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Veenhoven (2011). Can we get happier than we are? In Human Pursuit of Well-Being.
Steward (2012). How To Have a Happy and Productive Office. Management Today.
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From each reading, …, please discuss in 200 words per reading what
1. From each reading, …, please discuss in 200 words per reading
what was most important to you and why. This assignment is a
total of 400 words. Please include the appropriate citation for
the source used in your answer. Please site the reading
provided.
Veenhoven (2011). Can we get happier than we are? In Human
Pursuit of Well-Being.
Steward (2012). How To Have a Happy and Productive Office.
Management Today.
See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication
at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/303678710
Can We Get Happier Than We Are?
Chapter · May 2011
DOI: 10.1007/978-94-007-1375-8_1
CITATIONS
2
READS
163
1 author:
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5. happiness can be mea-
sured using questions about life-satisfaction, and they have
gone on to apply such
questions in large-scale surveys of general population
worldwide. In this paper I take
stock of their findings.
2 HOW HAPPY ARE WE?
Most inhabitants of modern society are happy. This is seen from
their responses to the
question: "All things considered, how satisfied are you with
your life as a whole
nowadays? Please indicate using a number from 0 to 10. where
0 is "extremely dis-
satisfied' and 10 'extremely satisfied'." The responses to this
question in Germany are
depicted in Fig. 1.1. More than 50% of the Germans rate their
life at seven or higher
and fewer than 15% of Germans rate their lives at five or below
five. Studies that use
slightly different questions have yielded similar results. The
average "school mark"
that Germans give for their quality of life is currently 7.2 1.
Rank of Happiness in Nations
How does German happiness rank in comparison to other
nations? Some illustrative
findings are presented in Table 1.1, and although Germany falls
in the middle of this
list, it is actually in the top range for the world. As one can see,
average happiness
varies between 8.2 (Denmark) and 3.3 (Zimbabwe), and with
7.2, Germany ranks high
6. in the five-point interval between the highest and lowest
average happiness.
Trend of Happiness in Nations
Survey research on happiness started in the late 1940s and took
off in the early 1970s.
Until recently, it was difficult to discern a pattern in the data;
changes over time tend to
be small and our view of the trend is often blurred by minor
variations in sampling and
questioning. Now that we have more and better data, a pattern
of rising happiness has
begun to emerge (Veenhoven & Hagerty. 2006). Some
illustrative cases are presented
in Fig. 1.2.
Correspondence: Prof. Dr. Ruut Veenhoven Erasmus
University Rotterdam, Faculty of Social Sciences,
P.O.B. 1738 3000 DR Rotterdam,
Netherlands. www2.eur.nl/fsw/research/veenhoven
Printed version : www.SpringerLink.com
vrijwilliger
Rectangle
www2.eur.nl/fsw/research/veenhoven
www.SpringerLink.com
3 GREATER HAPPINESS POSSIBLE?
Can public policy create greater happiness? Several scientists
think not. Some
7. psychologists maintain that happiness is largely inborn or at
least embedded in stable
personality. Hence, a better society will not yield happier
citizens, This view is known
as the "set point" theory (Lykken, 1999). Some sociologists
draw the same conclusion,
because they think happiness depends on social comparison and
that one is not better
off than the neighbors if conditions for everybody improve. In
this vein, the case of the
USA is often mentioned as an example: material wealth would
have doubled there
since the 1950s, while average happiness seems to have
remained at the same level
(Easterlin, 1995). These scientists are wrong, both empirically
and theoretically.
Empirical Indications
There is a clear relation between average happiness and societal
quality. Think of the
case of Zimbabwe in Fig. 1.1. where this country is at the
bottom with an average of
3.3. Apparently, people cannot live happily in a failed state,
even if their neighbors
suffer in a similar way. The correlations in Table 1.2 show that
this is no exception;
differences in quality of society explain about 80% of the
variation in average
happiness in the present day world.
Average happiness has changed in most nations and typically
for the better
(Veenhoven & Hagerty. 2006). Figure 1.2 depicts a gradual rise
of happiness in
Denmark over the last 30 years and a dramatic fall in average
happiness in Russia,
8. following the Ruble Crisis of 1995. Clearly, happiness is not
fixed to a set point!
Figure 1.2 also shows that greater happiness is possible in most
nations of the world.
Average happiness is currently highest in Denmark, with an
average of 8.2. What is
possible in Denmark should also be possible in other countries.
We cannot object that
Danish happiness is a matter of genetic endowment or national
character, because Fig.
1.2 shows that happiness has improved in Denmark since 1973.
Present-day happiness in Denmark may be close to the
maximally possible level. If
so. there is still a long way to go for most nations of this world,
since the world's
average happiness is now about 5.5. If we ever reached the
maximum of average
happiness, there is still the possibility to extend the duration of
our happiness and
create more happy life years for a greater number (Veenhoven.
2005).
Theoretical Underpinning
The erroneous idea that greater happiness is not possible has its
roots in erroneous
theories about the nature of happiness. One of these mistaken
theories i s that happi-
ness is merely a matter of outlook on life and that this outlook
is set in fixed disposi-
tions, which are part of an individuals' personality as well as of
their national character.
Another faulty theory is that happiness results from cognitive
comparison, in particular
from social comparison. Elsewhere, I have shown that these
9. theories are wrong
(Veenhoven, 1991, 1995).
My alternative theory of happiness holds that we appraise life
on the basis of
affective information in the first place. We experience positive
as well as negative
affects, and in appraising how much we like the life we live, we
assess to what extent
the former outbalances the latter. This theory fits Bentham's
concept of happiness as
"the sum of pleasures and pains." In my view, positive and
negative affects signal the
gratification of basic human needs, so in the end, happiness is
determined by need
gratification. Elsewhere, I have discussed this theory in more
detail (Veenhoven.
2009).
Ruut Veenhoven 2 Can we get happier than we are?
4 HOW CAN HAPPINESS BE RAISED?
Apparently, greater happiness for a greater number is possible.
How can this be
achieved? I see possibilities at three levels: (1) at the macro -
level of society. (2) at the
meso-level of organizations, (3) at the micro-level of individual
citizens.
10. 4.1 Macro-level: Improving the livability of society
Happiness also depends on the quality of the wider society. As
we have seen in Table
1.1, there are wide differences in happiness across nations, and
these differences are
clearly linked to societal qualities, some of which are presented
in Table 1.2.
Will further economic growth make us happier? Table 1.2
suggests so. because
happiness is strongly correlated with the wealth of the nation.
Yet. material affluence
appears to be subject to the law of diminishing return, and
economic growth yields
more happiness in poor nations than in rich nations. This is not
to say that economic
development does not add to happiness at all in rich nations.
Happiness is still on the
rise in affluent nations, and it is well possible that this rise is
linked to economic
growth, directly or indirectly. We simply do not know what the
underlying links are, as
yet.
Still another reason to keep the economy going is that the
"playing" may be as
important as the prizes. Happiness is not only found in
consumption, it is also found in
productive activity. Like most animals, we have an innate need
to use our potentials.
The biological function of this need is to keep us sharp, in the
human case, in
particular, to keep the brain in shape. The human species
evolved under the conditions
11. of a hunter-gatherer existence that involved a lot of challenge.
In today's conditions, as
an industrial society, we still need some challenges and most of
us find them mainly in
our work life. In this perspective, we belter not follow Layard's
(2005) advice to
discourage economic competition, though there is a point in
keeping the competition
nice and leaving room for other arenas in society.
The data in Table 1.2 do not suggest that a reduction of income
differences will add
to happiness; the zero-order correlation is close to zero, and
when the wealth of the
nation is taken into account, we even see a positive effect of
income inequality.
Though income inequality may be unfair, we can apparently live
with it. Likewise, the
data do not suggest that happiness can be advanced by
increasing the offerings of a
welfare state. At first sight, (here is some correlation between
expenditures for social
security and happiness in nations, but the statistical relationship
disappears when we
take into account that big spending nations tend to be richer.
For instance, happiness is
fairly high in Sweden, and Sweden is known for its extended
welfare stale; yet. it is
equally high in Iceland, which scores equally high and spends
much less on social
security (Veenhoven, 2000; Ouweneel, 2002).
The greatest gains seem to be possible in the realms of freedom
and justice. Good
governance also appears to contribute much to average
happiness in nations,
12. irrespective of the political color of the parties in the saddle.
4.2 Meso-level: Improving the livability of institutions
Another source of happiness is the institutional settings in
which we spend most of our
time, such as at work or at school. Systematic improvements in
those realms will
probably add to the average happiness of a nation.
This requires that we know which settings produce the most
happiness, for example,
determine the kind of schools where pupils enjoy their school
years the most.
Curiously, little investigation has been done in this field as yet,
not even for old age
homes. The prime product of such a research would be the
number of happy life years.
Ruut Veenhoven 3 Can we get happier than we are?
There is a lot of talk about quality of life in institutions, but
little research. This is
probably because there is little incentive to bother about the
happiness of pupils and
residents of care homes.
Governments can create an incentive by investigating the
happiness output of
institutions. Once differences are visible, the market will do its
work. For instance.
most parents will prefer a school where most children are happy
over a school where
13. the majority is not, even if the latter school produces higher
grades.
4.3 Micro-level: Helping individuals to live happier
Happiness can be furthered at the individual level in three ways
by: (1) training art-of-
living skills, (2) informing people about the probable outcomes
of choices, and (3)
improving professional guidance in self-development and life
choice. Below, 1 will
expand on these options, since they are particularly relevant for
positive psychology.
4.3.1 Training Art-of-living skills
Many people think that they would be happier if they had more
money or a higher
position on the social ladder. However, research shows that
these things do not matter
very much, at least not in affluent and egalitarian societies.
Differences in income and
social status explain only some 5% of the differences in Fig.
1.1. Current images about
condition for happiness are misleading.
What then does matter for happiness? About 10% of the
differences can be
attributed to social relations, in particular to a good marriage.
Another 10% is due to
good or bad luck, probably more so in countries where life is
less predictable. Most of
the difference appears to be due to personal characteristics:
about 30% can be
attributed to variation in life ability (Headey & Wearing, 1992).
The relative
14. importance of inner strengths should not be surprising if we
realize that living
conditions are typically very good in modern nations: the better
the external conditions,
the less they account for differences in happiness. In Paradise,
all the difference in
happiness will be due to inner competence, neurotics will
quarrel with Angels. In Hell,
the differences in happiness (if any) will largely be determined
by closeness to the fire,
because nobody can stand that environment. So the most evident
way to advance
happiness in modern society is to strengthen life abilities.
Part of these abilities is genetically determined or little
alterable for other reasons.
Still, there are also capabilities that can be improved through
therapy and training.
Psychotherapy is now well established in modern nations but
still underutilized. There
is also an emerging field of training in art of living in line with
the new "positive
psychology." "Art of living" is the knack of leading a satisfying
life, and in particular,
the ability to develop a rewarding life style (Veenhoven. 2003).
This involves various
aptitudes, some of which seems to be susceptible to
improvement using training
techniques. Four of these aptitudes are: (1) the ability to enjoy,
(2) the ability to
choose, (3) the ability to keep developing, and (4) the ability to
see meaning.
Learning to Enjoy
The ability to lake pleasure from life is partly in-born (trait
negativity-positivity). but
15. can to some extent be cultivated. Learning to take pleasure from
life was part of
traditional leisure-class education, which emphasized
prestigious pleasures, such as the
tasting of exquisite wines and the appreciation of difficult
music. Yet, it is also
possible to develop an enjoyment of the common things in life,
such as eating breakfast
or watching the sunset. Training in savoring simple pleasures is
part of some religious
practices.
Hedonistic enjoyment is valued in present day modern society
and figures promi-
nently in advertisements. Yet. techniques that help us to gain
the ability to enjoy are
underdeveloped. There are no professional enjoyment trainers,
at least no trainers
Ruut Veenhoven 4 Can we get happier than we are?
aiming at improving our general level of enjoyment. There is
professional guidance for
specific types of pleasures, such as how to appreciate fine arts,
and often the main goal
is to sell a particular product.
Still, it would seem possible to develop wider enjoyment
training techniques. One
way could be to provide training in "attentiveness." possibly
using meditation
techniques. Another option could be the broadening of one's
repertoire of leisure
16. activities, which could link up with expertise in various
stimulation programs. A third
way could be looking at ways to remove inner barriers to enjoy,
which could he linked
to clinical treatment of a-hedonia.
Learning to Choose
Happiness depends on also the choices one makes in life and
hence also on one's
ability to choose. The art of choosing involves several skills.
One such skill is getting to know what the options are. This
aptitude can be
improved by learning, and this is one of the things we do in
consumer education.
Expertise in this field can be used for training in the charting of
wider life options.
Another requirement is an ability to estimate how well the
various options would lit
one's nature. This requires self-knowledge and that is also
something that can be
improved, self-insight being a common aim in training and
psychotherapy. Once one
knows what to choose, there is often a problem of carrying
through. This phase
requires aptitudes such as perseverance, assertiveness. and
creativity, all of which can
be strengthened and are. in fact, common objectives in
vocational trainings. The next
step in the choice process is assessing the outcomes, in terms of
the above-mentioned
distinction, whether "expected utility" fits "experienced utility."
This phase calls for
openness to one's feelings and a realistic view on one's overall
mood pattern. Training
in mood monitoring is a common practice in psychotherapy and
17. could possibly be
improved using computer-based techniques of experience
sampling.
The problem is not so much to develop such training techniques,
but to separate the
chaff from the corn. That will require independent effect studies
Once such techniques
have been proven to be effective, a market culture will develop.
Learning to Grow
Happiness depends largely on the gratification of basic needs,
and an important class
of such needs is "growth needs" (Maslow, 1954). also referred
to as "functioning
needs" or "mastery needs." These needs are not restricted to
higher mental functions;
they also concern the use and development of the body and
senses. In animals,
gratification of these needs is largely guided by instinct, but i n
humans, it requires
conscious action. Cultures typically provide standard action
patterns for this purpose,
such as providing for vocational career scripts or artistic
interests, but people must also
make choices of their own. in particular in multiple-choice
societies. Failure to involve
oneself in challenging activities may lead one to diffused
discontent or even
depression, this, for example, happens regularly after retirement
from work. Thus,
another art of living is to keep oneself going and developing.
Intervention would also seem possible in this case. Mere
information will probably
be useful and one can also think of various ways to get people
18. going. Once again
training techniques can build on available experience, and in
this case, experience in
various activation programs. There is already an ample supply
of "growth trainings" on
the peripheries of psychology, but. as yet. little evidence is
available for the
effectiveness of such interventions and certainly no proof of
long-term effects on
happiness.
Ruut Veenhoven 5 Can we get happier than we are?
Helping to See Meaning
Probably, but not certainly, happiness also depends on one
seeing meaning in one's
life. Though it is not sure that we have an innate need for
meaningfulness as such, the
idea of it provides at least a sense of coherence. Seeing a
meaning in one's life requires
(hat one develops a view of one's life and that one can see
worth in it. These mental
knacks can also be strengthened, and it is possible that one can
also learn to live with
the philosophical uncertainties that surround this issue. There is
experience on this
matter in existential counseling and in practices such as "life
reviewing" (Holahan,
Holahan, & Wonacott. 1999) and "logo therapy" (Frankl. 1946).
As far as I know, the
impact of such interventions on happiness has yet to be
19. investigated.
4.3.2 Information: Enabling more informed choice
Another way of improving happiness at the individual level is to
inform people about
the consequences of major choices in life. We have to realize
that we live in a
"multiple-choice society." in which about 40% of the
differences in happiness seems to
be due to "intentional activity" (Sheldon & Lyubomirsky, 2004.
p. 131). Better
informed choices will give rise to greater happiness.
Life choices are for the most part based on expected happiness,
for instance, we
typically choose a profession we think we will like. Economists
call this "expected
utility," or "decision utility'" and acknowledge that this may
differ from later
"experienced utility." because decisions are mostly made on the
basis of incomplete
information. An example of a malformed choice is the decision
to accept a higher
paying job that requires more commuting. People typically
accept such jobs in the
expectation that the extra money will compensate for the travel
lime, but follow-up
research has shown that they are mostly wrong and that
happiness tends to go down in
such cases (Frey & Stutzer, 2004).
Research of this kind can help people to make more informed
choices. Though there
i s no guarantee that things will work out in the same was for
you, it is still useful to
20. know how it has worked out for other people in the recent past.
Such research is
particularly useful if it concerns similar people. "This policy
does not involve
paternalism: it does not push people into a particular was of
life, but it provides them
with information for making a well-informed autonomous
decision. Paternalism would
only be involved if research is manipulated or its results
communicated selectively, for
instance, if the observed negative effect of parenthood on
happiness is disguised
(Veenhoven, 2007. World Database of Happiness: Correlational
Findings on
Happiness and Having Children).
This approach to the furthering of happiness is similar to the
current evidence-based
health education. As in the case of happiness, we are often not
sure about the
consequences of life Style choices on our health. How much
drinking is too much? Is
eating raw vegetables really good for your health? We cannot
answer such questions
on the basis of our own experience, and common wisdom is
often wrong. Hence, we
increasingly look to the results of scientific studies that provide
u s with more
information, the results of which are disseminated
systematically.
A s yet, the information basis for such a way of furthering
happiness is still small.
Although there i s a considerable body of research on
happiness, this research is
typically cross-sectional and does not inform us about cause and
21. effect. What we need
i s panel data that allows us to follow the effects of life choices
over lime. Still another
problem is that current happiness research deals mainly with
things over which we
have little control, such as personality and social background.
What we need is
research into things we can choose, for example, working part
lime or lull time or
raising a family or not.
Ruut Veenhoven 6 Can we get happier than we are?
Once such information becomes available, it will quickly be
disseminated to the
public, through the life style press and the self-help literature.
It can also be included in
organized health education, broadened to become education for
"living well" happiness
education. The problem is not in the dissemination of
knowledge but in the production
of it.
4.3.3 Professional life counseling
If we feel unhealthy, we go to a medical general practitioner,
who makes a diagnosis
and either prescribes a treatment or refers us to a medical
specialist. If w e feel
unhappy, there is no such generalist. We have to guess about the
possible causes
ourselves, and on that basis, consult a specialist who may be a
22. psychologist, a marriage
counselor, or a lawyer. Professional guidance for a happier life
is unavailable as yet.
This is a remarkable market failure, given the large number of
people who feel they
could be happier. The size of the demand is reflected in the
booming sales of self-help
books and the willingness to pay for things that promise greater
happiness, such as
cosmetic surgery and second homes. The main reason is
probably that the knowledge
basis for such a profession is still small and that trust in
happiness counseling is
undermined by the many snake oil merchants operating in this
area.
Still there seems to be a future for professional counseling for a
happier life and for
related life coaching and trainings. There is demand for such
services, but as yet no
proper supply. Much can be gained by developing that supply.
One of the ways
forward is to stimulate the professionalization of current
activities in that area, among
other things, by following people who use such services to
establish what interventions
added to happiness or did not. The development of professional
life counseling could
also profit from the above-advised research into long-term
changes in happiness
following major life choices.
5 DO WE NEED GREATER HAPPINESS?
23. If we can create greater happiness for a greater number, should
we? Several voices say
"no." Part of the objections comes from preachers of penitence,
who like to see us
suffer to clean our sinful souls. Yet. there are also objections
from scientists who
believe that the pursuit of happiness involves negative effects.
One of their qualms is
that mass happiness will be achieved at the cost of freedom, and
another misgiving is
that happy people tend to be passive and uncreative. These
notions figure in Huxley's
(1932) science fiction novel Brave New World, in which
happiness for everybody is
achieved using genetic manipulations and mind control and
where the happy citizens
are short-sighted consumer slaves.
Yet, research into the consequences of happiness shows another
picture. It appears
that happiness fosters activity, creativity, and an open mind.
Happy people do better as
a spouse and parent. They are also better citizens; they are
typically better informed
than unhappy compatriots; they involve themselves more in
social action, while being
more moderate in their political views (Lyubomirsky. King. &
Diener, 2005). Still
another thing is that happiness lengthens life, the effect of
happiness being comparable
to smoking or not (Veenhoven, 2008). This evidence on positive
effects of happiness
fits well with the theory that feeling good works as a "go-
signal"; it tells the organism
that the situation is OK and it can go ahead. Consequently,
happy people "broaden"
24. their behavioral scope and "build" more resources (Fredrickson,
2004).
So, happiness is worth pursuing for its own sake, and for its
positive side effects.
Ruut Veenhoven 7 Can we get happier than we are?
References
Bentham. J. (1970). In: J. H. Burns & H. L. A Hart (Ed.).
An introduction to the principles of morals and legislation.
London: Althone Press (original work published 1789 by
London: Payne).
Easterlin. R. A. (1995). Will raising the incomes of all increase
the happiness of all?
Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization. 27, 35-47.
Frankl. V. E. (1946). De zin van het bestaan. een inleiding tot
de logotherapie/The
meaning of life an introduction to logotherapy, (Nederlandse
vertaling 2002).
Rotterdam: Donker.
Fredrickson. B. L. (2004). The broaden-and-build theory of
positive emotions.
Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London.
Series B. Biological
Sciences. 359, 1367-1377.
25. Frey. B. & Stutzer. A. (2004). Economic consequences of
mispredicting utility,
Working paper. Institute for Empirical Research in Economics,
Zürich. Switzerland.
Available at: www.crema-research.ch/papers
Headey. B.. & Wearing. A. (1992). Understanding happiness: A
theory of subjective
well-being, Melbourne: Longman Cheshire.
Holahan. C. K., Holahan. C. J., & Wonacott, N. L. (1999). Self
appraisal, life
satisfaction and retrospective life choices across one and three
decades, Psychology
and Aging. 14. 238-244.
Huxley. A. (1932). Brave new world, London: Shatto & Windus.
Layard. R. (2003). Happiness: Lessons of a new science, New
York: Penguin.
Lykken. D. T. (1999). Happiness: What studies on twins show
us about nature, nurture
and the happiness set-point, New York: Golden Books.
Lyubomirsky. S., King. L. A., & Diener. E. (2005). The benefits
of frequent positive
affect: Does happiness lead to success? Psychological Bulletin,
131, 803-855.
Maslow. A. H. (1954). Motivation and personality, New York:
Harper.
Ouweneel, P. (2002). Social Security and well-being of the
unemployed in 42 nations,
26. Journal of Happiness Studies. 3, 167-192.
Sheldon, K., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2004). Achieving sustainable
new happiness:
Prospects, practices and prescriptions, In P. A. Linley & S.
Joseph (Eds.). Positive
psychology in practice (pp. 127-145) Hoboken: Wiley.
Ruut Veenhoven 8 Can we get happier than we are?
http://www.crema-research.ch/papers
http://worlddatabaseofhappiness.eur.nl/hap_bib/freetexts/headey
.b.1992.pdf
Veenhoven. R. (1991). Is happiness relative?, Social Indicators
Research, 24, 1-34.
Veenhoven. R. (1995). The cross national pattern of happiness:
Tests of predictions
implied in three theories of happiness, Social Indicators
Research. 34, 33-68.
Veenhoven. R. (2000), Well-being in the welfare state: Level
not higher, distribution
not more equitable, Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis. 2.
91-125.
Veenhoven. R. (2003). Arts of living, Journal of Happiness
27. Studies. 4, 373-384.
Veenhoven. R. (2005). Apparent quality of life: How long and
happy people live,
Social Indicators Research. 71, 61-86.
Veenhoven. R. (2007). World Database of Happiness,
continuous register of scientific
research on subjective enjoyment of life. Erasmus Universiteit
Rotterdam:
http://worlddatabaseofhappiness.eur.nl.
Veenhoven. R. (2008). Healthy happiness: Effects of
happiness on physical health and
the consequences for preventive health care, Journal of
Happiness Studies. 9(3),
449-469.
Veenhoven. R. (2009). How do we assess how happy we are?
In A. Dull & B. Radcliff
(Eds). Happiness, economics and politics (pp. 45-69).
Northampton: Edward Elger.
Veenhoven. R., & Hagerty. M. (2006). Rising Happiness in
nations 1946-2004: A
reply to Easterlin, Social Indicators Research. 77, 1-16.
28. Note
1. Average of several surveys. Reported in World Database
of Happiness.
Happiness in Nations. Rank Report 2007-1.
Ruut Veenhoven 9 Can we get happier than we are?
http://www2.eur.nl/fsw/research/veenhoven/Pub1990s/91a-
full.pdf
http://www2.eur.nl/fsw/research/veenhoven/Pub1990s/95b-
full.pdf
http://www2.eur.nl/fsw/research/veenhoven/Pub2000s/2000b-
full.pdf
http://www2.eur.nl/fsw/research/veenhoven/Pub2000s/2003b-
full.pdf
30. Source: World Database of Happiness, (Veenhoven 2010)
Happiness in
Nations. Rank Report 2007-1
Average on scale 0-10
Ruut Veenhoven 11 Can we get happier than we are?
Ruut Veenhoven Can we get happier than we are?12
Figure 1.2 Trend average happiness in three nations (Source:
World Database of Happiness, (Veenhoven 2010)
data file TrendsInNations)
Condition in nation
Correlation with average happiness
Zero-order Wealth controlled N
Wealth Purchasing power per head .65 88
Freedom Economic .60 .26 88
Political .48 .17 90
Personal' .35 -.13 83
Equality Inequality of incomes .05 .42 82
Discrimination of women -.52 -.25 58
Brotherhood Tolerance .52 .40 76
Trust in compatriots .39 .17 79
Social security .35 -.16 66
31. Justice Rule of law .64 .20 90
Respect of civil rights .47 .09 90
Corruption -.56 -.03 62
Explained variance 60
Table 1.2 Societal correlates of happiness
•'Not included in regression due to limited number of eases
Data'.
World Database of Happiness, data file "States of Nations'
Ruut Veenhoven 13 Can we get happier than we are?
View publication statsView publication stats
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/303678710CAN WE
GET HAPPIER THAN WE ARE?1 WHAT IS THE FINAL
GOAL OF PUBLIC POLICY?2 HOW HAPPY ARE WE?3
GREATER HAPPINESS POSSIBLE?4 HOW CAN HAPPINESS
BE RAISED?4.1 Macro-level: Improving the Livability of
Society4.2 Meso-level: Improving the Livability of
Institutions4.3 Micro-level: Helping Individuals to Live
Happier4.3.1 Training Art-of-Living SkillsLearning to
EnjoyLearning to ChooseLearning to GrowHelping to See
Meaning4.3.2 Information: Enabling More Informed
Choice4.3.3 Professional Life Counseling5 DO WE NEED
GREATER HAPPINESS?NoteReferencesFigure 1.1
Table 1.1Figure 1.2Table 1.2
CAN WE GET HAPPIER THAN WE ARE?
Ruut Veenhoven
33. 0 is "extremely dis-
satisfied' and 10 'extremely satisfied'." The responses to this
question in Germany are
depicted in Fig. 1.1. More than 50% of the Germans rate their
life at seven or higher
and fewer than 15% of Germans rate their lives at five or below
five. Studies that use
slightly different questions have yielded similar results. The
average "school mark"
3 GREATER HAPPINESS POSSIBLE?
Can public policy create greater happiness? Several scientists
think not. Some
psychologists maintain that happiness is largely inborn or at
least embedded in stable
personality. Hence, a better society will not yield happier
citizens, This view is known
as the "set point" theory (Lykken, 1999). Some sociologists
draw the same conclusion,
because they think happiness depends on social comparison and
that one is not better
off than the neighbors if conditions for everybody improve. In
this vein, the case of the
USA is often mentioned as an example: material wealth would
have doubled there
since the 1950s, while average happiness seems to have
remained at the same level
34. (Easterlin, 1995). These scientists are wrong, both empirically
and theoretically.
Empirical Indications
There is a clear relation between average happiness and societal
quality. Think of the
case of Zimbabwe in Fig. 1.1. where this country is at the
bottom with an average of
3.3. Apparently, people cannot live happily in a failed state,
even if their neighbors
suffer in a similar way. The correlations in Table 1.2 show that
this is no exception;
differences in quality of society explain about 80% of the
variation in average
happiness in the present day world.
Average happiness has changed in most nations and typically
for the better
(Veenhoven & Hagerty. 2006). Figure 1.2 depicts a gradual rise
of happiness in
Denmark over the last 30 years and a dramatic fall in average
happiness in Russia,
following the Ruble Crisis of 1995. Clearly, happiness is not
fixed to a set point!
Figure 1.2 also shows that greater happiness is possible in most
nations of the world.
Average happiness is currently highest in Denmark, with an
average of 8.2. What is
possible in Denmark should also be possible in other countries.
We cannot object that
Danish happiness is a matter of genetic endowment or national
character, because Fig.
1.2 shows that happiness has improved in Denmark since 1973.
Present-day happiness in Denmark may be close to the
maximally possible level. If
so. there is still a long way to go for most nations of this world,
since the world's
35. average happiness is now about 5.5. If we ever reached the
maximum of average
happiness, there is still the possibility to extend the duration of
our happiness and
create more happy life years for a greater number (Veenhoven.
2005).
Theoretical Underpinning
The erroneous idea that greater happiness is not possible has its
roots in erroneous
theories about the nature of happiness. One of these mistaken
theories is that happi-
ness is merely a matter of outlook on life and that this outlook
is set in fixed disposi-
tions, which are part of an individuals' personality as well as of
their national character.
Another faulty theory is that happiness results from cognitive
comparison, in particular
from social comparison. Elsewhere, I have shown that these
theories are wrong
(Veenhoven, 1991, 1995).
My alternative theory of happiness holds that we appraise life
on the basis of
affective information in the first place. We experience positive
as well as negative
affects, and in appraising how much we like the life we live, we
assess to what extent
the former outbalances the latter. This theory fits Bentham's
concept of happiness as
"the sum of pleasures and pains." In my view, positive and
negative affects signal the
gratification of basic human needs, so in the end, happiness is
determined by need
gratification. Elsewhere, I have discussed this theory in more
detail (Veenhoven.
2009).
36. Ruut Veenhoven
2
Can we get happier than we are?
How to have a happy and productive office
The founder and CEO of Happy, the training company, explains
the secret to creating a happy office.
by Henry Stewart
Share
Published: 01 Feb 2012
Last Updated: 30 Aug 2020
Some six years ago, the restaurant chain Nandos carried out
research to find out why sales at some of its restaurants grew
faster than at others. After detailed analysis, the company
concluded that one factor explained the difference: how happy
the staff were, as measured in the firm's annual staff survey. Of
course, Nandos still wanted to maximise growth and profits. But
the way to achieve this aim, it decided, was not to concentrate
directly on those elements but instead to target the underlying
factor of employee contentment. It changed the managers' bonus
structure so that it was 50% based on their achieving staff
engagement. The message for them was: 'Your key focus should
be on making your staff happy.'
A similar story is told by David Smith, who as 'people director'
was head of personnel management at Asda from 1994 to 2009.
At its low point in 1990, Asda had found itself just 10 days
away from bankruptcy. But by 2002, it was rated by the Sunday
Times as the best place to work in the UK. Today it has 170,000
employees and annual sales of £18bn. How did Asda achieve
this? According to Smith, it was by focusing on its people. 'We
had 360 separate P&Ls and I have done the calculations,' he
explains. 'There is an absolute positive correlation between staff
engagement and profitability. If a branch can achieve an
engagement level of 94%, I guarantee that the profits will grow
exponentially.'
37. Check out the evidence
The Nandos and Asda examples are backed up by academic
evidence. Alex Edmans of the Wharton School of the University
of Pennsylvania analysed the results of investing in the
companies named in the Great Place to Work listings over the
past 25 years. In his paper, 'Does the Stock Market Fully Value
Intangibles?', he claims that an investment strategy of changing
the portfolio each year in response to the latest list would have
delivered 3.5% more per year than a comparable stock market
investment from 1984 to 2009.
So, whereas an investment that tracked the stock market
produced a fund of £100,000, a strategy based on the best
workplaces would have produced a return of £236,000.
The evidence is clear. A happy workplace, where staff feel
engaged and valued, is a more productive workplace and leads
to greater financial success. So how do you create a happy
workplace? Happy, the London-based training business I
founded and still run, has been rated in the top 20 workplaces in
the UK for five successive years in the Financial Times/Great
Place to Work Institute list. We now work with a wide range of
organisations to help them create happier and more productive
work environments. From our own experience and this work
with others, we have come to 10 key principles that we have
found can transform an organisation. (See below).
Learn to trust your people and let them get on with the job
Our core belief is that people work best when they feel good
about themselves. Most of us agree with that statement. What
then should be the main focus of management? If the statement
is true, then surely the main focus should be making your
people feel good, valued and motivated. I like to ask people
how their workplace would be different if that were the main
focus of management. Most respond that it would not only be
more enjoyable but that it would be easier to get things done,
and be more productive. Just think about it. How would your
workplace be different?
When are you most productive? I have asked thousands of
38. people to look at their own experience and consider when they
worked at their absolute best. They were asked what
characterised that time. For a very few, it was at a time when
they were particularly well paid. For some, it was a time when
communication was strong from management. But for nearly
everybody, it was a time when they were challenged but also
trusted and given the freedom to do things their way.
In survey after survey, we have found that the biggest complaint
people have at work is of micromanagement and not being
trusted to do the job. It makes people unhappy and less
productive than they could be. A key element of great
management is about getting out of the way and letting people
get the job done.
Stop approving things
Here is a way you can put this into practice now. It is likely, as
a manager, that you ask an individual or group of people to
solve problems or come up with new solutions and then bring
back proposals for your approval. Instead, try pre-approval.
Agree what is to be achieved, what the budget will be and on
who needs to be consulted, and then pre-approve the individual
or group to put the idea into practice without asking you first.
I received an email from one of our freelance trainers to thank
me for three things we'd recently changed that made life easier
for her. As I read the examples, a couple of things struck me.
First, I had not been aware that these changes had been made.
Second, I realised that, if they had gone across my desk for
approval, I would have rejected at least two of the three
proposals.
I had originally set up most of the systems for training here at
Happy. These were all my ways of doing things and, like most
managers, I had a natural resistance to changing the methods I
had devised. Once a proposal is on my desk it is hard to ignore
it and especially difficult to resist the temptation to 'improve' it.
Be honest now: how have you felt when one of your ideas or
proposals has been 'improved' by your manager?
I realised the only way to ensure you don't get in the way of
39. perfectly good proposals - and I recommend it to you - is to
make sure new ideas don't have to go across your desk for
approval. The first step to increasing innovation in most
organisations is to remove the levels of approval needed to do
something new. If this sounds challenging, start with small
things and work your way up.
Give your team clear guidelines
The idea is not to give people complete freedom. In the
organisations we've worked with, the message from staff is
clear: 'Give us clear guidelines and then give us freedom to
work within them.' We call it job ownership. We agree
principles to work within: 'Don't tell when you can ask' is a
crucial one for our trainers. Agree the targets to achieve and
then step out of the detail. This approach is about expecting the
highest standards and holding people absolutely accountable for
their achievement.
Our core business, Happy Computers, provides IT training and I
believe has the highest standards in the sector. We've been rated
in the top two in our industry awards in five of the past six
years. It is the freedom we have given our people, within clear
guidelines, that has achieved that level of quality.
Promote those who are good at managing people
I often say that our most radical belief about management at
Happy is that people should be chosen to manage on the basis of
how good they are at it. Too often, people are promoted to be
managers on the basis of how good they are at their core job or
how long they have been in the post.
Imagine you have a great programmer in your IT department.
She has been there for 10 years and does consistently good
work. What will happen to her? It is likely she will one day be
promoted to programming manager. The fact that she is a great
coder will apparently mean that she is great at supporting and
coaching people. That wouldn't happen at companies like
Microsoft or Google. They make sure their great programmers
are well paid. They will involve them in key decisions and make
sure they feel valued. But they won't put them in charge of
40. other people unless that is something they are really good at.
If you ask a group of managers whether they enjoy managing
people, you will get two sets of responses. Some will say that
they love it - it is what motivates them to come to work. But
others give a different response. They are good at the core job
but they don't feel they are great at managing people, and
indeed it often causes them great stress. Play to your employees'
strengths, and find a way to get the latter group out of managing
people - it will be liberating for them and for those who
manage.
Let people choose their managers
Imagine that one of your most valued colleagues comes to you
and says: 'I love my job. I love the people I work with. I am
even happy with what I am being paid. But I can't stand my
manager.' If the problem can't be resolved then it's likely that he
or she will leave. A study by the Chartered Management
Institute in 2009 found that 47% of respondents left their last
role because they were badly managed and that 49% would be
prepared to take a pay cut if it meant working with a better
manager.
At Happy, we can solve it in about five minutes. We simply ask
people who they would like as their manager. Given how
important a manager is to getting the most out of others, we let
people choose theirs. This isn't common but Happy is not alone
in this approach.
WL Gore, the multibillion company behind Gore-Tex, also lets
people choose their managers, arguing that 'if you want to be a
leader, you'd better find some followers'.
Other key factors to a happy workplace include a no-blame
culture, a good work/life balance, transparency and a genuine
commitment to the wider community. I like to think about the
question I first heard posed by Professor Julian Birkinshaw of
the London Business School: 'What would management look
like if it were designed by the people who are managed?' I
believe it would look something like what I've described here.
And we have found that applying these principles across many
41. organisations we have worked with creates happier and more
productive workplaces.
TEN STEPS TO A HAPPY WORKPLACE
Guiding principles of the Happy Manifesto
1. Trust your team. Step out of approval. Instead, pre-approve
and focus on supporting your people.
2. Make your people feel good. Make this the focus of
management.
3. Give freedom within clear guidelines. People want to know
what is expected of them. But they want freedom to find the
best way to achieve their goals.
4. Be open and transparent. More informatio n means more
people can take responsibility.
5. Recruit for attitude, train for skill. Instead of qualifications
and experience, recruit on attitude and potential ability.
6. Celebrate mistakes. Create a truly no-blame culture.
7. Community: create mutual benefit. Have a positive impact on
the world and build your organisation too.
8. Love work, get a life. The world, and your job, needs you
well rested, well nourished and well supported.
9. Select managers who are good at managing. Make sure your
people are supported by somebody who is good at doing that,
and find other routes for those whose strengths lie elsewhere.
Even better, allow people to choose their own managers.
10. Play to your strengths - make sure your people spend most
of their time doing what they are best at.
- The Happy Manifesto by Henry Stewart is available from
www.amazon.co.uk. Or contact Happy directly on
[email protected] for a copy.
4 HOW CAN HAPPINESS BE RAISED?
Apparently, greater happiness for a greater number is possible.
42. How can this be
achieved? I see possibilities at three levels: (1) at the macro -
level of society. (2) at the
meso-level of organizations, (3) at the micro-level of individual
citizens.
4.1 Macro-level: Improving the livability of society
Happiness also depends on the quality of the wider society. As
we have seen in Table
1.1, there are wide differences in happiness across nations, and
these differences are
clearly linked to societal qualities, some of which are presented
in Table 1.2.
Will further economic growth make us happier? Table 1.2
suggests so. because
happiness is strongly correlated with the wealth of the nation.
Yet. material affluence
appears to be subject to the law of diminishing return, and
economic growth yields
more happiness in poor nations than in rich nations. This is not
to say that economic
development does not add to happiness at all in rich nations.
Happiness is still on the
rise in affluent nations, and it is well possible that this rise is
linked to economic
growth, directly or indirectly. We simply do not know what the
underlying links are, as
yet.
Still another reason to keep the economy going is that the
"playing" may be as
important as the prizes. Happiness is not only found in
consumption, it is also found in
productive activity. Like most animals, we have an innate need
to use our potentials.
The biological function of this need is to keep us sharp, in the
43. human case, in
particular, to keep the brain in shape. The human species
evolved under the conditions
of a hunter-gatherer existence that involved a lot of challenge.
In today's conditions, as
an industrial society, we still need some challenges and most of
us find them mainly in
our work life. In this perspective, we belter not follow Layard's
(2005) advice to
discourage economic competition, though there is a point in
keeping the competition
nice and leaving room for other arenas in society.
The data in Table 1.2 do not suggest that a reduction of income
differences will add
to happiness; the zero-order correlation is close to zero, and
when the wealth of the
nation is taken into account, we even see a positive effect of
income inequality.
Though income inequality may be unfair, we can apparently live
with it. Likewise, the
data do not suggest that happiness can be advanced by
increasing the offerings of a
welfare state. At first sight, (here is some correlation between
expenditures for social
security and happiness in nations, but the statistical relationship
disappears when we
take into account that big spending nations tend to be richer.
For instance, happiness is
fairly high in Sweden, and Sweden is known for its extended
welfare stale; yet. it is
equally high in Iceland, which scores equally high and spends
much less on social
security (Veenhoven, 2000; Ouweneel, 2002).
The greatest gains seem to be possible in the realms of freedom
and justice. Good
governance also appears to contribute much to average
44. happiness in nations,
irrespective of the political color of the parties in the saddle.
4.2 Meso-level: Improving the livability of institutions
Another source of happiness is the institutional settings in
which we spend most of our
time, such as at work or at school. Systematic improvements in
those realms will
probably add to the average happiness of a nation.
This requires that we know which settings produce the most
happiness, for example,
determine the kind of schools where pupils enjoy their school
years the most.
Curiously, little investigation has been done in this fiel d as yet,
not even for old age
homes. The prime product of such a research would be the
number of happy life years.
Ruut Veenhoven
3
Can we get happier than we are?
There is a lot of talk about quality of life in institutions, but
little research. This is
probably because there is little incentive to bother about the
happiness of pupils and
residents of care homes.
Governments can create an incentive by investigating the
happiness output of
institutions. Once differences are visible, the market will do its
work. For instance.
45. most parents will prefer a school where most children are happy
over a school where
the majority is not, even if the latter school produces higher
grades.
4.3 Micro-level: Helping individuals to live happier
Happiness can be furthered at the individual level in three ways
by: (1) training art-of-
living skills, (2) informing people about the probable outcomes
of choices, and (3)
improving professional guidance in self-development and life
choice. Below, 1 will
expand on these options, since they are particularly relevant for
positive psychology.
4.3.1 Training Art-of-living skills
Many people think that they would be happier if they had more
money or a higher
position on the social ladder. However, research shows that
these things do not matter
very much, at least not in affluent and egalitarian societies.
Differences in income and
social status explain only some 5% of the differences in Fig.
1.1. Current images about
condition for happiness are misleading.
What then does matter for happiness? About 10% of the
differences can be
attributed to social relations, in particular to a good marriage.
Another 10% is due to
good or bad luck, probably more so in countries where life is
less predictable. Most of
the difference appears to be due to personal characteristics:
about 30% can be
attributed to variation in life ability (Headey & Wearing, 1992).
The relative
importance of inner strengths should not be surprising if we
46. realize that living
conditions are typically very good in modern nations: the better
the external conditions,
the less they account for differences in happiness. In Paradise,
all the difference in
happiness will be due to inner competence, neurotics will
quarrel with Angels. In Hell,
the differences in happiness (if any) will largely be determined
by closeness to the fire,
because nobody can stand that environment. So the most evident
way to advance
happiness in modern society is to strengthen life abilities.
Part of these abilities is genetically determined or little
alterable for other reasons.
Still, there are also capabilities that can be improved through
therapy and training.
Psychotherapy is now well established in modern nations but
still underutilized. There
is also an emerging field of training in art of living in line with
the new "positive
psychology." "Art of living" is the knack of leading a satisfying
life, and in particular,
the ability to develop a rewarding life style (Veenhoven. 2003).
This involves various
aptitudes, some of which seems to be susceptible to
improvement using training
techniques. Four of these aptitudes are: (1) the ability to enjoy,
(2) the ability to
choose, (3) the ability to keep developing, and (4) the ability to
see meaning.
Learning to Enjoy
The ability to lake pleasure from life is partly in-born (trait
negativity-positivity). but
can to some extent be cultivated. Learning to take pleasure from
life was part of
47. traditional leisure-class education, which emphasized
prestigious pleasures, such as the
tasting of exquisite wines and the appreciation of difficult
music. Yet, it is also
possible to develop an enjoyment of the common things in life,
such as eating breakfast
or watching the sunset. Training in savoring simple pleasures is
part of some religious
practices.
Hedonistic enjoyment is valued in present day modern society
and figures promi-
nently in advertisements. Yet. techniques that help us to gain
the ability to enjoy are
underdeveloped. There are no professional enjoyment trainers,
at least no trainers
Ruut Veenhoven
4
Can we get happier than we are?
aiming at improving our general level of enjoyment. There is
professional guidance for
specific types of pleasures, such as how to appreciate fine arts,
and often the main goal
is to sell a particular product.
Still, it would seem possible to develop wider enjoyment
training techniques. One
way could be to provide training in "attentiveness." possibly
using meditation
techniques. Another option could be the broadening of one's
repertoire of leisure
activities, which could link up with expertise in various
stimulation programs. A third
way could be looking at ways to remove inner barriers to enjoy,
which could he linked
48. to clinical treatment of a-hedonia.
Learning to Choose
Happiness depends on also the choices one makes in life and
hence also on one's
ability to choose. The art of choosing involves several skills.
One such skill is getting to know what the options are. This
aptitude can be
improved by learning, and this is one of the things we do in
consumer education.
Expertise in this field can be used for training in the charting of
wider life options.
Another requirement is an ability to estimate how well the
various options would lit
one's nature. This requires self-knowledge and that is also
something that can be
improved, self-insight being a common aim in training and
psychotherapy. Once one
knows what to choose, there is often a problem of carrying
through. This phase
requires aptitudes such as perseverance, assertiveness. and
creativity, all of which can
be strengthened and are. in fact, common objectives in
vocational trainings. The next
step in the choice process is assessing the outcomes, in terms of
the above-mentioned
distinction, whether "expected utility" fits "experienced utility."
This phase calls for
openness to one's feelings and a realistic view on one's overall
mood pattern. Training
in mood monitoring is a common practice in psychotherapy and
could possibly be
improved using computer-based techniques of experience
sampling.
The problem is not so much to develop such training techniques,
49. but to separate the
chaff from the corn. That will require independent effect studies
Once such techniques
have been proven to be effective, a market culture will develop.
Learning to Grow
Happiness depends largely on the gratification of basic needs,
and an important class
of such needs is "growth needs" (Maslow, 1954). also referred
to as "functioning
needs" or "mastery needs." These needs are not restricted to
higher mental functions;
they also concern the use and development of the body and
senses. In animals,
gratification of these needs is largely guided by instinct, but in
humans, it requires
conscious action. Cultures typically provide standard action
patterns for this purpose,
such as providing for vocational career scripts or artistic
interests, but people must also
make choices of their own. in particular in multiple-choice
societies. Failure to involve
oneself in challenging activities may lead one to diffused
discontent or even
depression, this, for example, happens regularly after retirement
from work. Thus,
another art of living is to keep oneself going and developing.
Intervention would also seem possible in this case. Mere
information will probably
be useful and one can also think of various ways to get people
going. Once again
training techniques can build on available experience, and in
this case, experience in
various activation programs. There is already an ample supply
of "growth trainings" on
the peripheries of psychology, but. as yet. little evidence is
50. available for the
effectiveness of such interventions and certainly no proof of
long-term effects on
happiness.
Ruut Veenhoven
5
Can we get happier than we are?
Helping to See Meaning
Probably, but not certainly, happiness also depends on one
seeing meaning in one's
life. Though it is not sure that we have an innate need for
meaningfulness as such, the
idea of it provides at least a sense of coherence. Seeing a
meaning in one's life requires
(hat one develops a view of one's life and that one can see
worth in it. These mental
knacks can also be strengthened, and it is possible that one can
also learn to live with
the philosophical uncertainties that surround this issue. There is
experience on this
matter in existential counseling and in practices such as "life
reviewing" (Holahan,
Holahan, & Wonacott. 1999) and "logo therapy" (Frankl. 1946).
As far as I know, the
impact of such interventions on happiness has yet to be
investigated.
4.3.2 Information: Enabling more informed choice
Another way of improving happiness at the individual level is to
inform people about
the consequences of major choices in life. We have to realize
that we live in a
"multiple-choice society." in which about 40% of the
51. differences in happiness seems to
be due to "intentional activity" (Sheldon & Lyubomirsky, 2004.
p. 131). Better
informed choices will give rise to greater happiness.
Life choices are for the most part based on expected happiness,
for instance, we
typically choose a profession we think we will like. Economists
call this "expected
utility," or "decision utility'" and acknowledge that this may
differ from later
"experienced utility." because decisions are mostly made on the
basis of incomplete
information. An example of a malformed choice is the decision
to accept a higher
paying job that requires more commuting. People typically
accept such jobs in the
expectation that the extra money will compensate for the travel
lime, but follow-up
research has shown that they are mostly wrong and that
happiness tends to go down in
such cases (Frey & Stutzer, 2004).
Research of this kind can help people to make more informed
choices. Though there
is no guarantee that things will work out in the same was for
you, it is still useful to
know how it has worked out for other people in the recent past.
Such research is
particularly useful if it concerns similar people. "This policy
does not involve
paternalism: it does not push people into a particular was of
life, but it provides them
with information for making a well-informed autonomous
decision. Paternalism would
only be involved if research is manipulated or its results
communicated selectively, for
instance, if the observed negative effect of parenthood on
52. happiness is disguised
(Veenhoven, 2007. World Database of Happiness: Correlational
Findings on
Happiness and Having Children).
This approach to the furthering of happiness is similar to the
current evidence-based
health education. As in the case of happiness, we are often not
sure about the
consequences of life Style choices on our health. How much
drinking is too much? Is
eating raw vegetables really good for your health? We cannot
answer such questions
on the basis of our own experience, and common wisdom is
often wrong. Hence, we
increasingly look to the results of scientific studies that provide
us with more
information, the results of which are disseminated
systematically.
As yet, the information basis for such a way of furthering
happiness is still small.
Although there is a considerable body of research on happiness,
this research is
typically cross-sectional and does not inform us about cause and
effect. What we need
is panel data that allows us to follow the effects of life choices
over lime. Still another
problem is that current happiness research deals mainly with
things over which we
have little control, such as personality and social background.
What we need is
research into things we can choose, for example, working part
lime or lull time or
raising a family or not.
Ruut Veenhoven
53. 6
Can we get happier than we are?
Once such information becomes available, it will quickly be
disseminated to the
public, through the life style press and the self-help literature.
It can also be included in
organized health education, broadened to become education for
"living well" happiness
education. The problem is not in the dissemination of
knowledge but in the production
of it.
4.3.3 Professional life counseling
If we feel unhealthy, we go to a medical general practitioner,
who makes a diagnosis
and either prescribes a treatment or refers us to a medical
specialist. If we feel
unhappy, there is no such generalist. We have to guess about the
possible causes
ourselves, and on that basis, consult a specialist who may be a
psychologist, a marriage
counselor, or a lawyer. Professional guidance for a happier life
is unavailable as yet.
This is a remarkable market failure, given the large number of
people who feel they
could be happier. The size of the demand is reflected in the
booming sales of self-help
books and the willingness to pay for things that promise greater
happiness, such as
cosmetic surgery and second homes. The main reason is
probably that the knowledge
basis for such a profession is still small and that trust in
happiness counseling is
undermined by the many snake oil merchants operating in this
area.
54. Still there seems to be a future for professional counseling for a
happier life and for
related life coaching and trainings. There is demand for such
services, but as yet no
proper supply. Much can be gained by developing that supply.
One of the ways
forward is to stimulate the professionalization of current
activities in that area, among
other things, by following people who use such services to
establish what interventions
added to happiness or did not. The development of professional
life counseling could
also profit from the above-advised research into long-term
changes in happiness
following major life choices.
5 DO WE NEED GREATER HAPPINESS?
If we can create greater happiness for a greater number, should
we? Several voices say
"no." Part of the objections comes from preachers of penitence,
who like to see us
suffer to clean our sinful souls. Yet. there are also objections
from scientists who
believe that the pursuit of happiness involves negative effects.
One of their qualms is
that mass happiness will be achieved at the cost of freedom, and
another misgiving is
that happy people tend to be passive and uncreative. These
notions figure in Huxley's
(1932) science fiction novel Brave New World, in which
happiness for everybody is
achieved using genetic manipulations and mind control and
where the happy citizens
are short-sighted consumer slaves.
55. Yet, research into the consequences of happiness shows another
picture. It appears
that happiness fosters activity, creativity, and an open mind.
Happy people do better as
a spouse and parent. They are also better citizens; they are
typically better informed
than unhappy compatriots; they involve themselves more in
social action, while being
more moderate in their political views (Lyubomirsky. King. &
Diener, 2005). Still
another thing is that happiness lengthens life, the effect of
happiness being comparable
to smoking or not (Veenhoven, 2008). This evidence on positive
effects of happiness
fits well with the theory that feeling good works as a "go-
signal"; it tells the organism
that the situation is OK and it can go ahead. Consequently,
happy people "broaden"
their behavioral scope and "build" more resources (Fredrickson,
2004).
So, happiness is worth pursuing for its own sake, and for its
positive side effects.
3 GREATER HAPPINESS POSSIBLE?
Can public policy create greater happiness? Several scientists
think not. Some
psychologists maintain that happiness is largely inborn or at
least embedded in stable
personality. Hence, a better society will not yield happier
citizens, This view is known
as the "set point" theory (Lykken, 1999). Some sociologists
draw the same conclusion,
56. because they think happiness depends on social comparison and
that one is not better
off than the neighbors if conditions for everybody improve. In
this vein, the case of the
USA is often mentioned as an example: material wealth would
have doubled there
since the 1950s, while average happiness seems to have
remained at the same level
(Easterlin, 1995). These scientists are wrong, both empirically
and theoretically.
Empirical Indications
There is a clear relation between average happiness and societal
quality. Think of the
case of Zimbabwe in Fig. 1.1. where this country is at the
bottom with an average of
3.3. Apparently, people cannot live happily in a failed state,
even if their neighbors
suffer in a similar way. The correlations in Table 1.2 show that
this is no exception;
differences in quality of society explain about 80% of the
variation in average
happiness in the present day world.
Average happiness has changed in most nations and typically
for the better
(Veenhoven & Hagerty. 2006). Figure 1.2 depicts a gradual rise
of happiness in
Denmark over the last 30 years and a dramatic fall in average
happiness in Russia,
following the Ruble Crisis of 1995. Clearly, happiness is not
fixed to a set point!
Figure 1.2 also shows that greater happiness is possible in most
nations of the world.
Average happiness is currently highest in Denmark, with an
average of 8.2. What is
possible in Denmark should also be possible in other countries.
57. We cannot object that
Danish happiness is a matter of genetic endowment or national
character, because Fig.
1.2 shows that happiness has improved in Denmark since 1973.
Present-day happiness in Denmark may be close to the
maximally possible level. If
so. there is still a long way to go for most nations of this world,
since the world's
average happiness is now about 5.5. If we ever reached the
maximum of average
happiness, there is still the possibility to extend the duration of
our happiness and
create more happy life years for a greater number (Veenhoven.
2005).
Theoretical Underpinning
The erroneous idea that greater happiness is not possible has its
roots in erroneous
theories about the nature of happiness. One of these mistaken
theories is that happi-
ness is merely a matter of outlook on life and that this outlook
is set in fixed disposi-
tions, which are part of an individuals' personality as well as of
their national character.
Another faulty theory is that happiness results from cognitive
comparison, in particular
from social comparison. Elsewhere, I have shown that these
theories are wrong
(Veenhoven, 1991, 1995).
My alternative theory of happiness holds that we appraise life
on the basis of
affective information in the first place. We experience positive
as well as negative
affects, and in appraising how much we like the life we live, we
assess to what extent
the former outbalances the latter. This theory fits Bentham's
58. concept of happiness as
"the sum of pleasures and pains." In my view, positive and
negative affects signal the
gratification of basic human needs, so in the end, happiness is
determined by need
gratification. Elsewhere, I have discussed this theory in more
detail (Veenhoven.
2009).
Ruut Veenhoven
2
Can we get happier than we are?
4 HOW CAN HAPPINESS BE RAISED?
Apparently, greater happiness for a greater number is possible.
How can this be
achieved? I see possibilities at three levels: (1) at the macro -
level of society. (2) at the
meso-level of organizations, (3) at the micro-level of individual
citizens.
4.1 Macro-level: Improving the livability of society
Happiness also depends on the quality of the wider society. As
we have seen in Table
1.1, there are wide differences in happiness across nations, and
these differences are
clearly linked to societal qualities, some of which are presented
in Table 1.2.
Will further economic growth make us happier? Table 1.2
suggests so. because
59. happiness is strongly correlated with the wealth of the nation.
Yet. material affluence
appears to be subject to the law of diminishing return, and
economic growth yields
more happiness in poor nations than in rich nations. This is not
to say that economic
development does not add to happiness at all in rich nations.
Happiness is still on the
rise in affluent nations, and it is well possible that this rise is
linked to economic
growth, directly or indirectly. We simply do not know what the
underlying links are, as
yet.
Still another reason to keep the economy going is that the
"playing" may be as
important as the prizes. Happiness is not only found in
consumption, it is also found in
productive activity. Like most animals, we have an innate need
to use our potentials.
The biological function of this need is to keep us sharp, in the
human case, in
particular, to keep the brain in shape. The human species
evolved under the conditions
of a hunter-gatherer existence that involved a lot of challenge.
In today's conditions, as
an industrial society, we still need some challenges and most of
us find them mainly in
our work life. In this perspective, we belter not follow Layard's
(2005) advice to
discourage economic competition, though there is a point in
keeping the competition
nice and leaving room for other arenas in society.
The data in Table 1.2 do not suggest that a reduction of income
differences will add
to happiness; the zero-order correlation is close to zero, and
when the wealth of the
60. nation is taken into account, we even see a positive effect of
income inequality.
Though income inequality may be unfair, we can apparently live
with it. Likewise, the
data do not suggest that happiness can be advanced by
increasing the offerings of a
welfare state. At first sight, (here is some correlation between
expenditures for social
security and happiness in nations, but the statistical relationship
disappears when we
take into account that big spending nations tend to be richer.
For instance, happiness is
fairly high in Sweden, and Sweden is known for its extended
welfare stale; yet. it is
equally high in Iceland, which scores equally high and spends
much less on social
security (Veenhoven, 2000; Ouweneel, 2002).
The greatest gains seem to be possible in the realms of freedom
and justice. Good
governance also appears to contribute much to average
happiness in nations,
irrespective of the political color of the parties in the saddle.
4.2 Meso-level: Improving the livability of institutions
Another source of happiness is the institutional settings in
which we spend most of our
time, such as at work or at school. Systematic improvements in
those realms will
probably add to the average happiness of a nation.
This requires that we know which settings produce the most
happiness, for example,
determine the kind of schools where pupils enjoy their school
years the most.
Curiously, little investigation has been done in this field as yet,
not even for old age
homes. The prime product of such a research would be the
61. number of happy life years.
Ruut Veenhoven
3
Can we get happier than we are?
There is a lot of talk about quality of life in institutions, but
little research. This is
probably because there is little incentive to bother about the
happiness of pupils and
residents of care homes.
Governments can create an incentive by investigating the
happiness output of
institutions. Once differences are visible, the market will do its
work. For instance.
most parents will prefer a school where most children are happy
over a school where
the majority is not, even if the latter school produces higher
grades.
4.3 Micro-level: Helping individuals to live happier
Happiness can be furthered at the individual level in three ways
by: (1) training art-of-
living skills, (2) informing people about the probable outcomes
of choices, and (3)
improving professional guidance in self-development and life
choice. Below, 1 will
expand on these options, since they are particularly relevant for
positive psychology.
4.3.1 Training Art-of-living skills
62. Many people think that they would be happier if they had more
money or a higher
position on the social ladder. However, research shows that
these things do not matter
very much, at least not in affluent and egalitarian societies.
Differences in income and
social status explain only some 5% of the differences in Fig.
1.1. Current images about
condition for happiness are misleading.
What then does matter for happiness? About 10% of the
differences can be
attributed to social relations, in particular to a good marriage.
Another 10% is due to
good or bad luck, probably more so in countries where life is
less predictable. Most of
the difference appears to be due to personal characteristics:
about 30% can be
attributed to variation in life ability (Headey & Wearing, 1992).
The relative
importance of inner strengths should not be surprising if we
realize that living
conditions are typically very good in modern nations: the better
the external conditions,
the less they account for differences in happiness. In Paradise,
all the difference in
happiness will be due to inner competence, neurotics will
quarrel with Angels. In Hell,
the differences in happiness (if any) will largely be determined
by closeness to the fire,
because nobody can stand that environment. So the most evident
way to advance
happiness in modern society is to strengthen life abilities.
Part of these abilities is genetically determined or little
alterable for other reasons.
Still, there are also capabilities that can be improved through
therapy and training.
63. Psychotherapy is now well established in modern nations but
still underutilized. There
is also an emerging field of training in art of living in line with
the new "positive
psychology." "Art of living" is the knack of leading a satisfying
life, and in particular,
the ability to develop a rewarding life style (Veenhoven. 2003).
This involves various
aptitudes, some of which seems to be susceptible to
improvement using training
techniques. Four of these aptitudes are: (1) the ability to enjoy,
(2) the ability to
choose, (3) the ability to keep developing, and (4) the ability to
see meaning.
Learning to Enjoy
The ability to lake pleasure from life is partly in-born (trait
negativity-positivity). but
can to some extent be cultivated. Learning to take pleasure from
life was part of
traditional leisure-class education, which emphasized
prestigious pleasures, such as the
tasting of exquisite wines and the appreciation of difficult
music. Yet, it is also
possible to develop an enjoyment of the common things in life,
such as eating breakfast
or watching the sunset. Training in savoring simple pleasures is
part of some religious
practices.
Hedonistic enjoyment is valued in present day modern society
and figures promi-
nently in advertisements. Yet. techniques that help us to gain
the ability to enjoy are
underdeveloped. There are no professional enjoyment trainers,
at least no trainers
Ruut Veenhoven
64. 4
Can we get happier than we are?
aiming at improving our general level of enjoyment. There is
professional guidance for
specific types of pleasures, such as how to appreciate fine arts,
and often the main goal
is to sell a particular product.
Still, it would seem possible to develop wider enjoyment
training techniques. One
way could be to provide training in "attentiveness." possibly
using meditation
techniques. Another option could be the broadening of one's
repertoire of leisure
activities, which could link up with expertise in various
stimulation programs. A third
way could be looking at ways to remove inner barriers to enjoy,
which could he linked
to clinical treatment of a-hedonia.
Learning to Choose
Happiness depends on also the choices one makes in life and
hence also on one's
ability to choose. The art of choosing involves several skills.
One such skill is getting to know what the options are. This
aptitude can be
improved by learning, and this is one of the things we do in
consumer education.
Expertise in this field can be used for training in the charting of
wider life options.
Another requirement is an ability to estimate how well the
various options would lit
one's nature. This requires self-knowledge and that is also
65. something that can be
improved, self-insight being a common aim in training and
psychotherapy. Once one
knows what to choose, there is often a problem of carrying
through. This phase
requires aptitudes such as perseverance, assertiveness. and
creativity, all of which can
be strengthened and are. in fact, common objectives in
vocational trainings. The next
step in the choice process is assessing the outcomes, in terms of
the above-mentioned
distinction, whether "expected utility" fits "experienced utility."
This phase calls for
openness to one's feelings and a realistic view on one's overall
mood pattern. Training
in mood monitoring is a common practice in psychotherapy and
could possibly be
improved using computer-based techniques of experience
sampling.
The problem is not so much to develop such training techniques,
but to separate the
chaff from the corn. That will require independent effect studies
Once such techniques
have been proven to be effective, a market culture will develop.
Learning to Grow
Happiness depends largely on the gratification of basic needs ,
and an important class
of such needs is "growth needs" (Maslow, 1954). also referred
to as "functioning
needs" or "mastery needs." These needs are not restricted to
higher mental functions;
they also concern the use and development of the body and
senses. In animals,
gratification of these needs is largely guided by instinct, but in
humans, it requires
66. conscious action. Cultures typically provide standard action
patterns for this purpose,
such as providing for vocational career scripts or artistic
interests, but people must also
make choices of their own. in particular in multiple-choice
societies. Failure to involve
oneself in challenging activities may lead one to diffused
discontent or even
depression, this, for example, happens regularly after retirement
from work. Thus,
another art of living is to keep oneself going and developing.
Intervention would also seem possible in this case. Mere
information will probably
be useful and one can also think of various ways to get people
going. Once again
training techniques can build on available experience, and in
this case, experience in
various activation programs. There is already an ample supply
of "growth trainings" on
the peripheries of psychology, but. as yet. little evidence is
available for the
effectiveness of such interventions and certainly no proof of
long-term effects on
happiness.
Ruut Veenhoven
5
Can we get happier than we are?
Helping to See Meaning
Probably, but not certainly, happiness also depends on one
seeing meaning in one's
life. Though it is not sure that we have an innate need for
meaningfulness as such, the
idea of it provides at least a sense of coherence. Seeing a
67. meaning in one's life requires
(hat one develops a view of one's life and that one can see
worth in it. These mental
knacks can also be strengthened, and it is possible that one can
also learn to live with
the philosophical uncertainties that surround this issue. There is
experience on this
matter in existential counseling and in practices such as "li fe
reviewing" (Holahan,
Holahan, & Wonacott. 1999) and "logo therapy" (Frankl. 1946).
As far as I know, the
impact of such interventions on happiness has yet to be
investigated.
4.3.2 Information: Enabling more informed choice
Another way of improving happiness at the individual level is to
inform people about
the consequences of major choices in life. We have to realize
that we live in a
"multiple-choice society." in which about 40% of the
differences in happiness seems to
be due to "intentional activity" (Sheldon & Lyubomirsky, 2004.
p. 131). Better
informed choices will give rise to greater happiness.
Life choices are for the most part based on expected happiness,
for instance, we
typically choose a profession we think we will like. Economists
call this "expected
utility," or "decision utility'" and acknowledge that this may
differ from later
"experienced utility." because decisions are mostly made on the
basis of incomplete
information. An example of a malformed choice is the decision
to accept a higher
paying job that requires more commuting. People typically
accept such jobs in the
68. expectation that the extra money will compensate for the travel
lime, but follow-up
research has shown that they are mostly wrong and that
happiness tends to go down in
such cases (Frey & Stutzer, 2004).
Research of this kind can help people to make more informed
choices. Though there
is no guarantee that things will work out in the same was for
you, it is still useful to
know how it has worked out for other people in the recent past.
Such research is
particularly useful if it concerns similar people. "This policy
does not involve
paternalism: it does not push people into a particular was of
life, but it provides them
with information for making a well-informed autonomous
decision. Paternalism would
only be involved if research is manipulated or its results
communicated selectively, for
instance, if the observed negative effect of parenthood on
happiness is disguised
(Veenhoven, 2007. World Database of Happiness: Correlational
Findings on
Happiness and Having Children).
This approach to the furthering of happiness is similar to the
current evidence-based
health education. As in the case of happiness, we are often not
sure about the
consequences of life Style choices on our health. How much
drinking is too much? Is
eating raw vegetables really good for your health? We cannot
answer such questions
on the basis of our own experience, and common wisdom is
often wrong. Hence, we
increasingly look to the results of scientific studies that provide
us with more
69. information, the results of which are disseminated
systematically.
As yet, the information basis for such a way of furthering
happiness is still small.
Although there is a considerable body of research on happiness,
this research is
typically cross-sectional and does not inform us about cause and
effect. What we need
is panel data that allows us to follow the effects of life choices
over lime. Still another
problem is that current happiness research deals mainly with
things over which we
have little control, such as personality and social background.
What we need is
research into things we can choose, for example, working part
lime or lull time or
raising a family or not.
Ruut Veenhoven
6
Can we get happier than we are?
Once such information becomes available, it will quickly be
disseminated to the
public, through the life style press and the self-help literature.
It can also be included in
organized health education, broadened to become education for
"living well" happiness
education. The problem is not in the dissemination of
knowledge but in the production
of it.
4.3.3 Professional life counseling
If we feel unhealthy, we go to a medical general practitioner,
who makes a diagnosis
70. and either prescribes a treatment or refers us to a medical
specialist. If we feel
unhappy, there is no such generalist. We have to guess about the
possible causes
ourselves, and on that basis, consult a specialist who may be a
psychologist, a marriage
counselor, or a lawyer. Professional guidance for a happier life
is unavailable as yet.
This is a remarkable market failure, given the large number of
people who feel they
could be happier. The size of the demand is reflected in the
booming sales of self-help
books and the willingness to pay for things that promise greater
happiness, such as
cosmetic surgery and second homes. The main reason is
probably that the knowledge
basis for such a profession is still small and that trust in
happiness counseling is
undermined by the many snake oil merchants operating in this
area.
Still there seems to be a future for professional counseling for a
happier life and for
related life coaching and trainings. There is demand for such
services, but as yet no
proper supply. Much can be gained by developing that supply.
One of the ways
forward is to stimulate the professionalization of current
activities in that area, among
other things, by following people who use such services to
establish what interventions
added to happiness or did not. The development of professional
life counseling could
also profit from the above-advised research into long-term
changes in happiness
following major life choices.
71. 5 DO WE NEED GREATER HAPPINESS?
If we can create greater happiness for a greater number, should
we? Several voices say
"no." Part of the objections comes from preachers of penitence,
who like to see us
suffer to clean our sinful souls. Yet. there are also objections
from scientists who
believe that the pursuit of happiness involves negative effects.
One of their qualms is
that mass happiness will be achieved at the cost of freedom, and
another misgiving is
that happy people tend to be passive and uncreative. These
notions figure in Huxley's
(1932) science fiction novel Brave New World, in which
happiness for everybody is
achieved using genetic manipulations and mind control and
where the happy citizens
are short-sighted consumer slaves.
Yet, research into the consequences of happiness shows another
picture. It appears
that happiness fosters activity, creativity, and an open mind.
Happy people do better as
a spouse and parent. They are also better citizens; they are
typically better informed
than unhappy compatriots; they involve themselves more in
social action, while being
more moderate in their political views (Lyubomirsky. King. &
Diener, 2005). Still
another thing is that happiness lengthens life, the effect of
happiness being comparable
to smoking or not (Veenhoven, 2008). This evidence on positive
effects of happiness
fits well with the theory that feeling good works as a "go-
signal"; it tells the organism
72. that the situation is OK and it can go ahead. Consequently,
happy people "broaden"
their behavioral scope and "build" more resources (Fredrickson,
2004).
So, happiness is worth pursuing for its own sake, and for its
positive side effects.