1.
Framing Theory and Gang Culture: Comparing At-Risk Youths’ Perception of Gangs to
Depiction of Gang Activity in Media
Anakaren Ureño
Spring 2016
Department of Communications
California State University, Fullerton

2. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
2
Introduction
Violence has permeated our society. News headlines are consistently littered with
murder, terrorism and aggression. In 2015, Facebook released a list of the most discussed topics
of the year; the list included the November attacks in Paris, the fight against ISIS, the Charlie
Hebdo attack, the Baltimore protests and the Charleston shooting, among others. Social media
users from around the world unfailingly weigh in with opinions on how events can be prevented,
in addition to their personal opinions of those responsible for the violence.
Gang activity and involvement is often mentioned in media stories both regionally and
nationally and these stories are often created and shared after incidents usually involving
criminal and violent activity. Gang members are depicted as violent, aggressive and intimidating.
However, “because a society is based on a system of power and privilege the news stories
produced also incorporate such a system and attract discourses that pose little or no threat to the
existing social order and, too often, the result is the media’s demonization or dehumanization of
inner-city gangs” (Tovares, 2000).
The discourse surrounding the violence associated with gang activity is more often than
not controlled by the media rather than by those actually involved. Journalists and reporters
arrive only at the scene of the crime, but they are not present in the days leading up to or
following tragic events. Yet, they are entrusted with depicting an accurate representation of the
community, its members and the violence that occurs within it.
The parents and siblings of these gang members read about their relatives in the local
news and the comments left on social media. The entire persona of a loved one is often summed
up in a headline, leaving out the humanizing details. In an attempt to gain a better understanding
of the communities affected by criminal gang activity, this paper compares at-risk youths’
perception of gangs to depiction of gang activity in the media.

3. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
3
Literature Review and Theoretical Background
“One influential way that the media may shape public opinion is by framing events and
issues in particular ways. Framing involves a communication source presenting and defining an
issue” (de Vreese, 2005). Framing theory has roots in both psychology and sociology and is
based on Goffman’s (1974) assumptions that individuals struggle to make sense of their
experiences and the world around them. Thus, the news media are charged with the task of
eliminating the complexity of the world that surrounds individuals by “framing” certain news
topics so that they are more easily understood (Gans, 1979).
After completing several studies researching agenda-building, Scheufele was able to
identify a number of factors that affect how journalists frame varying issues (Kim, Carvalho,
Davis, 2010). Scheufele identified social norms and cultural values as one of the factors that
contributed to story framing in the news. This factor was attributed to the individualism
prevalent in American culture; Kim and Willis (2007) found that in news stories, certain
individuals were identified as the problem, allowing journalists and reporters to avoid identifying
and discussing larger societal issues. Organizational pressures and constraints was identified as
the second factor (Kim, Carvalho, Davis, 2010), which assumes that the political orientation of a
news source affects the way in which stories are framed.
In addition to the framing factors identified, Scheufele also highlighted several
professional journalistic norms that contribute to the way in which stories are presented. Industry
standards, such as reliance on traditional sources like government officials, press releases and
press conferences (Kim, Carvalho, Davis, 2010). There were two other journalistic routines
identified that included, episodic framing in which a topic is presented in a specific event and
thematic framing, which “places a topic in a larger and more abstract social context” (Kim,

4. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
4
Carvalho, Davis, 2010). Episodic framing, the most preferred method due to time constraints, is
the one we see most often in the representation of gangs in the media.
Going beyond thematic and episodic framing, is the incorporation of visuals into
storytelling in the news. The power of visuals as vehicles of communication have long been
acknowledged by scholars, and Hearst’s involvement in the Spanish American War is a popular
point of reference. Hearst’s famous response to a journalist on location, “you furnish the pictures
and I’ll furnish the war,” may not have been intended to frame news, but rather sell newspapers,
however it solidified the idea that those consuming the news appreciated and showed stronger
interest when images, particularly graphic ones, were included in their news. News visuals give
the illusion of eliminating the geographical gap by bringing stories of war abroad and crime in
urban areas to life with graphic images of bloodied victims and tearful family members (Powell,
Boomgaarden, Swert, Vreese, 2015). In an age when text is being rapidly replaced or limited
(Twitter, Instagram, etc.), images quickly become the dominating news source. A pictures is,
after all, worth a thousand words.
Furthermore, studies by Powell, et al. (2015), revealed the persuasive power of images
over behavioral intentions. In addition, the studies revealed the significant effects images had on
the emotions of the individuals involved in the study. The images successfully elicited sympathy
from individuals and in turn, increased support for intervention (military) in a war zone, in
addition to also revealing stronger behavior intentions (Powell, et al., 2015). However, it is
important to note that images presented alone, with no text and to individuals with no prior
knowledge of military conflict, were not as impactful.
DeVreese (2005) describes framing as a process due the dynamic nature of
communication. Scheufele (1999) identified the several factors involved in frame building,
which can be labeled as the first part of the framing process. The second part, frame setting,

5. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
5
refers to “the interaction of between media frames and individuals’ prior knowledge and
predispositions” (deVreese, 2005). Meaning that the knowledge and information that an
individual has prior to receiving the news contributes to the way in which the news is received
and perceived by the individual, depending on the way in which it is framed. In this capacity,
frame setting has the ability to alter an individuals’ perception of news items and can affect and
contribute to societal discourse on popular news items, including politics, public policy, social
issues and more.
Finally, in framing, who can be held responsible? If the responsibility lies in the hands of
those in charge of disseminating the message, are then journalists and reporters to blame?
Specifically, news media who “seek to reduce the complexity of the issues by presenting them in
easy-to-understand interpretative packages” (Kim, Carvalho, Davis, 2010). Perhaps
inadvertently, news media only select certain aspects of a story to share in an attempt to simplify
the message to fit the time and space constraints that are faced in the journalistic industry.
Kim, Carvalho and Davis (2010) derived two definitions of responsibility: causal and
treatment responsibilities in which case, causal deals with the source of the problem, while
treatment responsibility looks at those capable of alleviating the problem. Causal responsibility
can be linked to Plato’s philosophies and theories of who should be in the decision-making
position. This responsibility is derived from the belief that the general population is incapable of
reaching its own conclusions and making its own decisions. Therefore, it is necessary to give the
responsibility to the “philosophers” of society, those with sufficient knowledge and wisdom to
reach educated conclusions. In the case of contemporary society and news media, the decision-
making power has been entrusted to the various news stations, journalists and reporters that are
responsible for gathering and disseminating local, national and international news.

6. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
6
Due to the increasingly complex nature of our society and the different aspects of it that
have been incorporated as technology has progressed, we have become alarmingly dependent on
mass media as “a resource in the formation of a sense of social reality” (Thompson, et al., 2000).
In other words, our own realities are so complex that we are left to learn about other’s realities
through mass media rather than through actual interactions with individuals. News coverage of
criminal gang activity has increased significantly over the years and, because the majority of
individuals have little to no personal experience with gang activity, society relies on mass media
to derive their knowledge and understanding of gang culture (Thompson, et al., 2000).
Gans (1980) identified two major categories of news, including disorder and routine
news. Disorder news included natural, technological, social and moral and using that
categorization Thompson et al. (2000) found that gang news was primarily framed as a social
and moral disorder news. Thompson’s (2000) study further revealed that news stories involving
gang activity were often presented in conjunction with “fear provoking images of families torn
apart, schools turned into battle grounds, and communities paralyzed with fear.” In a culture with
an established social order, gang activities portrayed in the media often threaten commonly held
standards of decency and morality.
As a society we have selected reporters and journalists as the storytellers of the realities
that surround us, but are unable to experience. They litter our days and evenings with news of
crime and social disorder from around the world and in every story a villain must be identified to
ensure that there is something or someone that can be conquered to restore social order
(Thompson, et al., 2000). The criminal gang is utilized as “a cultural metaphor when the gang-
problem motif is used to highlight aspects of other social problems, such as the crisis in public
education or the deterioration of community” (Thompson, et al., 2000). Gang members are often

7. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
7
used as scapegoats for larger societal problems and the stories selected by the mass media are
used as a central aspect of social control.
The result of these stories are the commonly seen clichés in journalism, including violent,
drug addicted, minority youths (Tovares, 2000). The purpose of these stories is to “contribute to
the stability of society and further the interests of those in power” (Tovares, 2000).
Decker and Kempf-Leonard (1991) queried groups of St. Louis gang members, non-gang
juvenile detainees, police officers, and local policymakers with a questionnaire designed
to establish how the respondents received most of their knowledge about youth gangs, as
well as how accurate they believed media representations of youth gangs to be. While
100% of gang members, 85% of non-gang detainees, and 96% of police officers
responded that most of their information came from first- or secondhand knowledge (i.e.,
either by being a gang member or by having contact with gang members), 52% of
policymakers reported that mass media were the primary sources of their gang
information. When asked to rate how accurately media portrayed gangs, only 25% of
gang members, 28% of non-gang detainees, nine percent of police officers, and 30% of
policymakers rated media portrayal as "accurate" (Perrone, Chesney-Lind, 1997).
It must be acknowledged, on occasions when continuous news coverage of gang and
youth violence parallels the rise in actual crime, it is the framing of the story and the frames in
which they are set that determine the response from the society at large (Colomy, Greiner, 2000).
This study will aim to understand if, in truth, the depiction of gangs in the media is an accurate
representation of the reality of gang violence in the South Central Los Angeles region.
Research Questions
To gain a clearer understanding of how at-risk youths perceive gang activity and
depiction in the media, this paper will seek to answer the following question.
• RQ1: What aspects of gang activity and membership are predominantly covered in local
media?
• RQ2: How does media representation of gang activity and membership compare to the
perception that at-risk youth have of gang activity and membership?

8. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
8
Methodology
For this study, qualitative research methods will be employed in order to gather more
complex textual descriptions of how at-risk youth experience and interpret the depiction of gang
activity in the media.
The research will involve in-depth interviews with several at-risk youths to gather insight
into their thoughts, experiences and views on gang activity for a comparison to how gang activity
and involvement are depicted in the media. Because the interview questions will be developed by
the researcher, conceptual definitions will be necessary for the study.
The research will be geographically limited to the area of South Los Angeles with the
Asian American Drug Abuse Program (AADAP), specifically the Youth and Family Gang
Intervention Program funded by the Los Angeles County Probation Department to provide
intervention services to probationary youth ages 10-18 years old.
Each interviewee will answer between 10-12 questions relating to their personal
experiences with gang activity and the depiction of gangs in the media. For this, it will be
necessary to reference several local and regional articles that mention or cover gang activity in
Southern California. In developing the questions, I will focus on news stories covered in
mainstream media, including local television news stations, newspapers and magazines.
The interviewer will take notes as the interview is taking place. The interviews were not
recorded in an effort to encourage the participants to be as honest and open as possible.
Participants
Individuals in the study consisted of four females and seven male participants at
Manhattan Place Elementary School and Horace Mann Middle School, both located in South
Central Los Angeles. Ages of the participants ranged between the ages of 10 to 14. Of the 11
participants, only five are active participants in AADAP, while the remaining six participants

9. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
9
were identified as “at-risk youth,” their guardians did not consent to their participation in the
program.
Sampling
Participants were recruited with the help of a Gang Reduction & Youth Development
Case Manager with the Asian American Drug Abuse Program (AADAP) in South Central Los
Angeles. Each individual was identified as an at-risk youth student with a high-risk of becoming
involved with gangs by AADAP using the Youth Services Eligibility Tool (YSET).
Procedure
Prior to the interviews, the case manager provided background to the researcher that
suggested that the at-risk youth might be hesitant to speak candidly. Due to the accessibility of
the location and that background information, all of the interviews were conducted in-person
after school, usually between 3 p.m. and 6 p.m. Each individual was interviewed in-person and
was given a choice of whether or not they wanted to participate in an interview that was
attempting to assess their perception of gangs. There were ten semi-structured questions used for
the interviewed that allowed room for more subjective responses. The complete list of questions
is provided in Appendix A.
Analysis
Participant responses were transcribed and analyzed for themes pertaining to the second
research question that attempts to gain an understanding of the perception that at-risk youth have
of gangs. Responses emphasizing gang behavior, reasons for gang membership, effects of gang
activity and sources of information were grouped and connected as they pertain to the perception
that at-risk youth in South Central Los Angeles have of gangs.
Results
Q1: What aspects of gang activity and membership are predominantly covered in local media?

10. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
10
The National Gang Center (NGC), a project jointly funded by the U.S. Department of
Justice’s Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention and the Bureau of Justice
Assistance, has a page on its website that aggregates articles pertaining to gangs and gang-related
activities from various U.S. and Canadian news sources. This page was used as a resource to
gather news articles from various Los Angeles news sources relating to gang activity in 2016; a
total of seven articles were collected for analysis.
An analysis of the articles revealed that there were four predominant themes in the
depiction of gangs in the media. These included criminal behavior, reasons for which people
might join a gang, the effects of gang activity on the impacted neighborhoods and the efforts
involved in combating gang-related crime in the affected communities.
In an article headlined, “LAPD addresses rising street crime at town hall,” Varnado
(2016) attributes the rise in street crime to gang violence involving “two people being killed and
four others being assaulted in a six-hour period.” This theme of criminal behavior, specifically
violence and often involving gang rivalries, is prevalent in articles appearing in Los Angeles
regional media throughout the 2016 year. In an interview with the LA Daily News appearing in
March of 2016, Pastor Rudy Trujillo comments on the ease with which youth participate in
criminal behavior saying, “It’s too easy for these young guys to pick up a gun today and shoot
because they have no regard for life.” In addition, an article appearing in the The Los Angeles
Times later that month headlined with “Compton gang member convicted of killing man in 2014
drive-by shooting.” Furthermore, My News LA (Jackson, 2016) reported on the lawsuit that City
Attorney Mike Feuer brought against South Los Angeles apartment complexes that seeks
injunction of a building that “is allegedly used by the Hoovers street gang and has been
connected to several shootings, a stabbing, and a homicide in August 2015.”

11. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
11
A second theme that appeared in various news articles was an explanation for the appeal
of gang membership. In reference to the youth involved with gang violence, “they’re trying to
make a name for themselves, leave their mark,” says Pastor Rudy Trujillo (McCarthy, 2016).
Further exploration of this theme revealed that another reason for gang membership could be
linked to an inability of the at-risk youth to look toward the future. “When they realize they’re in
trouble, sometimes they start coming to their sense. I tell them that if they don’t change their
habits, patterns, and re-establish themselves, jail is where they’re going to end up” (McCarthy,
2016). Tchekmedyian (2016) explores the reason for gang formation and membership further,
“From their point of view, they were soldiers of the neighborhood. It was incumbent upon them
to protect their neighborhood from outsiders.” This idea of gang members acting as soldiers of
the neighborhood sheds light on the long-standing discordance between gang members and
members of law enforcement, an explanation that goes beyond a history of exchanged violence
between law enforcement and gangs in Los Angeles.
A third theme that was derived from the analysis of news articles is the effects of gang-
related violence on surrounding communities. An emphasis was often placed on the damage to
private and public property and the fear generated by gang-related activity in the affected
neighborhoods. An increase of home invasion robberies covered by The Los Angeles Wave
(Varnado, 2016) quoted a resident as “feeling like I’m a prisoner…in my house. I shouldn’t have
to walk with a gun from room-to-room because of home invasion. That’s my reality.” City
Attorney Mike Feuer cited “taking back this neighborhood from the gangs and returning it to the
residents who live there” as a reason for the lawsuits he brought against owners of South Los
Angeles apartment complexes “allegedly used by street gangs for drug sales and other criminal
activity.” A public decry against the hold that gangs have against neighborhoods through the fear
they’ve instilled as a result of their constant violence. An emphasis on the lack of safety and the

12. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
12
need to defend that freedom from fear, “the communities deserve to be safe, particularly where
families live and play,” said Chief Charlie Beck to My News LA (Jackson, 2016). The Los
Angeles Times, in reporting about the increase of violence in Burbank described “fearful
residents” that “slept in their bathtubs to avoid stray bullets” (Tchekmedyian, 2016). A direct
response to gang-related violence came in the form of Neighborhood Watch groups, according to
The Los Angeles Times. This response to gang-related violence was not isolated and the constant
efforts against gang-activity was identified as a fourth theme in the depiction of gangs in the
media.
A fourth major theme identified in the depiction of gangs in Los Angeles regional media
was the constant presence in the media of the efforts that are being taken to prevent and decrease
gang-related activity, including Neighborhood Watch groups (Tchekmedyian, 2016) and gang
intervention groups (McCarthy, 2016). A list of efforts developed after analysis of the articles
included “strategically deploying gang intervention and prevention and officers from the Gang,
Metropolitan, and Community Relations units” (Varnado, 2016), community safety initiatives,
lawsuits, “restoring the full gang enforcement unit” (Tchekmedyian, 2016) and “officers are
spending more time in gang neighborhoods, checking on gang members and offering new
financial rewards for information about gang crimes” (Lee, 2016).
RQ2: What perception do at-risk youth have of gang activity and membership?
Participant Gender Age
P1 Female 14
P2 Female 14
P3 Male 11
P4 Male 13
P5 Male 13
P6 Male 12
P7 Male 10
P8 Male 10
P9 Female 11
P10 Female 10

13. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
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P11 Male 11
Questions Results
Tell me what you know about gangs. • P2: “Like gangbangers and all that?
Bloods you wear all red and crips is
where you wear blue.”
• P3: “Gangsters always meet each other
somewhere in a dark place; they smoke
too much and if someone gets near them
they’re in big trouble.”
• P4: “I learned that other gangs don’t
like other gangs.”
• P6: “Bloods and crips, they shoot people
and judge you based on what color you
wear.”
• P9: “That you’re not supposed to join
them and they’re bad and in order to get
out of one you have to kill someone or
you get shot.”
What does the term “gang violence” mean to
you?
• P1: “Shooting, going to prison and
getting in trouble.”
• P2: “It means you gotta be aware of where
you are at a certain place or a certain time.
It means you gotta stay at home or at
school.”
• P3: “They fight, sometimes they use
guns. I heard a shot noise. My little
brother was crying because we heard shots
while playing in the what do you call it?
Backyard, and I told him to stay calm and
quiet because someone might shoot us, so
we went back inside.”
• P5: “They kill people, they rob people,
they steal.”
• P8: “Sometimes, like last time me and
Lasandra were outside and there was these
old people saying “they’re coming” and
we was like “who?” And they were like,
“gangbangers.” We just ran inside.”
• P11: “People that didn’t get their
education and then they joined a gang.”

14. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
14
What do you think when you see tagging or
graffiti on the walls on the streets?
• P2: “I don’t be outside during the day
or at night.”
• P3: “I think it’s a gangster’s place, it’s not
safe. I heard sometimes they might spray
you with it and you’ll go blind a little bit.”
• P6: “That they put up their gang signs,
they put up where they’re from.”
• P7: “Oh yeah, I see graffiti. It means a
threat to the world.”
Are there things you wish you could do, but
can’t because of gangs on the street?
• P1: “I’ve mostly seen gangs on tv and in
movies.”
• P4: “One time there was a fight right on
Normandie, there was stopped traffic
because everyone was watching the fight
till someone pulled out a gun and shot
the other guy. I ran straight into the
house.”
• P5: “Sometimes my dad will tell me to
stay in the house because he say there’s
people outside the house and he doesn’t
know what they’re doing.”
• P6: “Times when I wasn’t allowed to
play outside or couldn’t hang out.”
• P7: “I remember we didn’t have money
and I tried to have a garage sale but she
[mom] didn’t let me because there was
gangs at home.”
• P10: “Yeah, some things that I wish I
could do is make everybody have peace.
There’s some people, they’re called the
bloods and the crips and they always
fighting and I wish they could just get
along.”

15. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
15
What is your home life like? • P4: “My parents broke up because my
dad was cheating on my mom, it’s
complicated. I live with my mom, my
stepdad and two [of 8] siblings.”
• P5: “My grandma, my dad, my grandpa
and my brothers and sisters.”
• P7: “My sister, my mom and my
roommate.”
• P10: “My brother don’t live with me. We
have different dad’s, they live with their
dad. I live with my dad, my grandma,
my auntie, my three uncles and my
other uncle.”
• P11: “My mom, sister, brother and
that’s it.”
• Why do you think someone might join a
gang?
• P2: “They want to try and fit in, act like
they’re from somewhere when they’re
not.”
• P3: “I heard someone say that if you’re
a gangster you’re homeless, is it true?”
• P6: “So they won’t be homeless and to
get money, a gang would give them
somewhere to live.”
• P7: “Because sometimes people don’t
succeed at what they want to be so they
might just join a gang.”
• P9: “Because they come from jail and they
don’t have anything else to do with
their lives.”
• P10: “Like so they can feel like a boss
and then they can get a group of people
that are in their gangs and shoot people
that used to bully them.”
• P11: “So they could get revenge on
bullies.”

16. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
16
What are some reasons you wouldn’t join a
gang?
• P2: “If you join a gang somewhere you’re
not from, they’re gonna shoot you or
steal you, so yeah, I’m in no gang.”
• P3: “My parents say don’t be with a
gangster and don’t do nothing with them.”
• P4: “My family. Because I know they’d
be disappointed and I know some people
look up to me in my family, like my
younger siblings.”
• P5: “In science class they teach us how
it’s bad to join a gang or your friends
might want to encourage you.”
• P8: “I wouldn’t want to join because
there’s different types of gangs and they
just be killing each other and I don’t want
to be one of those kids that die young
and I don’t want to be trying to hide a
criminal record.”
• P9: “Cause, I’ll get shot and you would
have to murder people and do drive-
by’s and things.”
• P11: “It’ll mess up my career, my
dream.”
What are your thoughts on gang intervention
and prevention programs?
• P1: “I enjoy them because I get to have
someone that understands me, how I
feel and that kind of stuff.”
• P3: “I actually think it’s fantastic. I can
tell her about what I do or she can call my
mom and she can help me with
anything; homework, bulling, making
sure I talk to my mom.”
• P4: “I think they’re good because they
help people who are in gangs or who were
in a gang do better things with their
lives.”
• P5: “They’re helpful because they stop
someone from doing the wrong thing
and ruining their life.”
• P8: “It’s nice cause before we knew
about this program there were kids that
were getting in trouble and now they’re
not…I’d say the program is starting to
help a lot.”
• P10: “It’s really great because you can
talk about your feelings and they care.”

17. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
17
What do you think of the police? • P2: “Police help keep people safe and
their activity is to take bad people to
jail and to give people tickets when
they’re speeding or when they run a red
light.”
• P4: “I think they’re there to do their jobs;
sometimes they do things that people
disagree with, like shoot people for no
reason. The other day I heard a cop
raped someone.”
• P7: “What do I think of the police? They
shouldn’t take it so aggressive. Because
sometimes they tell people what to do
when they shouldn’t. That’s why I
watch the news.”
• P8: “I think that they’re not doing their
jobs as much because these past few
days at Jesse Owen’s people have been
getting killed and shot and the other
day this girl got raped and they just let
it slide.”
• P10: “They have too much violence and
when people try to walk away without
any harm, they shoot them anyway.”

18. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
18
If you were the one in charge of getting rid of
gangs in Los Angeles, how would you do it?
• P2: “The best place to start is to go to the
police station so people can go undercover
and learn what they have to say or do.”
• P3: “I would say we can stop the
gangsters by stopping bullying and bad
language, we can give them homes and
rich stuff so they don’t do bad stuff, we
can give them cars and licenses.”
• P4: “I’d bring a meeting with all the
gang leaders and tell them they’re
affecting people’s lives and futures. A
lot of gangbangers have feelings; they
just don’t show it. I think they’d
understand.”
• P6: “I would reward them with $10,000
or more, so they don’t join them. If they
do join a gang, I would put them in
jail.”
• P7: “Like Martin Luther King did, I’d
give a speech.”
• P10: “I would get a meeting. A group of
all the gang leaders and I’d put them in
like a big box and I would make them eat
together. Like some pancakes, or some
food they like and I’d make them say
five things they like about the group and
if they don’t listen I’ll make them stay in
the box for a long time.”
Analysis of Results
The major themes revealed in the analysis of gang-related news in the Los Angeles area
depict gangs as groups of individuals brought together in defense of their respective territories.
These groups are willing to resort to the use of criminal activity, often involving violence ending
in death. These individuals are motivated by a desire for control and they fulfill this desire by
instilling fear the residents of the neighborhoods they reside in. In turn, the residents of these
neighborhoods are left with a loss of freedom and safety as they are confined to their homes in
hope that they will avoid being caught in the crossfire. These territorial disputes are manifested
in the form of violent rivalries involving weapons and, on some occasions, resulting in death. As

19. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
19
a result, there have been various government and private efforts undertaken dedicated to the
prevention and suppression of gang activity in Los Angeles. These efforts include, gang
reduction and youth development programs and increased police activity, in addition to offering
financial rewards for information.
The in-depth interviews revealed that the depiction of gangs in the media paralleled with
the perception that at-risk youth have of gangs and provided feedback on the gang intervention
and prevention initiatives that are being carried out in the region, specifically those targeting at-
risk youth. Finally, the interviews provided insight into where at-risk youth in South Central Los
Angeles are seeking and gathering information.
At-risk youth in South Central Los Angeles have acquired their knowledge of gang
culture from a combination of life experiences involving direct exposure to gang-related activity
and from authority figures in their lives, such as parents, teachers and friends. The information
gathered from these different sources combines to depict a gang culture riddled with gun
violence resulting in death. A theme of criminal behavior involving gun violence was identified
in the responses:
They fight, sometimes they use guns. I heard a shot noise. My little brother was crying
because we heard shots while playing the, what do you call it? Backyard. I told him to
stay calm and quiet because someone might shoot us, so we went back inside. [P3]
Well, less shootings, less robberies and less people trying to break into other people’s
houses and less fights in the middle of the street. One time, there was a fight right on
Normandie. There was stopped traffic because everyone was watching the fight ‘til
someone pulled out a gun and shot the other guy. I ran straight into the house. [P4]
Gangs? That they do a lot of shooting and killing. They just be killing innocent people
that aren’t involved or sometimes they’re just antagonized, so they get angry and shoot
people. [P8]

20. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
20
These responses indicate that at-risk consistently associate criminal behavior and gun violence
with gang-related activity. A theme that was also emergent in the review of news articles relating
to gangs.
A second major theme that was identified in the responses was a constant attempt to
make sense of gang membership amongst the participants. The responses would benefit from
further research and investigation under the cognitive dissonance theory as they revealed the
effort that at-risk youth put into making sense of the world around them. Throughout their
responses, the participants demonstrated a sense of empathy towards gang members. They often
viewed the decision to join a gang as a last resort or cry for help and attention. For example:
They want to try and fit in, act like they’re from somewhere when they’re not. [P2]
I would say we can stop the gangsters by stopping bullying and bad language, we can
give them homes and rich stuff so they don’t do bad stuff. We can give them cars and
licenses. [P3]
I’d bring a meeting with all the gang leaders and tell them they’re affecting people’s lives
and futures. A lot of gangbangers have feelings; they just don’t know show it. I think
they’d understand. [P4]
So they won’t be homeless and to get money, a gang would give them somewhere to live.
[P6]
These responses attempt to rationalize the reason for which people seek out gangs and participate
in criminal behavior. Furthermore, it reveals a generation of youth that are tired of the violence
that surrounds them and in turn seeks to resolve conflict through peaceful means. “Some things I
wish I could do is make everybody have peace. There’s some people, they’re called the bloods
and the crips and they always fighting and I wish they could just get along.” [P10]
The participants echoed the sentiment perpetuated in the media regarding the effects of
gang-related activity on the residents in the affected neighborhoods. A sense of lost freedom and
fear was predominant in their responses:

21. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
21
Yesterday, the helicopter said “stay at home, stay in your house” because they were
searching for someone. I was scared because my dog was outside and I said, “mom, let
him in, he’s going to get shot.” [P3]
I remember we didn’t have money and I tried to have a garage sale, but she [mom] didn’t
let me because there were gangs at home. [P7]
Sometimes, like last time, me and Lasandra were outside and there was these old people
saying “they’re coming” and we was like “who?” And they were like “gangbangers” and
we just went inside. [P8]
While these responses revealed that the participants were evidently affected by gang-related
violence, it also revealed the beginnings of desensitization amongst at-risk youth. Within this
theme, a minor pattern was detected in the responses of the participants that indicated that as at-
risk youth enter the pre-teen years, they begin to show hints of desensitization and resignation.
Younger participants commented on how graffiti meant “a threat to the world” [P7] and how
they took graffiti to mean that a certain area was “a gangster’s place, it’s not safe. I heard
sometimes they might spray you with it and you’ll go blind a little bit” [P3]. When asked the
same question, relating to their thoughts when encountering graffiti on the street, older
participants made comments regarding the artistic quality of graffiti, rather than on the content.
“They’re good pictures, I like it,” [P5] was the response of one of the older participants; this
response repeated in different forms by participants 12 years and older.
A final leading theme found in the responses was a knowledge of gang reduction and
prevention initiatives. When asked about the effectiveness about gang prevention programs that
target at-risk youth, the responses revealed positive sentiments towards programs that encourage
youth to utilize knowledge as a weapon against gang-related involvement and violence,
including police-related violence.
I actually think it’s fantastic, I can tell her about what I do or she can call my mom and
she can help me with anything. Homework, bullying and making sure I talk to my mom.
[P3]

22. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
22
Uh, what do I think of the police? They shouldn’t take it so aggressive. Because
sometimes they tell people what to do when they shouldn’t. That’s why I watch the news.
[P7]
I think that they’re not doing their jobs as much because these past few days at Jesse
Owen’s, people have been getting killed and shot and the other day this girl got raped and
they just let it slide. [P8]
They have too much violence and when people try to walk away without any harm, they
shoot them anyway. (In reference to police activity.) [P10]
Because kids are too busy playing at school and doing their homework to join a gang.
[P11]
In addition, a minor pattern was found indicating that participants found that having aspirations
and professional fulfillment contributed to the prevention of gang membership.
Because sometimes people don’t succeed at what they want to be so they might just join a
gang. [P7]
I don’t want to be one of those kids that die young and I don’t wanna be trying to hide a
criminal record. [P8]
I don’t know a lot about gangs. I do know one thing, they bad. They mess up your career,
your dream. [P11]
Further analysis of the responses provides insight into the sources from which at-risk
youth gather their information to develop their perception of gangs. The responses indicate that
participants relied primarily on authority figures, personal experience and media to develop their
perception of gangs in South Los Angeles. For example, this was evident in the following
responses:
My parents say “don’t be a gangster and don’t do nothing with them.” [P3]
The teachers at school and stuff. In science class they teach us how it’s bad to join a gang
or your friends might want to encourage you. [P5]
Last week our teacher ask Jonathan what does his dad do and he said his dad is a
gangbanger and he does all that stuff. Our teacher told us how that’s not right and we
shouldn’t be gangbangers. [P8]

23. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
23
These findings can be applied to the field of professional communications in the development
and execution of future campaigns aimed at the prevention and reduction of gang-related activity
among at-risk youth.
Conclusion
There are several parallels that were prevalent when comparing the depiction of gangs in
Los Angeles regional media to the perception that at-risk youth have of gangs. The dominant
characteristic associated with gangs both in the media and among at-risk youth is criminal
behavior and gun violence. In addition, the reoccurring theme of attempting to explain and
rationalize gang involvement demonstrates a clear effort on behalf of the surrounding
communities and the law enforcement officials to combat gang violence through the use of
strategic initiatives that aim to curb violence and find peaceful resolutions.
The gang prevention and reduction initiatives emphasize the use of knowledge as a
weapon against gang violence and they transmit this ideology to the at-risk youth that are
participating in these programs. In turn, these youths seek out information in popular media,
amongst authority figures in their lives and in the interpersonal relationships they’ve formed with
peers of the same age. The findings of this study indicate that gang prevention initiatives would
most effectively be carried out amongst youths between the ages of 10 and 12 years old, before
they’ve developed a sense of indifference towards gang violence.
Limitations
Due to the qualitative nature of the study, there were limitations in terms of sample size
and diversity. The study was carried out using semi-structured, in-depth interviews that were
limited to 11 participants. In addition, the researcher had limited information about the
participants prior to the interviews and introductions were limited to names and ages. This could

24. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
24
have contributed to the amount of information the participants chose to share, as some of the
questions were personal in nature.
In addition, a majority of the participants were African-American, which limited the
observation culturally. Furthermore, the sample size was drawn from a very specific region,
South Central Los Angeles, which has a rich history of gang activity. This history has been
transmitted from older relatives to youth and has, in turn, contributed to the perception that at-
risk youth have of gangs.
Lastly, because the findings regarding the depiction of gangs in the media paralleled the
perception that at-risk youth have of gangs, the contribution to the academic community is
limited as it indicates that the media have successfully depicted the reality of gang violence in
the Los Angeles area.
Suggestions for Further Research
Among the themes identified in media coverage of gangs and the perception that at-risk
youth have of gangs, was the consistent attempts on behalf of the media and at-risk youth to
rationalize gang involvement and activity. For further research, an application of the cognitive
dissonance theory to the gang membership can be used to understand the primary motivating
factors in gang involvement. This information can be used to execute successful gang prevention
initiatives among older youths that have become desensitized or indifferent to gang violence and
involvement.

25. Framing
and
Gang
Culture:
Comparing
At-­‐Risk
Youths’
Perception
of
Gangs
to
Depiction
of
Gang
Activity
in
Media
Ureño
25
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Depiction
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Gang
Activity
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Media
Ureño
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