan Shamsher. From that very time, women got
the rights to be elected together with voting rights. Moreover, in the election, Sahana Pradhan was
elected as a member of Kathmandu Municipality and created history to have been the first ever
women as elected people’s representative (Shrestha 2060 B.S.).
After the achievement of the 2007 B.S. movement, there should have been the election of
Constituent Assembly for the permanent democratic rule. However, then King Tribhuvan and
later on King Mahendra were indifferent to this demand, and so, in the leadership of the Nepali
Congress party a gentle-protest was organized in 2014 B.S. In that movement, some youth women
like Siddhilaxmi Karranjit, Nona Koirala, Divya Koirala, Indira Acharya, Shanta Shrestha, Kokila
Baidya, Prabha Haluwai, Nanimaiya Nakarmi, Silbandi Shah were actively engaged (Basnet, 2053
B.S. and Pandey, 2007 A.D.). Because of the pressure of this very movement, on 2015 B.S., the
election of lower house was announced and got held. In that election for the very first time,
Dwarika Devi Thakurani, who was an only woman, was elected from Dadeldhura district as a
representative of Nepali Congress. Later on, she was also elected as a health and autonomous
minister of state under the Prime Ministership of Nepali Congress leader Bishweswor Prasad
Koirala and thus, she got a chance to be the first minister of Nepal (Thapa and Khakurel, 2014
A.D). On the other hand, Kamal Rana, who was nominated as a member in the Upper House,
namely Mahasabha by the King, participated in the internal election and was elected as a Vice-
President.
From 2017-2063 B.S.
It had been only two years that the parliamentary election was held in the country. On 2017
B.S., King Mahendra desolved parliamentary system and banned the political parties, and
started arresting the leaders and the cadres. Besides, he declared the establishment of partyless
Panchayati regime. Shailaja Acharya, Bijaya Baral, Uma Laxmi, Saroj Pradhan, Kundan Sharma,
1616

Gauri Rana, Nona Koirala, Mangaladevi Singh, Dwarika Devi Thakurani strongly participated
on street protest in the disapproval of the step of king on 2017 B.S. which slayed away the
democratic system after ending century old Rana regime. Not only that, among them Shailaja,
Bijaya, Saroj, Kundan, Gauri protested with a black flag and as a result they were arrested. At
that time, Shailaja had to be in jail for three and half years. The Panchayat regime, which was
highhandedly established, continued for 30 years. The banned political parties had to struggle
continuously to overthrow Panchayat and re-establish multi party democratic system.
Durga Acharya, Durga Pokhrel and many other students were arrested in the movement, which
was famed for “DIG Narayansingh” incident, on 2028 B.S. With the sting operation, government
used to distress the professional ones who went against Panchayat regime. Meanwhile, the
government kicked out Sahana Pradhan from her teaching profession charging her to have
supported leaders and cadres against Panchayat. This event triggered her to join in full time
politics. When BP Koirala returned to Nepal with his reconciliation policy on 2033 B.S., the youth
leader Sailaja Acharya came together with him. However, she was arrested at the Kathmandu
airport and was jailed for a year. Due to such events, sentiments against Panchayat regime
were increasing, and the student revolution of 2036 B.S. ignited the situation. In protest of
the then overthrown Prime Minister of Pakistan, Julfikar Ali Bhutto, who was hanged in 2035
B.S., the students union had organized the protest program in Kathmandu. The active women
youths involved in the protest were Astalakshmi Shakya, Uma Regmi, Meena Khadka, Pampha
Bhusal, Rama Upreti, Jyoti Gautam, Shanti Rai, Sabitra Bhusa, Sama Sahi, Sashi Shrestha, Anita
Gyawali, Laxmi Manandhar, Sanjita Rawal, Bidhya Dhakal, Shanta Dhakal, Sanu Mishra, Salina
Pandey and others from different organizations (Basnet, 2053 B.S. and Tumbahamphey, 2059
B.S.). The increasing protest bound King Birendra to go for the referendum. In the referendum,
the supporters and cadres of many banned political parties, students and women youths were
involved to create support for multi party democracy. Finally, the public poll decided to go for
improved Panchayat rule and the environment in the country became comparatively convenient.
AsapartoftheprotestagainstPanchayatregime,NepalicongressdecidedtoorganiseaSatyagraha
movement countrywide in Jestha 10, 2042 B.S. In the same movement, Mangaladevi Singh, Sailaja
Acharya, Nona Koirala, Durga Dahal along with students Sama Sahi, Meena Khadka, Uma Regmi,
Kiran Panthi, Piyush Dahal, Alija Adhikari, Mahalaxmi Upadhyaya, Samita Khadgi, Goma Upreti,
Goma GC, Bina Budhathoki, Geeta Upreti and others participated. Some of them were arrested
and some jailed. The leaders, who were not associated with Congress Party, Sahana Pradhan and
Kalyani Shah, helped releasing the statement in support of the Satyagraha, and also participated
in the strike. (Basnet, 2053 B.S.).
OtherwomenwhowereinsupportofprotestagainstPanchayat regimewereSantaManawi,Radha
Gyawali, Sushila Shrestha, Beena Shrestha, Durgadevi Dahal, Parijat, Gaura Prasain, Sita Khadka,
Harsa Kumari Thapaliya, Goma Devkota and many other hundreds of women. They had helped to
launch the movement against the Panchayat through different activities, including been engaged
in the banned political parties and been in underground, helping in creating political awareness to
women and organizing them, disseminating pamphlets, spreading letters of the leaders of political
parties and arranging their security, organizing cultural programs like Bhailo etc.
17

Thus, collecting all of these micro enthusiasms of protesting against Panchayat, the decisive
movement in 2046 B.S. was declared. In that movement the political cadres were not only
involved but people from every nook and corner of life from villages and towns participated.
Women’s participation too was huge. Many women were arrested who were demanding the end
of Panchayat regime and establishment of multi party democracy. The arrest of Laxmi Karkee,
the student leader, and brutal intimidation to her, though was unbearable, became a catalyst to
the movement. Sahana Pradha, Parijat, Kalyani Shah, Aruna Upreti, Uma Regmi, Meena Paudel,
Binda Pandey, Hisila Yami, Piyush Dahal, Manju Thapa, Nira Khanal, Renu Uprety, Kamala Panda,
Sushila Nepal, Sandhya Shrestha, Meena Khadka, Pampha Bhusal, Sashi Shrestha and all from
Kathmandu participated in the movement. Some of them were arrested and sent to jail (Basnet,
2053 B.S.). Sushila Karkee, Shanta Koirala, Tanuja Giri, Radha Gyawali, Kabita Paudel, Maiya
Bhattarai, Yamuna Ghimire, Laxmi Karkee, Munu Sigdel and hundreds of other Women from
outside the Kathmandu valley participated in the movement (Tumbahamphey, 2059 B.S.). Many
were bound to face the torture and jail. Because of these very sufferings, the movement was
successful. The political parties were freed; Panchayati regime ended and the parties got the
open environment to work.
Later on, the armed revolution by CPN (Maoist) on 2052 B.S. paved a new way in the political
history of Nepal. Definitely it shook the ages old social, cultural and political roots of the regime;
and also contributed a lot to change the traditional posture and roles of women. In this struggle,
Pampha Bhusal, Hisila Yami, Purna Kumari Subedi, Dharmashila Chapagain, Jayapuri Gharti,
Onsari Gharti, Kamala Roka, Uma Bhujel, Amrita Thapa Magar, Rekha Sharma, Manu Humagain
struggled hard and participated in the movement. The women engaged in armed struggle of
Maoist had a lot to contribute in challenging gender discriminatory thoughts such as women are
weaker and they should not be in army, should not plough the field, and go to the death rituals.
Later on, many women from all around the country participated in People’s Movement of
2062-63 demanding the end of Monarchial rule and establishment of Republican system. The
movement happened because of autocratic regime of King Gyanendra. In this very movement,
we saw the blood-spattered photo of ANNFSU chairperson Ram Kumari Jhakri which was taken
as a symbol denoting the movement. Ram Kumari Jhakri, Tulasa Dahal, Sarita Dhungana, Sarada
Jha, Tulasa Acharya, Sarita Ghimire, Indira Thapa, Uma Koirala, Sujita Shakya, Binda Pandey,
Manju Khad, Sushila Shrestha, Sabitra Bhusal, Jaya Pathak, Radha Ghale, Janu Ghimire, Mamata
Giri, Kalpana Parajuli, Bina Koirala, Rama Basnet, Rajendra Laxmi Shiwakoti, Shanti Jirel, Bishnu
Devi Pudasaini, Sita Pokhrel, Sarita Neupane, Gaura Nepali, Laxmi Lama, Surya Thapa and many
other Women had participated in the movement inside and outside the Kathmandu and had
contributed a lot (Beyond Beijing Committee, 2065 B.S.).
The lists of women written in this report are only the representative figures who participated in
differentmovements.Ineachandeveryrevolution,hundredsandthousandsofwomencontributed
from their side. This requires a separate study. The essence is, in all of the democratic revolutions
the participation of women has been considerable. The women through their organizational
capacity, political understanding and perspective, practical helps etc have been contributing for
1818

the revolution. Moreover, to some women, these revolutions have given the opportunities to be a
leader. The nationality, freedom, equality and determination and dedication for democracy and
good governance of Nepali women have made them stronger and fearless with intimidation and
atrocities they had to face in the movements. Such contribution of women in the establishment of
nationality and democratic movement should be documented well with good reverence.
3.2. The condition of gender equality among political parties
Many political parties exist in Nepal. Yet, few of them are active in affecting the present and the
future of our country. As these political parties have capacity of determining the situation of the
country, they can work to safeguard the rights of women and marginalized community. They
address the gender equality and women empowerment process through national politics, reign
and their mechanisms. In that very process, the internal mechanism, plans and policies too are
very much important because they reflect the perspective of political parties. As the political
parties play a direct role from choosing leadership and policy of sisterly organizations to each
and every issue, it is necessary to examine the very condition of their mother parties while
analyzing the gender equality in the political students and youth organizations.
In order to examine the condition of gender equality among political parties in Nepal, the number
of women members in different committees and the women representatives in other committees
should be analyzed. Likewise, it is necessary to analyze their provisions in constitution on women
and third gender. Such issues have been tried to be analyzed in this study. The issues as to how
men’s and women’s participation is in the central leadership of various 11 active political parties
and what they have done in order to increase the participation of women and third gender in
their Memorandum of Association have been analyzed.
3.3. An Analysis of the Quantitative and Qualitative Participation of Women in
Political Parties
In the political sphere of Nepal, there are actively engaged political parties that were established
in three different epochs. Actively engaged parties since the political change of 2007 B.S. to the
establishment of republican system in 2063 B.S. are the factions of Nepali Congress and different
communist parties that chinked and joined from Communist Party of Nepal. Second, the political
parties that emerged after People’s Movement in 2046 B.S. are National Democratic Party,
Sadbhawana and Madhesi People’s Rights Forum. Third, those parties emerged after the People’s
Movement in 2062-63 B.S. are Terai Madhesh Democratic Party, Federal Socialist Party etc. All of
these parties rather than having a similar understanding of women’s right and gender equality
have their own kind of perception. Thus, issues of increasing the participation of women and
assuring the gender equality in the policy of different parties are diverse. However, by now, each
political party has understood that the important issues of women together with marginalized
group of women must be addressed. Thus, these political parties have tried to touch these issues
through the language or the other forms.
19

The 2062/63 B.S. movement which demanded for the transformation of society and state also
got the advantages in assuring the rights of women. The then King Gyanendra handed over the
reign to the people’s representative on Baisakh 13, 2063 B.S. and the ages old monarchy ended. In
that very time, the Lower House was reinstated which was dissolved in 2058 B.S. The reinstated
lower house, together with other important issues of women rights, had proposed the historical
act of one third representation of women in each and every state mechanism (Pokhrel, 2015
A.D.) In that moment, 100% representatives had clapped and welcomed the proposal and those
who were outside the lower house did not protest it. Thus, it means that every political parties
of Nepal accept the fact that there should be at least 33% representation of women in each and
every state mechanism.
Yet, this provision was not clearly written in the Interim Constitution-2063 B.S.. Only few Clauses
were written in constitution realizing few intention of the resolution act. For example, in Article
21 in rights of social justice, it is stated that economically, socially and educationally backwarded
women, dalits, indigenous, ethnic and madhesi community, poor farmers and labors shall have
the rights to get included in the state mechanism according to proportionate inclusive principle.
In Article 33, it has been stated that as per the state responsibility in every mechanism of state
madhesi, dalit, ethnic indigenous, women, labors, farmers, handicapped and backwarded groups
shall be included according to the proportionate inclusive principle. Likewise, Sub-article 5 of
Article 63 states that at least one-third of such total number of candidates nominated shall be
women as to be derived by adding the number of candidacies made pursuant to Sub-clause (a) of
Clause (3) and’ the number of candidates on the basis of proportional representation pursuant to
Sub-clause (b) of Clause (3). (Source: Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2063 B.S.. Derived from the
website of Nepal Law Commission).
Thus, though it was not clearly stated in the Interim Constitution, following the resolution
already passed, the CA election-2008 A.D. successfully elected 33% (32.7%) women members
(Thapa and Khakurel, 2013 A.D.). But the political parties could not acknowledge the essence
until the later time. Accordingly, untill the second CA election, the number of elected and
nominated women candidates is about 29% in the continuing Constituent Assembly, and thus,
the representation got decreased. There are only total 176 (29.43%) women candidates both
elected and nominated. 10 were elected from FPTP system and 162 from proportionate electoral
and 4 women were nominated and they are representing in Constituent Assembly1
. This proves
that the political parties who accepted 33% representation of women have not accepted it from
their inner heart. In line with the resolution proposal, the political parties should have shown
leadership and example by having 33% representation of women in their party mechanisms.
However, it is sad that not a single political party had women necessary participation, as per
their proposal, let alone all the parties.
No research nor survey relating to politics and women data indicating the representation of
men, women and other gender in the total number of political parties have not yet been found.
1
http://www.can.gov.np/np/ca-members/list-of-ca-members.html Visited on 18 June 2015.
2020

In case of general members, the political parties have not been maintaining the actual data
of gender representation. Hence, it was not possible to analyse this part properly during this
research because of the lack of records with the political parties. The following table, however,
shows about the number and the positions of women participation in the senior unit or central
committee of the various 11 political parties of the country.
Table 1
Women Participation in Central Leadership of Political Parties
Political Party
Male
numbers
in Central
Committee
Female
numbers
in Central
Committee
(%)
Total
Number
Councils and women member
1. Nepali
Congress2
Establishment:
2003 B.S.
(President: Sushil
Koirala)
68 17
(20%)
85 Treasurer: Chitralekha Yadav, Members:
Lila Koirala, Mina Pandey (also, Chief of
women department), Sujata Koirala (Chief
of International Relations Department),
Mahalaxmi Upadhyaya Dina, Kamal Panta,
Ambika Basnet, Pushpa Bhusal, Ratna
Sherchan, Ishwari Neupani, Sita Gurung,
Kabita Kumari, Sardar, Minakshi Jha, Sujata
Pariyar, Parbata D.C. Chaudhari, Laxmi, Mina
Subba
2. Nepal
Communist Party
(CPN)3
Establishment:
Baisakha 10,
2006 B.S.
(Chairperson:
Khadga Prasad Oli)
152 31
(16.9%)
183 Centtral Vice-Chairperson: Bidhya Bhandari
and Astalaxmi Shakya
Politbureau Member: Binda Pandey, Radha
Gyanwali, Thammaya Thapa, Shrimaya
Thakali, Gaura Prasain
Central Members (full): Ram Kumari Jhankri,
Goma Devkota, Shivamaya Tumbahamphe,
Garima Shah, Sushila Nepal, Padma Aryal,
Sujita Shakya, Sita Poudel, Mamata Giri,
Jayanti Rai, Mahin Limbu, Sita Giri Oli,
Sabitra Bhusal, Kamaladevi Mahato, Kalyani
Khadka, Jaya Ghimire
Central Members (Alternative): Rachana
Khadka, Sita Sundas, Nira Jairu, Nirudevi
Pal, Mana K.C. Bina Shrestha, Bhagwati
Chaudhari, Ramrati Ram
2
http://nepalicongress.org/index.php?linkId=26. And information obtained from Prakash Sharma, Central Office
Secretary, Congress on 31 May 2015
3
http://www.cpnuml.org/content/-14.html and information obtained from Pradip Gyawanli on 31 May 2015
21

3. United
Nepal Communist
Part (Maoist)4
Establishment:
2006
Chairperson:
Prachanda
130 21
(13.9%)
151 Politbureau members; Hisimla Yami,
Urmila Aryal, Kamal Roka, Onsari Gharti
Magar, Shashi Shrestha, Rekha Sharma,
Purnakumari Subedi
Member: Anjana Bishankhe, Bodhmaya
Yadav, Ramkumari Chaudhari, Sushila
Shripali, Balawati Sharma, Satya Pahadi,
Kalpana Dhamala, Sita Pokhrel, Narayani
Sharma, Renu Chand, Devi Khadka, Bimala
Subedi, Samita Karki, Pushpa Gharti
4. Terai Madhesh
Democratic Party5
Establishment:
Poush 13, 2064 B.S.
Chairperson:
Mahantha Thakur
96 18
(15.7%)
114 Member: Pushpa Thakur, Chanda Chaudhari,
Mala Paswan, Anita Yadav, Rupa Yadav,
Premwati Rana Tharu, Salma Khatun,
Krishna Singh, Rita Thakur, Anju Gupta, Rita
Jha, Rajiya Begam, Sudha Jha, Dr. Sabita Jha,
Renu Jha, Sadhana Jha, Ritakumari Shah,
Babita Mishra
5. Madheshi
People’s Rights
Forum, Nepal6
Establishment:
2054 B.S.
Chairperson:
Upendra Yadav
56 7
(11.1%)
63 Treasurer: Renu Kumari Yadav
Member: Ranju Barma, Rekha Yadav, Manju
Ansari, Karima Begam, Chameli Das, Bidhya
Sinha
6. Madheshi
People’s Rights
Forum, Nepal
(Democratic)7
Chairperson: Vijaya
Gachchhedar
98 13
(11.7%)
111 Vice-Chairperson: Aasha Chaturbedi
Central member: Rajeshwari Jaiswal,
Durgadevi Mahato, Urmila Devi Mahato,
Ramani Ram, Rukmani Mandal, Chandtara
Kumari, Sabita Yadav, Aasha Kumari Sardar,
Lalita Shah, Kalawati Devi Paswan, Ruhi
Akhtar
4
http://ucpnmaoist.org/_websites/ucpnm/_cmsuploads/document/CCM%20Contact%20list%20150-071-06-29.
pdf visited on 15 April 2015, and information obtained from Shashi Shrestha, Politbureau Member on 13 April 2015
5
http://teraimadhesh.org/images/pdf/kendriya_karya_samiti_namawali.pdf visited on 15 April 2015
6
http://www.mprfn.org/content.php?pageid=34http://rppnepal.org/?page_id=120 visited on 15 April 2015
7
http://www.mprfn.org/content.php?pageid=34http://rppnepal.org/?page_id=120 visited on 15 April 2015]
Namelist of Central Committee obtained from email of the Central Office of Madheshi People’s Rights Forum, Nepal
(Democratic) on 2 June 2015, and information obtained from Parmananda Mehata, Office Secretary.
8
http://sadbhawanaparty.com/includes/central_member.php, visited on 15 April 2015, and information obtained
from Manishkumar Suman, General Secretary, on 7 June 2015
7. Sadbhawana
Party8
Establishment:
Baisakh 2-3,
2047B.S.
Chairperson:
Rajendra Mahato
81 12
(12.9%)
93 Joint-Secretary General: Surita Shah
EditingCommitteeMember:AmritaAgrahari
Central Member: Draupati Gangai, Radha
Kayastha, Niva Shah, Ragini Devi Kalwar,
Indu Subedi, Rekha Ghimire, Shantidevi
Ram, Devaki Devi Chaudhari, Shantidevi
Yadav, Urmila Pandey
2222

8. Nepal
Communist Party
(ML)9
Establishment:
Poush 11, 2035 B.S.
Secretary General:
Chandraprakash
Mainali
59 9
(13.2%)
68 Politbureau member: Nilam K.C. Bhagwati
Ghimire and Janak Chalise
Central Member: Manshova Pandey, Apsara
Maharjan, Kalasha Mahara, Sita Kumari
Tharu, Sita Kumari Mahat, Sushila Pahadi
9. Nepal
Communist Party
(Unified)10
Chairperson:
Ganesh Prasad
Shah)
48 12
(20%)
60 Secretary: Kalpana Rana and Laxmi Shah;
Politbureau members: Kalyani Shah and
Radha Bhattari
Central executive-committee member:
Pramila Rana, Gita Shah, Devika Limbu,
Ramshila Thakur, Tulasi Dhami
Alternative Central member: Bishnu Subedi,
Mithila Chaudhari and Hema Mishra
10.National
Democratic Party
Nepal11
Establishment:
2048 B.S.
Chairperson:
Pashupati
Shamsher Jabara)
90 17
(15.8%)
107 High-level Work-Completing Committee
member: Prativa Rana
Vice-General Ministry: Bindu Pahadi
Member: Dilmaya Tamang, Durga Shrestha,
Nabodita Chaudhari, NaniMaiya Acharya,
Nina Bhetwal, Pabitra Joshi, Pratima Kshetri,
Vijayakala Rai, Bhima Yadav, Mina Subedi,
Mina Swarnakar, Renudevi Shah, Roshan
Karki, Shantimaya Sunuwar, Saroj Sharma
11. Federal-
Socialist Party
Nepal12
Establishment: 22
November 2012.
Chairperson:
Ashok Kumar Rai
124 16
(11.4%)
140 Under-Secretary General: Radha Timilsina
President: Central Audit Committee and
Permanent member: Sushila Shrestha,
Permanent Committee Member: Suni Lama;
Central member: Urmila Shah, Durgamaya
Limbu, Krishnakumari Waiba, Lila Sitaula,
Mohini Maharjan, Rajani Malli, Samita Rai,
Nirmala Tawa, Sushila Shakya, Rashmila
Prajapati, Timila Ranjit, Shyammaya
Punmagar, Sumitra Rai
InthecentralleadershipofNepaliCongressandCPN(United)thereis20%womenrepresentation,
the least is in Madhesi People’s Rights Forum, Nepal. Federal Socialist Party Nepal has about 11%
of women in its central level. As studied, there is only about the above table states that there
is only 20% women participation in the Central Committee of political parties of Nepal, 15%
(14.86%) women participation in the central level of all political parties. This participation is
decreased by 1% in comparison to 2013 (Jagaran Nepal, 2013 A.D.) when this representation
was 16%. Thus, we can say that in spite of increasing ratio, the decreasing rate of participation
9
Information obtained from Thakur Sharma, General Secretary, Nepal Communist Party (Unified) on 5 June 2015
10
Information obtained from Thakur Sharma, General Secretary, Nepal Communist Party (Unified) on 5 June 2015
11
http://rppnepal.org/?page_id=120 visited on 15 April 2015, and information obtained from Bindu Pahadi,
Central Assistant General-Minister on 3 June 2015
12
http://federalsocialist.org/?p=111 visited on 15 April 2015, and information obtained from Sushila Shrestha,
permanent member, on 7 June 2015.
23

of women shows that the determination on increasing women participation of political parties
going is going down. Moreover, in the political parties, there is no representatives who would
state themselves as third gender. Among 15 percent central level women leaders, most of them
are members only. Less women have the chance of working in powerful positions. Among them,
some women are in the posts: of vice president, under secretary and it is not the new practice
of placing the women in the post of treasurer. Some of the political parties have continued the
tradition of placing couple of women as members. No women have reached the major posts,
such as president or general secretary. All political parties claim to be the functionaries of
the state but have declined the state made provision of one third representation of women in
every mechanism. Though political parties agree on one third women’s representation in every
mechanism of state, they stay silent in fulfilling their representation inside their organization.
In the Article 142 of Interim Constitution, it has been stated that in order to be recognised as a
political party for participating in the election, the party (C) should maintain inclusiveness, by
including women, dalit and other oppressed and excluded groups in various levels of working
committees. We can assume that only because of this compulsory practice, some of the political
parties have placed women in their Central Committee.
On district level committee, only couple of women have got the chance to work as a president.
Few names are, Sitadevi Yadav is district president of Nepali Congress, Mina Sahi is the Jumla
district president of Terai Madhesh Democratic Party, Bishnu Kumari Rai is the Bhojpur district
president of National Democratic Party, Sanumaya Tamang is the Nuwakot district president of
Federal Socialist Party. Thus, political parties fail in their own determination regarding women
representation. In order to develop the leadership quality and capacity building of women, the
political parties should ponder and bring clear plans and policies and strictly implement them.
One of the important factors on inclusiveness of political party is women’s representation and the
other factor is the plans and policies devised by political parties regarding the gender equality
and women rights. In this regard too, each political party has its own provisions. Analying the
Statutes of political parties, there are following provisions mentioned in regard to women.
2424

Table 2
The Policy Level Arrangement of Gender Equality in the Statutes of
Political Parties13
Political Party Provision relating to Gender Equality
1. Nepali
Congress
The provision of having some women representatives while nominating
representatives for the conference held at various levels has been ensured,
The provision of political activism in protection of the rights of women and left-behind
groups on economic and social aspects in the roles and duties of working committee
and various conference of local levels has been ensured,
The provision of at least 1-2 women reprsentatives in district level working committee
and other committees, as well as minimum 13 in central committee out of 85 was
ensured. There is provision for women representation in General Committee. Central
Women Department exists.
2. Nepal
Communist
Party (CPN)
There exists a provision for dalits, women and backward janajatis requiring active
engagement for six months in order to obtain organizational membership of the party,
whereas the provision requires one and half years’ timeline for other people.
The positive provision for other people to be nominated as a member in central
committee, national representative council, zonal/special coordination committee
and district committee requires respectively, 15, 7, 8, 6 years of having organizational
membership, along with other standards as equally applied, while it requires
respectively 10,5,5,4 years for women, dalits, marginalized janajati and people with
disability.
Provision of disciplinary action might be taken against the party officials and members
who commit acts of gender violence.
All the elected party committees of all levels shall be inclusive as per local specialities,
and there shall be a minimum of 33% women members. The status of women
representation shall be inclusive too. There shall be vacant positions of women
members if the minimum qualification, standard and the position unfilled.
13
Source: From the Memorandum of Association of the concerned political parties. The national general assembly
of CPN (United) was completed in the last week of 2015 April/May and it has passed new the Memorandum of
Association. So there was no condition of getting the published document. Thus, here the recent and amended
provisions have been included over here. This information was provided by Central General Secretary Thakur
Sharma on 3 June 2015.
25

3. United
Nepal
Communist
Party (Maoist)
One of the objectives of the party is to represent for the benefit of all of the oppressed
castes, area, gender, community.
Developing expression, behavior and attitude aiming for ending gender oppression in
the members’ discipline shall be ensured. The practice of mainstreaming rights and
benefits of women shall not be lost. If the acts of physical violence, degradation and
discrimination against women have been committed over patriarchal thought, it shall
be subject to disciplinary action, and if such acts occur within the party, it shall be
seriously considered.
District assembly shall ensure minimum 25% member and one woman official in it,
and also, village, city, ward assembly shall ensure 33% and one woman official in it.
Special Department for women, dalit and fundamental groups shall be formed from
central to district level in order to formulate policy, planning and programs for the
protection and leadership development of cadres of the party who have come from
women, dalit and fundamental groups, as well as to make the party attentive by
carrying out monitoring on whether the party policy and programs, relating to the
cadres who have come from these groups and communities, have been implemented.
The article 49 of the statute on the sub-topic, namely “Special provision for women
cadres”, mentions that there shall be party policy for protecting women cadres in
terms of political, economic, cultural and familial aspects; that there shall be provision
for maternity leave and restoration of responsibility after completing the leave; and
that the systematic acts of discrimination against the women cadres within the party
shall be considered punishable.
There shall compulsorily be special provision to ensure leadership development of
the proletarian revolutionaries’ of the oppressed community, women and area.
4. Terai
Madhesh
Democratic
Party
One or two women representative shall be ensured in village, city, regional and district
conferences. There shall be minimum one or two women participation in these levels
of committees.
The roles and duties of the committees formed from village to district level mention
that there shall be activism for the protection of rights and benefits of the women, and
backwarded and marginalized groups in terms of economic and social aspects.
There is provision for electing minimum 4 women out of 51 members in the central
committee.
5. Madheshi
People’s Rights
Forum, Nepal
To establish equal society continuously struggling against various inequality,
discrimination, oppression and exploitation, including in relation to gender.
Establishment of women department at the central level.
There is provision to nominate women members for 10% at the highest out of the
total number in the district and not exceeding 25% of the number of central members
elected in the central level in order to make the committee effective, active and
inclusive. However, there is not any clear concept as to how women can be included
in it.
2626

6. Madheshi
people’s Rights
Forum, Nepal
(Democratic)
To establish equal society continuously struggling against various inequality,
discrimination, oppression and exploitation, including in relation to gender.
Establishment of women department at the central level.
There is provision to nominate women members for 10% at the highest out of the
total number in the district and not exceeding 25% of the number of central members
elected in the central level in order to make the committee effective, active and
inclusive. However, there is not any clear concept as to how women can be included
in it.
Parliamentary committee formed under the central committee shall be structured
inclusive in terms of caste-based, regional, gender-based, linguistics, group-based,
minority.
7. Sadbhawana
Party (Mahato)
To establish democratic equalism via completely ending discrimination and
exploitation, including in gender-based.
To prioritize participation from minority and oppressed caste, community, group,
women and geographical area while nominating 40% in the national, federal, district
and regional working committee by the Chairperson. Considering the remaining 60%
to be elected, there shall be 50% from open competition and other 50% are equally
reserved for men and women.
Provision for including 1-4 women members in the working committees of Ward,
village, and city level.
Provision of 15 membered central parliamentary committee, including at least one
woman.
Provision of formation of women department as per need.
8. Nepal
Communist
Party (ML)
To achieve immediate goals of equality and inclusiveness, including in terms of
gender-based, has been accepted as the current work-plan of the party.
To obtain party membership for the women candidates who have come from any
other group-source other than special high-level family in order to receive party
membership shall be applied six months probation period, which is the shortest
period.
Provision of women department in the central level.
Provision of disciplinary action against the person who commits violence against
women.
9. Nepal
Communist
Party (Unified)
The roles and duties of the member of the party include that he/she shall remain
continuously attentive and carry on struggle against discrimination, oppression,
exploitation, including in the form of gender-based.
The election for forming the district committee and central working committee shall
be made inclusive as far as possible, however, there is not any clear concept on how
women inclusiveness can be maintained.
27

10. National
Democratic
Party
There is provision of nominating and electing minimum 1-2 women in the village, city,
regional and district working committee.
Provision of women department in the central level.
Provision of prioritizing women while forming committee and department in the
central level.
Provision of some women representatives in the central general conference.
Ensuring at least 16 women members out of 73 who get elected from the general
conference in the central level working committee.
Chairperson shall nominate 7 members, including at least 1 woman, in the
parliamentary committee.
Policy granting special priority for women in the positions which are filled up by
nominations.
Provision of national democratic women organization in group-organizations.
11. Federal
Socialist Party,
Nepal
There shall be proportionate inclusiveness, including of at least 33% women, etc….in
all structures of the party.
Provision of nomination of members not exceeding 10 to 15% of the total number
from among the minority and marginalized community, of whose representation have
not been included in general assembly, central committee, regional assembly, district
assembly, election area committee, area or city committee, branch committee, etc.
But there is not any clear concept as to what percentage of women participation is
ensured.
In case of gender equality and women rights, the political parties have not addressed it much in
their Statutes. Almost all of the political parties have placed the position for women in different
levels of their general assembly and committees. Likewise, in case of women membership in
party they have managed to be economic. The issues, including the acts of gender oppression,
violence and disobedience is accepted as the subject of punishment, determination expressed
in order to be active in protecting, and provision for the formation of Women Department and
Sister Women Association in order to work for the benefits of women, etc have been mentioned
in the Statutes of almost all political parties.
It seems that Nepali Congress appears to have reached principally to the consensus for including
minimum 15% women in the central committee which is 13 women members out of 85. However,
recently in its Central Committee, there are 20% women members and, we cannot be assured of
the continuation of this practice, which is not included in its Statutes. However, this practice
depends on the sensibility of the concerned leaders who are in the decisive leadership.
Among the 11 parties that have been included in this study, only two of the parties--CPN
(UML) and Federal Socialist Party have accepted for the necessity of 33% of women in Central
Committee, but they have not translated it into practicality. CPN (UML) has the provision of
33% women representation in each and every mechanism of the party, if there would be no
2828

women to fill the post, they have made provision that the post would be vacant. This provision
seems attractive and symbolical in itself. In order to get elected in several levels the provision for
woman is little less in comparison to men, i.e. about working time as an active member. However,
rest of the other provisions are similar for both men and women. Recently, fewer women have
got opportunity to work in committee, so it is difficult for them to fulfill all of the criteria and get
included in 33% representation. Thus, it would be practical if the parties have made the current
provision of 33% women representation and in the upcoming days the opportunity of quality
leadership for women would be developed. Such provision could have been removed, in case it
is not necessary. Principally, the parties accept 33% women representation. However, in case of
the provision of leaving the post vacant if it is not implemented, it does not have any meaning.
Regarding women rights, UCPN (Maoist) has accepted it as an issue of discipline, and for the
leadership development of women, it has the provision of 25 or 33% for lower levels for women,
Additionally, it has the provision of Special Department and Special Provision. However, there is
no clear provision for women’s participation in central level leadership, whereas the provision
for youth below 40 is ensured whom were not included in earlier central committee. This may
indicate that the party is not so determined to develop leadership of women as much as it is the
youth leadership development.
Many political parties, apart from participation, have very few other agendas in their Statutes.
It seems that most of them have given the responsibilities to women groups in regard of works
related to women. However, with only women department or women association and women
participating in those functionaries, gender can not be mainstreamed in whole party mechanism
and its activities. In order to mainstream gender and ensure the proportionate participation of
women the necessity of discussion, ideological clearance and the gender sensible leadership is
lacking. However, it seems the party is gradually reforming itself for gender equality and they
are not in condition of banning the issues of equality. However, the necessity of mainstreaming
gender should be especially advocated at the right time with the right provision of policy and its
implementation by those men and women serious on gender equality.
29

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