This document summarizes a research paper examining the relationship between unemployment rates and violence during labor strikes. The paper includes a literature review summarizing past research on factors that influence strike violence. It also describes the measurement of variables, data collection methodology, and potential sources of selection bias. An analysis of the data found no correlation between state unemployment rates and violence in labor strikes based on strike-level data from 1995-2003.
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Revisiting the link between government spending and economic growth in the pr...iosrjce
IOSR Journal of Economics and Finance (IOSR-JEF) discourages theoretical articles that are limited to axiomatics or that discuss minor variations of familiar models. Similarly, IOSR-JEF has little interest in empirical papers that do not explain the model's theoretical foundations or that exhausts themselves in applying a new or established technique (such as cointegration) to another data set without providing very good reasons why this research is important.
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The Role of Todays Labor MovementBY DR. MICHAEL JEDEL,Georgia.docxoreo10
The Role of Today's Labor Movement
BY DR. MICHAEL JEDEL,
Georgia State University
Department of Management
Labor unions arose in the United States more than two centuries ago in response to a perception that the relative bargaining power of the individual employee was becoming ever more diminished when compared to that of the increasingly larger and more remote employer. By contrast, it was felt that if workers who shared common concerns about income, security and status could come together in a collective fashion, represented by a trade or craft union supporting those interests, a greater parity would exist in determining the terms and conditions of employment.
As the legal framework emerged in the United States to enable unionization and then collective bargaining between employers and unions, initially from the courts and then in the 20th century via federal legislation, the essential rationale for labor unions continued. Proponents of labor unions argued that conflict occurred between employees and employers concerning (a) the relative division of profit; (b) employee concern about job security and protection against arbitrary or subjective managerial actions versus management's claimed right and need to exercise its discretion to run the enterprise as it saw fit; and (c) what, if any, role was to be accorded employees in fundamental decisions affecting the employer's operations. For each of these subject areas, it was claimed by the advocates of labor unions that the craft or industrial union in the workplace would be effective in representing and advancing the interests of the employees.
While objective observers of the history and role of labor unions in the United States differ as to unions' relative effectiveness, there is general agreement on a number of items. Overall, unions have had an impact on the division of the "economic pie" between worker and employer, though not as great as the staunchest supporters have claimed, and differentially in some industries versus others. Unions without question have had significant impact on the "rules of the workplace," with seniority systems and other "objective" criteria typically replacing the unilateral, "subjective" view of the employer with respect to workplace-related employment decisions. Finally, the development of, and virtually universally accepted reliance upon, grievance arbitration systems has proved to be one of the most salient features of the collective bargaining system.
The use or threat of strike, often the most visible component to the public at large of the entire labor-management relations system, typically has been relegated just to those instances where the union and the employer had been unsuccessful in negotiating a collective bargaining agreement. Though the strike, or its threat, quite understandably gets significant public attention, it historically has been just one small part of the overall system developed between employers and unions. But strikes have not a ...
191Chapter Seven Union Avoidance Rationale, Strat.docxjoyjonna282
191
Chapter Seven
Union Avoidance:
Rationale, Strategies,
and Practices
Chapter 6 examined union organizing campaigns. The chapter covered the
flow of events associated with a campaign, union strategies and tactics,
management responses, the roles of the National Labor Relations Board
(NLRB) and the National Mediation Board (NMB), and the factors influ-
encing election outcomes. At several points, the chapter emphasized that,
except in isolated instances, most employers strongly resist organizing
drives.
In this chapter we explore in greater depth the reasons for employers’
resistance, strategies that a growing number of employers are using to
create and maintain a “union-free” employment environment, tactics
that they use to prevent union success in organizing, the role of decerti-
fications in deunionizing partially unionized employers, and the effects
of organizational and job structuring on limiting unionization within
employers.
As you study this chapter, consider the following questions:
1. Are employers increasing or decreasing their opposition to unions in
the current era? What evidence is there to support your position?
2. What are the economic effects of initial unionization on the employer?
3. What additional activities appear necessary for an employer to avoid
unionization?
4. If an employer faces an organizing campaign, what components and
process are included in a typical employer response?
5. What is a decertification election, and how does it differ from other
NLRB elections?
192 Labor Relations
HISTORICAL OVERVIEW
The business and labor history of the United States, going back to the Phil-
adelphia Cordwainers, is replete with examples of employer resistance to
unionization. The fundamental differences in philosophies, goals, and val-
ues of capitalists and trade unionists make this resistance inevitable and
make employer accommodation after unionization sometimes difficult.
Capitalistic and Trade Union Philosophies
Capitalists (either entrepreneurs or investor-owned corporations) use their
resources to create mechanisms (productive processes) that will enable
them to develop and sell goods and services in the marketplace at prices
great enough to yield a higher return than that from other alternative
investments. Employees are hired to produce the output. Employees are
generally free to leave at any time, and capitalists would like to have the
freedom to hire or terminate them, individually or collectively, as neces-
sary to achieve their business purposes. Capitalists assume the risk that
they will not be able to realize a positive yield from their investments and
ideas. If they fail, their investments will be diminished or lost. They also
expect that if they are successful in the marketplace (i.e., their returns are
greater than they might realize through riskless investment) they will be
able to keep these returns as a reward for t ...
Chapter 8 Policy Entrepreneurs and Morality Politics Lea.docxmccormicknadine86
Chapter 8
Policy Entrepreneurs and Morality Politics: Learning
from Failure and Success
Michael Mintrom
Introduction
In this volume, political entrepreneurs are viewed as special actors, embedded in the socio-
political fabric, who are alert to the emergence of entrepreneurial opportunities and act upon them
(see Petridou, Narbutaité Aflaki and Miles, this volume). During the past two decades, I have
devoted considerable attention to observing and understanding the actions of a subset of political
entrepreneurs that have come to be called policy entrepreneurs (Mintrom, 1997, 2000; Mintrom
and Norman, 2009; Mintrom and Vergari, 1996, 1998). Following Kingdon (1984) and Roberts
and King (1996), I have employed the working definition of policy entrepreneurs as political actors
who seek policy changes that shift the status quo in given areas of public policy.
This chapter documents how policy entrepreneurs have conducted themselves in the face of
intense opposition from groups which disagree with the moral positions embodied in their policy
objectives. While the chapter considers instances of policy entrepreneurship in three distinctive
jurisdictions, each case involves efforts to secure government funding and permissive regulation
of human embryonic stem cell research. Such research promises future therapies that could
both extend lives and improve their quality. It also invites serious discussion of the meaning of
life (Beckmann, 2004; Hauskeller, 2004; Banchoff, 2005; Fukuyama, 2005; Mintrom, 2009;
Karch, 2012).
Human embryonic stem cell research has deep symbolic significance and opens up moral
disagreement. Some governments have found effective ways to support this research despite
its controversial nature; others have strongly opposed it. Through case studies of policy
entrepreneurship and human embryonic stem cell research in California, the United Kingdom, and
Italy, the chapter shows how policy entrepreneurs have sought to promote more funding and less
restrictive regulation for this controversial area of contemporary science. In each case, the policy
entrepreneurs involved met with significant opposition due to the morality issues at stake.
By placing policy entrepreneurship in a broader political context, this chapter makes four
contributions. First, it shows how policy entrepreneurs pursue their goals in the face of intense
morality politics. Second, it shows how the work of policy entrepreneurs can be both supported
and inhibited by ideas, institutions, and interest-groups in the polis. Third, it demonstrates how, by
adapting to their contexts and adjusting their strategies, policy entrepreneurs can learn from failures
and take new runs at securing policy change. Finally, in making these points, this chapter assists
in identifying what makes policy entrepreneurship a distinctive form of political work. Policy
entrepreneurship is presented here as a crucial subset of the broader set of activiti ...
BHR 3565, Employment Law 1 Course Learning Outcomes fMargaritoWhitt221
BHR 3565, Employment Law 1
Course Learning Outcomes for Unit VI
Upon completion of this unit, students should be able to:
6. Explain the authority of unions in the workplace.
6.1 Outline seven different areas or processes in collective bargaining that are of interest to you.
Course/Unit
Learning Outcomes
Learning Activity
6 Unit Lesson Chapter 16 and 17
6.1
Unit Lesson
Chapter 15 and 17
Unit VI PowerPoint Presentation
Reading Assignment
Chapter 15: Collective Bargaining
Chapter 16: Picketing and Strikes
Chapter 17: The Enforcement and Administration of the Collective Agreement, pp. 549-567, 577
Unit Lesson
Studying the history of labor laws in the United States is a bit like looking at a pendulum in a clock – it swings
one way until it reaches the extreme of its movement, and then it moves back the other way. By the beginning
of the 20th century, employers had become powerful as a result of the Industrial Revolution, and employees
were often at the mercy of the policies that employers instituted and the wages that employers were willing to
pay. As you can imagine, that power in the hands of employers sometimes led to employers taking advantage
of and even abusing employees. In 1932, Congress passed the Norris-LaGuardia Act and in 1935, the
Wagner Act (also called the National Labor Relations Act or NLRA).
These acts declared certain actions by employers to be illegal and empowered unions to form to represent
workers in dealing with employers, thus limiting and, in some cases eroding, the power that employers had
exercised over employees. Although the increased power of unions was, in theory, good for employees, in too
many cases, unions used their new power to improperly convince employees to allow the unions to represent
them and to improperly force employers to make concessions to employees.
There are still cases in which either management (employers) or labor (unions) allege that the other has
violated some federal law that establishes what management and labor cannot do in dealing with employees
and each other. However, the federal law framework for labor relations is now in place, and there are other
federal laws that influence the relationship between employers and employees.
Collective Bargaining
Collective bargaining is the exertion of force by employees and employers on each other to force an
agreement (Cihon & Castagnera, 2017). Is collective bargaining a right or a privilege? Have unions helped the
economy or hurt it? Do unions help the worker or politicians? Is the United States going broke because of
unions and collective bargaining? Do unions promote market inefficiency in workers? These are questions
that many are asking. The answers are not clear.
UNIT VI STUDY GUIDE
Collective Bargaining
BHR 3565, Employment Law 2
UNIT x STUDY GUIDE
Title
Collective bargaining gives workers power in numbers to negotiate for increased wages, benefi ...
Methodological Premises of Social Forecasting in the Context of Business organizations- Presentation at Second National Conference on Management Science and Practice
Indian Institute of Technology, Madras - March 9-11, 2007
1. 1
Violence in Labor Strikes and its Relation to the Unemployment Rate of a
State
Gabby Master
The Ohio State University
Department of Sociology
25 April 2016
Abstract
The purposeof this paper is to examine the relationship between the
unemployment rates of a state and violence that is used as a tactic during a labor
strike. This paper will educate employers so as to prevent violence during labor
strikes. It is important to have employers understand how economic factors effect
workers so communication strategies can be implemented to reduce violence. This
paper uses strike-level data from 1995-2003 which was coded by other students in
my research methods class and then transferred to a strike codebook. In
collaboration with past research and personal data collection, no correlation was
found to exist between the unemployment rate of a state and violence in labor
strikes.
2. 2
INTRODUCTION
Over the course of this paper, I will be studying the potential relationship between the
unemployment rates of a state and the likelihood for violence during a labor strike. I have hypothesized
that violence is more likely to occur when labor strikes are located in low socioeconomic areas. I believe
that it is crucial to study the work force so that new policy can be enacted in order to create better
working environments for the workers as well as to create better relationships between employers and
workers. By creating a cohesive working atmosphere, labor strikes are less likely to occur and more likely
to be solved through discussion rather than violence.
There are many important sections within this paper that all establish the reliability and validity
of this research. The first section summarizes three different research papers and then analyzes the
information and its relation to my own research. I will then describe my hypothesis and research question
which are the basis for this research paper. The next section deals with data collection where I describe
the measurement of my variables, sampling strategy (the way in which I collected my data) and the
implications of selection bias. Finally, the data is analyzed and summarized.
LITERATURE REVIEW
In the article “Why Do Strikes Turn Violent,” Mr. Grant II and Mr. Wallace compile strike level
data from 1958-1967 in order to examine and determine the causes of violence enacted during labor
strikes. The researchers believe that workers on strikes are fearfulto use violence as a tactic because it
creates unforeseen consequences (Grant II and Wallace 1991). There are many different elements, the
researchers believe, that influence whether strikes become violent or not. Politics play an important role
in determining if the workers go on strike and how the workers may act during this time. When labor
unions and political laboring parties are working together, strikers are more likely to use violent tactics
because the government is less likely to curb the actions of the strikers (Grant II and Wallace 1991).
Economic factors are extremely influential in determining if labor strikes are likely to occur. In times of
economic depression, labor strikes are less likely to occur simply because workers on strike are easily
replaceable (Grant II and Wallace 1991). Strikes are less likely to be violent when the identity, goals, and
3. 3
strategies of the strike group are unified (Grant II and Wallace 1991). However, when a strike group
consists of a small population, they feeloverpowered by their employers and are more likely to turn
violent due to this feeling of being trapped (Grant II and Wallace 1991). In contrast, employers can
strategize to provoke violence from their employees on strike. When hiring police to keep strikers out of
the work area,tension can arise and lead to violence. Or, employers will wait out the strike and not meet
any demands, which creates an atmosphere of frustration, and then violence is used to overcome these
feelings (Grant II and Wallace 1991). Mr. Grant II and Mr. Wallace, in conclusion, believe violence
occurs during labor strikes when the goals of the strikers have not been met and if those goals are being
thwarted by strategies of the employer (Grant II and Wallace 1991). Most often, violence is used as a
defensive measure.
This research completed by Mr. Grant II and Mr. Wallace has shown that there are many factors
that impact whether violence occurs during labor strikes. The most crucial point, for my own research,
was their analysis of how economic factors impact labor strike violence. The researchers discovered that
workers earnings have a statistically negative impact on violence. This means that the workers may be,
consciously or unconsciously, forced into becoming violent during strikes if demands that involve
economic issues are not met. This information supports my hypothesis by confirming that economic
conditions have an impact on violence during labor strikes.
The purpose of Mrs. McConnell’s research paper “Cyclical Fluctuations in Strike Activity,” is to
distinguish factors that influence when labor strikes occur and how long the strikes last. Her research is
based off of 6,000 contracts covering the time period from 1970-1981 that are collected from the Bureau
of Labor Statistics’ Current Wage Development (McConnell1990). McConnell firstly addresses the idea
that strikes are influenced by exogenous variables, such as economic standings (McConnell 1990).
Another idea is that a strike can be manipulated by strike leaders in order to confront the company to
obtain their goals; these goals can sometimes be different from the goals of the other workers on strike
(McConnell 1990). McConnell, then, references researchers Reder and Neumann,in discussing total cost
theory. This theory suggests that the cost of a strike influences both the workers and the company and
4. 4
affects strike activity. During times of recession, workers on strike are usually unemployed or in low
paying jobs that costs them to lose money while on strike. This suggests that strike duration should vary
inversely with unemployment rate. Also, it should be recognized that strikes that occur during times of
high demand are very costly to the company simply because they have no workers to produce their
inventory (McConnell 1990). When analyzing her data, McConnell determined that strikes are more
likely to occur in companies that are economically depressed as well as within companies with low
unemployment (McConnell 1990).
The data and research that McConnell collected is very important in helping me make
conclusions about my research project. Specifically, in her data, McConnell suggested that labor strikes
are more likely to occur in areas that are experiencing economic depressions. When workers are facing
economic depression, tension is likely to increase especially when companies are withholding information
that would benefit the workers on strike (McConnell 1990). This information is critical because it is
exactly what my hypothesis states. I believe, in conjunction with McConnell, that because labor strikes
occur more frequently in economically depressed areas, tension and frustration are more likely to arise
between employers and workers which then leads to the theory of a higher rate of violence during strikes.
In the article, “Industrial Violence in Italy, 1878-1903,” Researchers Snyder and Kelly delve into
determining the conditions under which violence occurs in labor strikes. The data that that was used for
their research was collected was recorded in the Statistica Degli Scioperi series from 1879- 1903. They
begin by stating that there is not one characteristic that determines violence, but a combination of theory
and social conflict that can help predict violence (Snyder and Kelly 1976). The first theory is called
collective violence which incorporates power struggles and the deprivation that workers feel resulting in
frustration and aggression (Snyder and Kelly 1976). An interesting point that Snyder and Kelly
discovered is a split between researcherswho believe that strikers either gain or lose advantages when
violence is used (Snyder and Kelly 1976). Information was gathered at the scene of the strikes in Italy and
included the duration of a work stoppage, interviews of the parties involved, and characteristics of the
strikes. Snyder and Kelly found that strikes that occurred because of issues like wages,hours, working
5. 5
conditions were more likely to be successful. However,when violence was used in a strike, the success
rate was 9 percentage points below nonviolent strikes (Snyder and Kelly 1976). It was determined that
any use of violence, against police or company weakened the position of the strikers and which made
gaining a positive outcome less likely (Snyder and Kelly 1976).
The data collected and research conducted by Snyder and Kelly is extremely helpful in
determining patterns during labor strikes over time. Time, society, and life has drastically changed since
Italy in 1879, and so I will not use any of this research for the basis of my hypothesis, but instead use it as
a tool to compare and contrast labor strikes that are separated by over 100 years.
MEASUREMENT
My dependent variable for this research is an ordinal measure which ranks any violence, either
physical or property damage, that occurs during a strike. Violence is described as an action that someone
takes against another person or property which results in harm. Violence includes any type of physical
action, such as punching or kicking another person, or vandalizing or breaking any part of a building. This
variable was measured by determining if there were any reports of violence occurring to any persons or
property during the strike. In order to determine violence at labor strikes, the question “Were there any
acts of physical violence and/or property damage during the strike?” was asked when each student coded
their assigned strike. The answers to this question were either “no violence, property violence, physical
violence, or both physical and property damage.”
Based on the definition, the way in which I measured the variable by recording whether there was
no violence, property, physical, or both property and physical violence is valid and reliable. Face validity
is when the observer can look at the data and it does not defy common sense and it looks legitimate.
Therefore the operationalization of the variable is an effective way of capturing the variable. The
definition of the variable is consistent with the way in which the variable is captured. Measuring the level
of violence is reliable because the definitions of violence are distinct and there are many categories
available for the different levels of violence. There is no room, therefore,in interpretation of definition or
measuring the level of violence.
6. 6
My independent variable for this research is a ratio measure which ranks the unemployment rate
of the state. It should be pointed out that this is not the same variable that I acknowledged in my research
question and hypothesis. This is because the data that I am working with is limited in number and it is
difficult to measure the socioeconomic status of the workers on strike. Therefore,my definition of
unemployment rate for the state is defined as the amount of people in the workforce who are not currently
employed. The unemployment rate of the state can effect neighborhoods, poverty levels, crime rates,
educational attainment, and attitudes towards government or working companies. In accordance with my
hypothesis, I would be more inclined to look at states with high unemployment and if any violence occurs
during labor strikes in those states. Operationalizing unemployment rate would include looking at the
amount of workers who are not employed in the work force versus those workers who are employed.
Based on the definition that I created for unemployment rate,the way in which I measured the
variable by recording each states unemployment rate is valid and reliable. Face validity is when the
observer can look at the data and it does not defy common sense and it looks legitimate. Therefore,the
operationalization of the variable is an effective way of capturing the variable. The definition of the
variable is consistent with the way in which the variable is captured. Each state releases,monthly, a report
that addresses the unemployment rate. This information is researched by the government, making is a
very reliable source of information. This information is explicitly clear and there is no room for
interpretation when looking for this information. This measure is applied in a consistent manner for every
strike because every state releases a monthly unemployment report.
Inter-coder reliability is a very important issue that must be addressed. It is intended that the
coding instructions should be perfectly clear so that no interpretation is needed and no differing answers
shall be recorded. However,multiple students were involved in coding labor strike data, which could lead
to multiple interpretations of newspaper articles.
In order to collect accurate data for this research project,it is appropriate to use longitudinal
survey research. Labor strikes do not all occur at the same time, and all vary in length, making a cross
7. 7
sectional survey inappropriate. Longitudinal research allows us to examine labor strikes over time and to
see how each one begins, ends, and the conditions that surround each strike.
DATA COLLECTION
The unit of analysis that I am interested in studying are labor strikes and the population in which I
am drawing my samples from includes all labor strikes that took place in the United States during the
years 1995-2003. The study population for this research includes all labor strikes in the United States that
occurred during the years 1995-2003 that were covered in daily newspaper articles.
In order to study how the unemployment rate effects violence in a labor strike, I needed to collect
data from an appropriate and legitimate source. The first step in collecting data was applying for a
Columbus Metropolitan Library card. Once I had this access,I was able to log into the library’s website
and was given admission to NewsBank. This is a database which archives media publications that can be
used as references. Every person in my research methods class was given two different labor strikes that
occurred from 1995-2003 to code. These strikes are the basis for our research projects. The first strike that
I coded was about Vickers Inc. (P&M) that took place from 9/15/1997-9/16/1997 in Omaha Nebraska.
Once I gained access to NewsBank,I searched for “Vickers Inc. Labor Strike” between the dates of
9/01/1997-9/30/1997 to find any articles relating to the labor strike. The second strike I coded was for
RGC Mineral Sands Inc. which took place between 8/31/1998-9/30/1999 in Green Cove Spring, Florida.
Once I gained access to NewsBank,I searched for “RGC Mineral Sands Labor Strike” between the dates
of 8/17/1997-10/13/1997 to find any articles relating to the labor strike. The reason that I searched two
weeks before and after the strike was to find any news that could have been published before or after each
strike in order to see how opinions or information changed over time. Once I gathered multiple newspaper
articles on both strikes, I coded each strike and submitted it on a google document. This information is
now collected in a codebook so all students can use the data to complete their research projects. I then
used Stata to make various tables and statistical analysis of the data that was collected.
8. 8
SELECTION BIAS
There are many sources of selection bias when conducting this research. Although we collected
data on labor strikes spanning 8 years,it is not guaranteed that all labor strikes were recorded and
published in a newspaper. This idea is supported by the research paper “The Use of Newspaper Data in
the Study of Collective Action” by researchers Earl,Martin, McCarthy,and Soule. These researchers state
that newspapers suffer from selection bias because not every event is covered by the media. Critics state
that some events are more likely to be covered because of competition between news agencies (Earl,
Martin, McCarthy, Soule 2004). These events reported are more “newsworthy” and are more likely to be
covered compared to other events that are not as eye catching (Earl, Martin, McCarthy,Soule 2004).
Place is also a crucial factor when a news agency determines what stories to publish: a city that has
institutionalized protests, like Washington DC, is less likely to publish a story on a protest (Earl, Martin,
McCarthy, Soule 2004). Therefore, the data that has been collected for this research paper is solely based
on what news agencies reported on. There is a high chance that some labor strikes that occurred during
1995-2003 were not reported by the media and therefore, did not make it into the data population that our
research is based on.
DATA ANALYSIS
Table 1: Central Tendencies of Unemployment Rate
Variable | Obs Mean Std. Dev. Min Max
-------------+---------------------------------------------------------
unemp | 89 6.420225 1.598165 3.9 9.1
Table 1 clearly states measures of centraltendencies for the unemployment rate of each state. It is
determined that the mean unemployment rate is 6.4% with a standard deviation of 1.59%. This means that
66% of the unemployment rates fall between 4.81% and 7.99%.
9. 9
Table 2: Summary Table for Violence
VIOLPRE | Freq. Percent Cum.
----------------------+-----------------------------------
None | 75 87.21 87.21
Property | 7 8.14 95.35
Physical | 3 3.49 98.84
Physical and Property | 1 1.16 100.00
----------------------+-----------------------------------
Total | 86 100.00
Table 2 summarizes the distribution of violence occurring during the sample of 86 labor strikes.
Based on this graph, 87.21% of the strikes in our data set did not have any form of violence during a labor
strike.
Table 3: Cross Tabulation Between Violence and Unemployment Rate
unemp | None Property Physical Both | Total
-----------+--------------------------------------------+----------
3.9 | 3 3 1 0 | 7
4 | 1 0 0 0 | 1
4.5 | 1 0 0 0 | 1
4.8 | 12 0 0 0 | 12
5.2 | 5 1 0 0 | 6
5.5 | 5 1 0 0 | 6
6.1 | 10 0 0 0 | 10
6.5 | 10 0 1 0 | 11
6.9 | 0 1 0 0 | 1
7.2 | 8 0 0 1 | 9
8.1 | 4 0 1 0 | 5
8.8 | 11 1 0 0 | 12
8.9 | 1 0 0 0 | 1
9.1 | 4 0 0 0 | 4
-----------+--------------------------------------------+----------
Total | 75 7 3 1 | 86
10. 10
Table 3 is a cross tabulation that lays out all of the possible answers when comparing violence
and the state’s unemployment rate. Based on the information give, we can see that 75 out of 86 labor
strikes that were coded had no levels of violence. Based on this graph, there is no discernable pattern
between the unemployment rate of a state and violence at a labor strike.
Table 4: Correlation Between Violence and Unemployment Rate
| Violpre unemp
-------------+------------------
Violpre | 1.0000
Unemp | -0.0832 1.0000
Table 4 determines the correlation between the violence and unemployment rate. The correlation
between violence in strikes and the unemployment rate is -.0832 which is extremely close to zero
indicating there is a weak correlation between the two variables.
Table 5: Chi Squared Table
Unemp | None Property Physical Both | Total
-----------+--------------------------------------------+----------
3.9 | 3 3 1 0 | 7
4 | 1 0 0 0 | 1
4.5 | 1 0 0 0 | 1
4.8 | 12 0 0 0 | 12
5.2 | 5 1 0 0 | 6
5.5 | 5 1 0 0 | 6
6.1 | 10 0 0 0 | 10
6.5 | 10 0 1 0 | 11
6.9 | 0 1 0 0 | 1
7.2 | 8 0 0 1 | 9
8.1 | 4 0 1 0 | 5
8.8 | 11 1 0 0 | 12
8.9 | 1 0 0 0 | 1
9.1 | 4 0 0 0 | 4
11. 11
-----------+--------------------------------------------+----------
Total | 75 7 3 1 | 86
Pearson chi2(39) = 47.2839 Pr = 0.170
Table 5 measures the statistical significance of the correlation between violence and
unemployment rate of the state in relation to labor strikes. It is determined by a Chi Squared test that there
is no statistical significance between the variables because the P value for this Chi Squared test is 0.170.
The p-value is greater than .05 which indicates that there is not a statistically significant relationship
between violence in labor strikes and the unemployment rate of the state.
CONCLUSION
Based on the information provided by the data, it is clear that there is no significant relationship
between violence in a labor strike and the unemployment rate of a state. Violence was not used as a tactic
during the vast majority of labor strikes; only 12% were violent. Through the multitude of graphs created,
the statistics show that there is a weak correlation and that the relationship between violence and
unemployment rate of a state is statistically insignificant. I was very surprised at the results because the
past literature from researchers Grant II and Wallace, and McConnell supported my hypothesis.
Specifically, both research papers reinforced the idea that economic conditions impacts the levels of
violence during labor strikes. Grant II and Wallace, as well as McConnell, believed that the conditions for
a violent labor strike are met when areas are economically depressed and when workers are frustrated
with wages and the employers are not meeting demands. Both research papers also support the idea that
tension and frustration that workers feel during a strike is a lead factor in pushing the workers to be
violent.
Hopefully, in the future, I can do a more in depth study comparing economics to violence in labor
strikes. This could be done by collecting more labor strike cases as well as detailed information about the
economic conditions of each company in which a labor strike took place. I believe that more
comprehensive a data set it, the more useful that data would be in determining specific reasons for
12. 12
violence in labor strikes. That information would then be helpful in reducing, and hopefully, eliminating
violence. Continuing this research is very useful for creating and maintaining positive communication
channels between workers and employees so that both parties can work on problems instead of resulting
to a strike. This research paper is crucial for the future of research in labor industries, in labor strikes, and
violence.
13. 13
Works Cited
David Snyder and William R. Kelly. 1976. “Industrial Violence in Italy, 1878-1903” American Journal of
Sociology 82(1):131-162
Don Sherman Grant II and Michael Wallace. 1991. “Why Do Strikes Turn Violent?” American Journal of
Sociology 96(5):1117-1150
Jennifer Earl, Andrew Martin, John D. McCarthy, and Sarah A. Soule. “The Use of Newspaper Data in
The Study of Collective Action” Annual Review of Sociology 30: 65-80
Sheena McConnell. 1990. “Cyclical Fluctuations in Strike Activity” Industrial and Labor Relations
Review 44(1): 130-143