National Political Mirror Monthly Magazine - February 2019 Issue

RNINO.DELENG/2-13/52894
VOLUME : 6 ISSUE : 1, FEBRUARY, 2019 RS. : 100
AchievementsVs Unfulﬁlled
Promises
Rajasthan:
Incumbents in the
state of anti-
incumbency
MNF faces booze
challenge
in Mizoram
Naxal Conundrum:
in Chhattisgarh
Bumpy road ahead
in Madhya
Pradesh politics
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AchievementsVs Unfulﬁlled
Promises
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| FEBRUARY, 2019 |NATIONAL POLITICAL MIRROR| 3
R
ecently, former JDU and senior leader SharadYadav had said that he did not
see any possibility of a third front emerging before the 2019 Lok Sabha Polls,
and suggested that all opposition parties should unite to fight the ruling BJP.
There is a sudden rise in thinking for an alternative to these two national par-
ties in 2019 Lok Sabha Polls. Yes, the latest vibe is the subject of the Third
Front and the man leading the pack this time is none other than Telangana Chief Minister
K Chandrashekhar Rao (KCR).
For the new front, Rao met BJD president and Odisha Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik
and West Bengal's Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. But Rao returned with empty hands
after meeting both Patnaik and Banerjee, respectively.
His idea also hit on to another roadblock, after the two leaders from Uttar Pradesh,
Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati not confirming anything about the front.
But for formation of any such front has its own inherent contradiction. All these non-BJP
and non-Congress parties cannot come together. For example, Left parties and the TMC
cannot work together on any political platform.
Even, Sitaram Yechury had said that any non-BJP and non-Congress third front would
not be successful if it was formed "with the sole aim of coming to power.” This he said
after his re-election as General Secretary of CPI (M) again.
However, even if we assume that all the non-Congress, non-BJP parties will ever be able
to come together, a possibility that sounds highly unlikely, they are not in a position to
get the numbers.
In all the general elections since 1989, the Congress and the BJP put together have got
more than 300 seats, the minimum required to have a simple majority in the Lok Sabha.
There is very little reason to believe that this will not happen again, which practically elim-
inates the possibility of any other party or formation winning the majority.
In India’s political history, the only instances when non-Congress, non-BJP coalitions
came to power were in the ninth and eleventh Lok Sabhas. In each case, the govern-
ments were supported from the outside by either the Congress or the BJP.While the V.P.
Singh government survived on the BJP’s support, the Chandra Shekhar government
was at the mercy of the Congress.
On the other hand, two United Front governments, headed by H.D. Deve Gowda and I.K.
Gujral as Prime Ministers, had the blessings of Congress. But both United Front govern-
ments collapsed after Congress pulled the carpet from under the both.
Currently, most of the poorly conceived or visualised Third Front leaders are regionally
powerful but nationally weak leaders. So basically they maybe winning chunks of votes
wherever they are, whether Delhi, West Bengal, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, Uttar
Pradesh , Tamil Nadu, Odisha, Mizoram or Bihar, but outside these places, they are either
too weak or completely non-existent.
For national interest, if you closely consider the “Third Front phenomena” from all the
three instances, 1997, 1989 and 1996 you’ll find that the major reason for the collapse
of this experiment was lack of co-operation among the coalition parties. Even now there
is hardly any guarantee that the Third Front of 2019 will supersede earlier flaws? That
there will be no power struggle and no hankering for the top post or plum ministries. After
all, almost all the parties and its leader are opportunists as per Mulayam Singh Yadav
statement in 2004 where he had said that he was close to becoming the premier in 1997
but was betrayed by a few leaders, including Telugu Desam Party chief . Chandrababu
Naidu, Sharad Yadav and Laloo Prasad Yadav..
Moreover, what is the guarantee that one party won’t come in the way of the other? The
ambition, the ego, the argument, and failing aspirations will arise and so will be the
dispute. And if we dig further more into it, looks like “The Third Front” is like building castle
in air. A highly unrealistic proposition.
Third Front,Tough Possibilities
Editorial

VOLUME: 6 ISSUE: 1, FEBRUARY 2019
GROUP EDITOR
Abhishek Verma
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
Sanjeeb Kumar
DIRECTOR
Deepshikha Singh
EXECUTIVE EDITOR
Achyut Nath Jha
ASSISTANT EDITORS
Raja Mohanty - Odisha
Anuj Tyagi - Western Uttar Pradesh
Subhash Yadav - Eastern Uttar Pradesh
PRESIDENT
Nirmala Singh Rana
GUEST COLUMN
Major Gen. Anil Sengar
BUSINESS HEADS
Robin Khan
Shiv Kumar Chauhan
IT HEAD
Ritesh Kumar
SENIOR IT MANAGER
Umesh Chauhan
SENIOR PHOTO JOURNALIST
Hari Om Sharma
DESIGN HEAD
Ajay Kumar Sharma
LEGAL ADVISOR
Sumit Kumar Modi
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Achievements Vs Unfulﬁlled Promises
Naxal Conundrum
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336
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24
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28
Bumpy Road ahead in Madhya Pradesh
MNF Faces Booze Challenge
Tea-seller, retired IPS, 'gau mataaashraydaatri' among
50

POLITICS - UTTAR PRADESH
By NPM Bureau
T
he Congress party, which
has ruled India for most of
the time since independence
in 1947, has been in a state
of rapid decline since 2014
as party has suffered several electoral
setbacks, leaving the Congress with
only 44 seats in the 543-member parlia-
ment in the 2014, 206 seats in 2009,
and 145 seats in2004 general elections.
Take Uttar Pradesh, where the party
won nine seats in 2004, 21 in 2009 and
just two in 2014.
In a bid to perform better in the upcom-
ing Lok Sabha elections, under
‘Priyanka lao, Congress Bachao’ strat-
egy, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra was last
month appointed as Congress General
Secretary in charge of east Uttar
Pradesh just ahead polls.
Priyanka, who turned 47 on Janu-
ary 12, will assist her brother and
Congress President Rahul Gandhi
in the Hindi heartland state, which
has 80 Lok Sabha seats.
With her appointment, the party is
also considering Priyanka as a re-
placement for contesting Amethi
Lok Sabha seat held by her brother
Rahul Gandhi since 2004.
Until now, Priyanka's political forays
had been largely limited to appear-
ing at campaign rallies in con-
stituencies of Raebareli and Amethi
held by her mother Sonia Gandhi
and brother Rahul, respectively.
Other than Amethi, Raebareli has
Priyanka in UP:
Old Party’s Quest for New Grounds

also been the home to the Con-
gress as Sonia has been serving as
an MP of the constituency for past
16 years.
The appointment, at a time when
the waves of Grand Alliance have
calmed down a bit, is being seen as
a masterstroke which will boost the
morale of party workers in a state
where Congress influence has been
waning over the years and recently
after the Samajwadi Party and the
Bahujan Samaj Party have an-
nounced a tie-up.
Recently, she played a crucial role
when there were multiple claimants
for the chief ministerial posts in Ra-
jasthan, Madhya Pradesh and
Chhattisgarh after the Congress vic-
tory in assembly polls in those
states.
Playing a crucial role in helping the
Congress leadership in selecting
chief ministers of Rajasthan, Mad-
hya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, she
was able to pacify Sachin Pilot and
Jyotiraditya Scindia when they were
denied the top post in Rajasthan
and Madhya Pradesh, respectively.
Priyanka tapped her childhood friendship
with Pilot and Scindia to iron out issues.
It is expected that the presence of Priyanka
will make a sea of difference during talks with
alliance partners in the future.The Congress
also believes that Priyanka's sharp retorts
against Prime Minister Narendra Modi will
help the party during campaigning. Congress
leaders pointed to Priyanka's response to
Modi during the 2014 Lok Sabha election
campaign—that it was not a '56-inch' chest
that was needed to run the country but a big
heart and moral strength—as an example.
Who is Priyanka Gandhi Vadra?
Priyanka is the daughter of former prime min-
ister Rajiv Gandhi and Sonia Gandhi, and
granddaughter of Feroze Gandhi and Indira
Gandhi.
She did her schooling from the Modern
School and Convent of Jesus and Mary,
Delhi, and pursued her graduation in Psy-
chology from Jesus and Mary College, Uni-
versity of Delhi. She also did MA in Buddhist
studies in 2010.
She is married to Robert Vadra, a business-
man from Delhi, and has two children, a son
Raihan and a daughter Miraya. In her quest
for personal peace, Priyanka turned to Bud-
dhism and is a practitioner of Vipassanā as
taught by S.N. Goenka.
nnn

COVER STORY
M
uch to the con-
sternation of
many, which in-
cluded, opposi-
tion, political
pundits, psephologists, even
media and sundry others in
2014, Prime Minister Naren-
dra Modi rode to power with a
thumping majority for his party
alone and also for NDA. This
changed the entire political discourse of the sub-
continent. On 26th May, 2014, he took charge of
the country, with the whole world watching regard-
ing the future course of action of this man with a
solid RSS background and known as a hard core
face of the Hindutwa. And now in a few months
from now he will be again before the nation asking
for votes for his party and his led coalition, detailing
out his achievements.
Along with his team and trusted major Amit Shah,
Modi created a persona, where there is only
chance for yes or no, and no or hardly any chance
for ‘can’t say’, so either you love him or hate him,
you just can’t ignore him. It is not only the political
parties, who are waiting for the outcome of this
election, which is going to be one of the most his-
toric and historic ones than the 2014, with the
whole country and the world is eager for it. As
many political pundits believe, 2014 was one of the
watershed electoral outcome, contrary to that this
will be the real one. The nation will take a very dif-
ferent course, politically, economically and socially
also. The result of this election in all probability, in
the coming years, will create different types of
equation with wider ramification, which is beyond
the imagination.
Over 56 months ago, the Modi government came
to power, with the tag line 'Sabka Saath, Sabka
Vikas,', which NDA is still clinging on to with an ad-
ditional message, after four years is, 'Saaf Niyat,
Sahi Vikas' to the people.
The BJP and its allies are getting ready to show-
case a distinct distinction between 56 months vs
56 years (Congress rule). Naturally, the nation will
want to know what exactly has changed, what has
not; what actually helped and what has not; what
particularly happened and what has not; and the
list is slightly longer. The time certainly calls for a
closer and clear look at the entire period of 56
months of Modi rule.
The government would certainly highlight some of
the visible or tangible achievements like providing
electricity connections to all villages; building roads
at a galloping pace of 31.87 kilometres a day; the
UJWALA scheme where free gas connection were
provided to many economically backward families.
While the critics will go to the town with concerns
over the freedom of speech and violation of rights.
So far, not many voices are being heard against
the clean image of the government, with the Rafael
failing to catch the nation’s imagination as an ar-
gument with substance in it, despite a person of
the stature of Arun Shorie trying desperately. The
lack of controversies surrounding corruption has
allowed the government to score a big point.
With election knocking at the door and Modi led
NDA is keen on repeating its last performance or
By Abhishek Verma
Achievements
Vs
Unfulﬁlled
Promises

bettering it in 2019.The opposition is also hell bent
up on stopping it along the path. At such a crucial
juncture NPM takes a look at the Modi govern-
ment’s achievements as well as the under perform-
ances during this tenure so far.
ACHIEVEMENTS
A stable economy:
Recently, the World Bank has made a forecast that
India will continue to remain the fastest growing
major economy in the world in 2018-19. In a report,
the World Bank said India's Gross domestic Prod-
uct (GDP) will grow at 7.3 per cent during the on-
going financial year.The Modi led NDA received an
economy which received several early setbacks
and an inflation threatening to reach double digit.
The industry output were not encouraging, the oil
prices played havoc, pulses and onion crisis almost
became phenomenal hitting the consumer price
index hard, things were not very rosy for the NDA.
However, with some deft handling things started to
settle down and the growth touched a healthy
above 7, which the opposition of course pooh-
poohed, termed it a statistical jugglery.
In comparison, China is expected to register a
lower rate of growth at 6.3 per cent in 2018-19, giv-
ing Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government a
much needed moral booster in the final year of his
term before elections.
In 2017, India’s $2.6 trillion economy surpassed
France to become the world’s sixth largest, and it
was not far behind the United Kingdom, according
to World Bank data.
This will further climb up to 7.5 per cent in the next
two financial years. The World Bank reasons that
this is a result of increased consumption and in-
vestment. Besides, it says that the economy is re-
gaining after a temporary slowdown due to
implementation of GST.
The GST, which the opposition is trying to project
as a hasty decision on the part of the Modi govern-
ment will in all probability will be a major benefactor
for it. Many say the layered rate of taxation, which
is still being rationalised with due consultation with
all, actually proved the game changer.This helped
in keeping the inflation under control.
In comparison with India, China's economic growth
is projected to slow down to 6.2 in 2019 and 2020,
and 6 per cent in 2021. In 2018-19, China's GDP
is expected to grow at 6.5 per cent.
Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code: The Modi gov-
ernment can certainly take the all the credit for im-
plementing a comprehensive bankruptcy law,
India’s own version of the Chapter 11 regulation in
the US Bankruptcy Code. Ever since its implemen-
tation in 2016 though, the IBC has been the subject
of legislative and regulatory tinkering by parlia-
ment, the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Board of
India and the Reserve Bank of India (RBI).
These encumbrances notwithstanding, available
data analysed by BloombergQuint show that oper-
ational creditors have overwhelmingly outnum-
bered corporate debtors in using the provisions of
the law—by as much as 87%—so much so that the
latter are beginning to pay them even before they
trigger the IBC.
Also in the news there are reports about 12 large
cases of defaulters as identified by the RBI. And
the IBC law, debt-laden companies are making it
the first big settlement under the IBC, with several
other big deals set to close in the coming months.
GST:
The opposition sees it as ‘Gabbar Singh Tax,’, while
for the Modi government this many prove another
factor to change the balance its favour.The Goods
and Service Tax (GST) introduced from July 2017,
at the stroke of midnight, has been one of the most
significant financial reforms of the Modi govern-
ment. The implementation of GST has created a

COVER STORY
single common market in India by subsuming sev-
eral different taxes into a single tax and applicable
pan-India. The move has helped in removing the
cascading impact of different taxes.
With the introduction of GST, states can expect
their revenues to increase, especially those that do
not manufacture goods and rely on supply from
other states. In other words, the disadvantage of
certain states over others stands negated. For a
country the size of a continent, its impact on the
economy will be transformational.
Gradually it is being made simpler, as it had some
hiccup moments like each month filing, which has
been removed.With signs of more relaxations and
abolition, GST will definitely be a trump card.
GST was first proposed in 2000 by the Atal Bihari
Vajpayee government but differences cropped up
with several states on revenue sharing formula.
Several attempts were made to implement GST by
the UPA I and II governments but failed.
As India pursues 7 percent plus growth year on
year over the next few years, GST will play a major
role in achieving that goal.
For Modi the political benefit is he can go to the
town saying to implement it needed a will power to
overcome many hurdles and ‘we did it, while the
Congress dithered.’
Foreign policy:
Prime Minister Modi has visited 53 countries. Al-
though his critics say that a big deal was made of
these visits.
Modi did make significant strides with China. At the
same time during Doklam crisis it withstood all Chi-
nese pressure thus giving a clear image that India
was no pushover like 1962, along with backdoor
diplomacy going on simultaneously.
Only problems remain with Pakistan. As this is
where the proclaimed steps to contain it did not re-
sult in bearing the desired fruits. In comparison to
China, Pakistan is a different sector. This is a
‘pseudo democracy’ with its army and its generals
remaining the deciders of all India centric policies.
For this the score remains at 50:50. And one satis-
fying factor for Modi, paradoxically, is the elected
government of Pakistan blaming him for not con-
tinuing dialogue, when India remains firm in its pol-
icy of no talk until cessation of violence.
Apart from Pakistan, the Modi government has ex-
panded cooperation with nations in its immediate
and extended neighbourhood. Close relations have
been established with Myanmar, Bangladesh and
Afghanistan; ties with Sri Lanka and Nepal have
been brought back on track. With RA&W’s spot on
success at Maldives, India today has a very
friendly government to contain any Chinese adven-
ture there. Beyond that relations with Israel, Saudi
Arabia and Iran needs special mention. Even the
attempt to rope in some of the lesser befriended
African countries have borne result.
India has secured membership of three export con-
trol regimes out of four since this government came
to come in 2014, among achieving several other
goals in foreign policy.
Last year, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj
had said the government has reached out to 186
out of 192 nations through its policies.
The Economic Offenders Bill: Under severe criti-
cism for its handling of persons like Vijay Mallya
and Nirav Modi, the government approved the
Fugitive Economic Offenders Bill. The Bill that
came into force in April would apply with retrospec-
tive effect. It states that the properties of those flee-
ing the country will be confiscated in cases
involving more than Rs 100 crore. A draft of the Bill
was circulated in May last year seeking comments
from all stakeholders.
No corruption:

There have been no serious charges of corruption
against the government. The UPA was embroiled
in controversy with one scam after another hitting
the headlines. The opposition has made several
charges, but most of them have fallen flat. Overall
the Modi government has been free from charges
of corruption.
Schemes for the poor:
The Narendra Modi government has launched var-
ious schemes targeted towards benefiting the poor
and the lower middle class. Under the Ujwala Yo-
jana, over 6 crore families under the BPL have re-
ceived free LPG connections. The main
beneficiaries of this scheme are women who were
keen on switching to LPG as soon as free connec-
tions were made available.
The Jan DhanYojana which was aimed at financial
inclusion for the poor has over 34 crore beneficiar-
ies. Through the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, the
Narendra Modi has aimed to build 2 crore homes
by 2022. The scheme is directed to benefit low-in-
come, middle-income and economically weaker
sections of society.
New Acts:
The government has ratified, amended and imple-
mented various Acts to further the interest of the
nation and the marginalized sections of society.
The Prohibition of Benami Property Transaction
Act (PBPT) amended the loopholes of the previous
Benami Act and came into effect in November
2016. The amendments provide for the confisca-
tion of Benami property and imprisonment and fine
for the violators of the law.
The Enemy Property (Amendment and Validation)
Bill which was passed in Parliament in 2017
amended a 49-year-old law and declared that the
descendants of those who have acquired the citi-
zenship of Pakistan and China will no longer be
able to inherit the property of their predecessors.
Triple Talaq: This is being regarded as one of the
major social change instruments by the Modi gov-
ernment. This has become a major point of con-
tention between the government and the
opposition, still, the arguments and steps by the
later seems to very half hearted, it is like ‘opposing
for opposition shake.” Apart from the 2 Acts, the
government has also been trying to pass the Triple
Talaq Bill which would liberate Muslim women from
the heinous practice but has been unable to do so
because of the opposition. For the critics this has
a political motives but many thinkers believe this
bill has a long term impact with the Muslim com-
munity finally reconciling with it. The best part of
the bill was it was widely accepted by the Muslim
women as a saviour for them.
Aviation policy:
It was Modi’s government in 2016 which cleared
India’s first Civil Aviation Policy. Under the aviation
policy, the 5/20 rule was no longer applicable and
new airlines could open up for international routes
without first having to complete 5 years of domestic
service and operating at least 20 flights.
Moreover, the government has given a big push to
the creation of new airports in tier 2 and 3 cities
and the restoration of abandoned airports.
Infrastructure development: During the tenure of
the NDA government, the Ministry of Road Trans-

COVER STORY
port and Highways (MoRTH) touched a record
31.87 kilometre per day average of national
highway construction in December, 2018.
Moreover, around 80000 km of roads were con-
structed during UPA-2 whereas around 1,20,000
km of roads have been constructed under the
Modi government until now.
Between 2011-14, optical fibres were provided
to only 59 Panchayats, and ever since Modi took
over, optical fibres have reached over 1.20 lakh
Panchayats. The Bharat Net scheme was origi-
nally called the National Optical Fibre Network
(NOFN), conceived by the UPA-II government in
2011.The NDA government renamed it, and for
its effective execution the project is now being
monitored by the Prime Minister's Office (PMO).
The project had been moving at a sluggish pace
and has missed several deadlines. DoT recently
warned of strict action against Bharat Broad-
band Network (BBNL) and Bharat Sanchar
Nigam (BSNL) if they failed to provide necessary
assistance in the scheme.
Revival of Fertilizer Plants: At present eight fer-
tilizer public sector plants have been lying
closed. The Modi government has revived five
plants namely Talcher, Ramagundam, Gorakh-
pur, Sindri and Barauni by setting up Ammonia-
Urea plants of 1.27 million metric tonne per
annum (MMTPA) capacity each with investment
of Rs 40,000 crore.
National Health Protection Scheme (NHPS):
The NHPS was launched last year, it aims at to
offer healthcare cover up to Rs 5 lakh per family
for serious illnesses.With a budget of Rs 10,000
crore, the scheme aims to cover 10 crore fami-
lies or 50 crore people belonging to economi-
cally weaker sections of society.
Besides providing a high quality of health care
services to the poorest, the scheme will also
have a transformational effect on the healthcare
infrastructure in the country.
Swaach Bharat Abhiyan:
Perhaps one of the most socially accepted
schemes, which got a wider acceptance. A
strong social perception has come up around
this programme and a very perceptible aware-
ness became visible. The program is a move-
ment against open defecation and keeping one’s
immediate environment clean and hygienic.
Constructing an in house toilet and not letting
women folk to go to the open for defection be-
came a social movement.The construction with
joint participating of the government has given it
the necessary boost. Around nine crore toilets
have been built across the country since Octo-
ber 2014 under the Swachh Bharat Mission
(Gramin) and a total of 546 districts were de-
clared Open Defecation Free (ODF).
Promises, those went………..
The 2014 election campaigning saw Modi mak-
ing slew of promises, while targeting the ‘misses
of Congress’ over the years. Among the promi-
nent promises, was providing 1 crore new jobs
a year and doubling farm incomes by 2022.
Creating one crore jobs a year: This is the most
debated issue among the masses and espe-
cially the Congress is losing no chance to target
the NDA and Modi over he failed promise. De-
spite economy remaining stable the availability
of jobs remained a distant dream. Even the gov-
ernment records did not deny this.
According to the 2011 census, half of India's
1.25 billion-strong population was below 25
years of age and 65% was under the age of 35.
The importance of creating employment oppor-
tunities in India is a big necessity and challenge
also.

While Modi himself had promised the country
one crore jobs a year (at an election rally), the
BJP-led government has failed miserably in
keeping this promise.
Even, he failed to save existing jobs as almost
one crore 10 lakhs Indians lost their jobs during
2018 and numbers would be doubled in last 56
months, a report by the Centre for Monitoring In-
dian Economy (CMIE) said. Besides, the de-
monitisation took a severe toll on the health of
the MSMEs thus claiming lots of jobs, as was
being highlighted in parts of media.
Centre-state relations:
As per poll promises, Modi reiterated that states
and the centre, or Team India, must work to
forge a model of cooperative federalism for re-
solving differences and charting a common
course to progress and prosperity.
But it seems what is happening on the ground
is different.The old allegation of running parallel
government through the governor have been
raised by Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal,
West Bengal counterpart Mamata Banerjee and
Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Chandrababu
Naidu repeatedly. And on many occasions they
have warned the government about the dilution
of the federal structure. States keep reminding
PM Modi to honour spirit of cooperative federal-
ism. In fact the AP government totally rejected
the CBI’s need in its state.
Despite the BJP’s promise to put “center-state
relations on an even keel” these relations have
become more centralized under the prime min-
istership of Narendra Modi. At the same time,
this process of centralization has not been uni-
form across the three identified dimensions: cen-
tralization is strongest in the political domain, but
weakest in fiscal matters, where the central gov-
ernment felt bound by the recommendations of
the XIV Finance Commission and by longstand-
ing inter-governmental discussions on overhaul-
ing India’s complex indirect taxation system with
a polity- wide Goods and Services Tax, the man-
agement of which relies on centre–state con-
sent.
BJP said in its manifesto to evolve a model of
national development driven by states, to grant
fiscal autonomy to the states but it yet become
reality as last year states ruled by opposition
parties urged the Centre to address the issues
of agrarian distress and loss of revenue from im-
plementing the goods and services tax (GST) at
the fourth meeting of the governing council of
the NITI Aayog.
Failure of Smart Cities Mission:
The ambitious smart cities mission (SCM) of the
government of India has “failed to make remark-
able progress” as only 5 per cent of the proposed
projects are completed so far.This in fact was be-
lieved would have given necessary impetus to the
urban infrastructural development along with other
projects.While it caught the imagination it failed to
translate into reality at the desired pace.The proj-
ect in fact could not become that successful in

COVER STORY
BJP ruled states. Urban development experts felt
the lack of clear cut parameters regarding what
really constitute a smart city project failed get the
result.
The smart cities project, announced in June 2015,
was not just Modi’s pet project, it had also figured
quite prominently in the BJP’s manifesto during
the 2014 election campaign.
SCM is a flagship scheme of government.
Launched in 2015, it aims to create 100 smart
cities, improve the quality of life for urban residents
and steer India’s rapid urbanisation.It proposes to
do this by using technology and data-driven solu-
tions to promote investment and growth in cities.
With India’s urban population expected to reach
600 million by 2031, an increase of nearly 40 per
cent from 2011, urban development is key to en-
sure a smooth transition to a predominantly urban
economy.
However, the Modi government has stopped talk-
ing about the progress of the smart cities project.
It is rather focusing on showing development in
sectoral terms. That is why these days, the prop-
aganda channels – radio, television and print – are
flooded with advertisements pertaining to sanita-
tion, health and housing, and not a word about the
smart cities project is said or printed. Is this the
government’s attempt to focus on the purported
“positives” of his rule, and distract us from the
heap of “negatives”?
In a reply to a question in the Upper House of Par-
liament, the government has admitted that just
14% of the projects have been offloaded so far in
the smart cities mission. At present, 70% of the
projects proposed under the smart cities mission
are still in the development stage, while 5% of
these have been completed so far.
The total proposed investment in the selected
cities under the scheme is over Rs 2.05 lakh crore.
In January 2016, 20 cities were identified under
the Smart Cities Mission, which are expected to
complete their projects by 2019-20 or 2020-21.
Another 13 cities were selected in May 2016, fol-
lowed by 27 cities four months later, for which the
deadline is 2019-20/2021-22.The 30 cities picked
in the third round last year reportedly have to meet
the target by 2020-21/2021-2. Finally, the nine
cities chosen in January 2018, and Shillong the
100th city picked in June, are expected to com-
plete their projects by 2020-21/2022-23.
National Ganga Council: The National Ganga
Council (NGC), which is headed by Prime Minister
Modi, has never met since it was constituted in
October 2016. The NGC was formed to prevent,
protect and control pollution in River Ganga.
The Gazette Notification by the Ministry of Water
Resources, River Development and Ganga Reju-
venation (MoWR, RD & GR), issued on October
7, 2016 read: “The National Ganga Council shall
meet at least once every year or more as it may
deem necessary.”
As per the same notification, the National Ganga
River Basin Authority (NGRBA), which was also
headed by an incumbent Prime Minister, stood
dissolved with the NGC coming into existence.
Hence, NGC is supposed to discharge the re-
sponsibilities that NGRBA had.
The NGRBA was formed in 2009 after the United
Progressive Alliance (UPA) came to power.Its first
meeting was held on December 7, 2009 under the
chairmanship of the then prime minister DrMan-
mohan Singh. All the five meetings of NGRBA—
held in 2009, 2010 and 2012—were chaired by
Singh.The NGRBA meetings, which happened in
2014 and 2015, were chaired by Uma Bharti, the
then Union minister for Water Resources, River
Development and Ganga Rejuvenation.
The progress in cleaning Ganga has been in bits
and pieces, as some notable development is vis-
ible in Kanpur, where one of the biggest sewerage
drain of Asia was finally diverted away from the
holy river along with other such systems.
Land acquisition:The U-turn by the Modi govern-
ment on the amendments to the Land Bill 2013
has turned out to be the biggest source of embar-
rassment for the BJP-led government. Its pro-re-
form, pro-industry agenda has fallen flat on its
face.With the government not able to convince its
own allies, let alone the opposition, it is now con-
templating to roll back crucial amendments which
it had brought to the earlier bill.
During the 11th edition of addressing the nation
through the radio programme, Man Ki Baat, Modi
had said his government was farmer friendly and
decided to continue with the previous govern-
ment’s enacted law—the Right to Fair Compen-

sation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Re-
habilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013 (LARR)
Act, popularly known as the Land Acquisition Act.
“States claimed that they are facing challenges in
acquiring land for creating infrastructure like rural
roads, electrification, affordable housing and
many more to create opportunities for employ-
ment for rural youths, so that we decided to go
ahead with (the) states’ demand,” Modi had said.
Black money: Before the 2014 elections, Modi
had said he would bring back black money
stashed away in foreign countries, and promised
that poor people in the country would get Rs 15
lakh each but it never materialised.
Labour reforms: Last year, trade unions in Mum-
bai, including the labour unit of BJP, Bharatiya
Mazdoor Sangh, urged workers to defeat the BJP
in the 2019 elections.But now government is plan-
ning to do away with the‘hire and fire’clause it had
introduced in the Industrial Employment (Standing
Orders) Act.
The decision was taken after RSS affiliate
Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS) put forward its
objections regarding the rule, sources in the Min-
istry of Labour and Employment said.
BMS leaders had recently met BJP president Amit
Shah regarding the same.“We were assured that
changes in labour laws and reforms would be un-
dertaken only after deliberating with trade unions.
The BJP president also promised to strengthen
mechanisms to settle issues,” a BMS leader had
said.
A ministry official said the decision had received
support from political quarters. “If we can put to-
gether all initiatives, including a possible change
to the number of people factories can hire or fire,
the ministry will be successful in changing its
image from anti-worker to pro-worker,” the official
said.
The government had inserted the hire-and-fire
clause in the Act through an amendment last year,
ostensibly to promote the ease of doing business
and reduce the role of middlemen. It had notified
fixed-term employment only for apparel sector in
February 2017, but it was extended to all sectors
in March this year.
The clause allows companies to employee and
sack up to 300 contract employees according to
their business needs without giving them compen-
sations.It states that a fixed-term employee “shall
not be eligible for all statutory benefits available to
a permanent workman in his period of employ-
ment” and that “no notice of termination shall be
necessary in the case of temporary workman”.
The wage code was introduced in the Lok Sabha
in August 2017, but was referred to the parliamen-
tary standing committee. Report said after incor-
porating the recommendations of the committee,
a new wage code Bill has been sent to the Cabi-
net for its approval.
Immediately after taking charge in May 2014, the
Modi-led government had embarked on a major
labour reform initiative, touted to be the biggest
since Independence, proposing to amalgamate
44 extant central Acts into four codes, aimed at
ensuring ease of doing business and compli-
ances.
Irked Supreme Court: On August 30, 2018, the
Supreme Court expressed displeasure over the
Centre not furnishing details sought by it on set-
ting up of special courts to exclusively deal with
cases involving politicians, saying the government
is "unprepared".
"The government is compelling us to pass certain
orders which we do not want to at this stage," a
bench headed by Justice Ranjan Gogoi said,
adding "the Union of India is unprepared".
"The Union of India doesn't appear to be ready
and prepared," it said.
The bench perused the additional affidavit filed by
the government in which it has said that as per the
apex court's direction, they had released funds to
11 states to set up 12 such special courts and the
expenditure for a one-year period will involve an
expenditure of Rs 7.80 crore.
The move was deemed significant as it was one
of the primary poll promises made by Modi during
his election campaign of 2014. Modi had made a
promise that if he was elected to power, the NDA
government would come up with a mechanism to
fast track cases against politicians, particularly
Members of Parliament (MPs) and Members of
Legislative Assembly (MLAs).
Regarding the apex court's query including on the
number of cases pending before each of these
special courts, the Centre has said the Ministry of
Law and Justice was "regularly taking up the mat-
ter with the concerned authorities for furnishing

COVER STORY
the information regard-
ing the cases trans-
ferred/ disposed/
pending in the said
court(s)".
In its affidavit filed in
the court, the Centre
has said that two spe-
cial courts were to be
set up in Delhi and one
each in Andhra
Pradesh, Telangana,
Karnataka, Kerala,
Tamil Nadu, Bihar,
Uttar Pradesh, West
Bengal, Maharashtra
and Madhya Pradesh.
"All the state govern-
ments/High Courts
have issued the notifi-
cations for setting up of
special court(s) in their
respective states; ex-
cept for state of Tamil
Nadu, wherein it has
been informed that the
proposal is under con-
sideration of the High
Court of Madras," the
affidavit said.
Regarding the top
court's query on
whether the Centre in-
tended to set up more
special courts over and
above these 12, the af-
fidavit said the High
Courts of Karnataka,
Allahabad, Madhya
Pradesh, Patna, Cal-
cutta and Delhi "have
informed that there is
no requirement of ad-
ditional special court(s)
while the High Court of
Bombay has ex-
pressed the require-
ment of an additional
BJP’S 2014 MANIFESTO
The BJP had released its manifesto for the Lok Sabha polls with the
pledge of 'Ek Bharat - Shresth Bharat'. The party had said its focus
will be on economic growth, employment, e-governance, boosting
tourism and simplification of tax regime among other things.
Demonetisation: The country still remains divided over the demoniti-
sation, its benefits and impact. The general mass believe it was a
grand success against black money, but the intelligentsia believed it
otherwise.
In the months following the November 2016 demonetisation, Indians
deposited over 99% of banned currency notes in various banks, ac-
cording to the Reserve Bank of India’s (RBI) annual report released
on August 29.
On November 08, 2016, when prime minister Narendra Modi declared
the currency notes Rs 500 and Rs1,000 invalid from the next day,
these two notes were accounted for Rs 15.44 lakh crore circulating in
the Indian economy, or 86% of the total cash by value. So according
to the RBI report, Rs 15.31 lakh crore returned to the banking regu-
lator.
Similarly, two years later, the central bank says, about 99.3% of the
notes sucked out of circulation have been returned. Besides, the value
of bank notes in circulation has increased by 37.7% over the year,
reaching Rs 18,037 lakh crore by the end of March 2018.

court."
The affidavit sought a direction that if additional
courts were required, they should be set up within
the allocations available with the states or from
their own resources.
Education reform: India’s New Education Policy
(NEP) yet to be handed over to the Central gov-
ernment as committee formulating the new edu-
cation policy has already seen four extensions,
and now there are fears it may not be launched in
this government’s tenure.
BJP, in its manifesto for the 2014 elections, had
promised to bring a new education policy since
the existing one is nearly three decades old.
While the Human Resource Development (HRD)
ministry rejected the report and disbanded the first
committee, the second panel has so far been
given four extensions to submit its recommenda-
tions.
The HRD ministry, then under Smriti Irani, set the
process in motion in October 2015, when it tasked
the T.S.R. Subramanian Committee to suggest
recommendations for the policy.
When the committee submitted its report in May
2016, the ministry held several consultations with
various stakeholders on the report’s contents. In
2017, when Prakash Javadekar took over as HRD
minister, however, the Subramanian panel’s report
was rejected and the committee was disbanded.
The Javadekar-led ministry then formed another
committee under the former Indian Space Re-
search Organisation (ISRO) chief K. Kasturiran-
gan. The committee began work on the policy in
July 2017;since then, it has got four extensions to
submit its report.
The Kasturirangan panel was to hand in its report
in December 2017 but the date was then ex-
tended to June this year. The deadline was then
pushed to August, which has now been extended
to October.
The Central government had constituted K Kas-
turirangan committee to prepare draft for the new
NEP 2017.The NEP is aimed at promoting edu-
cation amongst the common people of the coun-
try. The policy covers elementary to college
education in both rural and urban India. The first
NEP was promulgated in 1968 by the government
of then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, and the sec-
ond by then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhiin 1986.
Ram Temple in Ayodhya: The Babri Masjid-Ram
Janmabhoomi dispute is one that makes a come-
back ahead of every election season as BJP
promised to build Ram Temple during 2014 Lok
Sabha polls campaigning, but BJP government at
the centre, has to reach any conclusion after more
than four and half years because issue is still
pending in the Supreme Court of India after the
Allahabad High Court had divided the disputed
land into three parts for each of the parties -- the
Sunni Waqf Board, the Nirmohi Akhara and Ram
Lalla in its judgement.
The dispute is about a plot of land measuring
2.77 acres in the city of Ayodhya in Uttar
Pradesh, which houses the Babri mosque and
Ram Janmabhoomi.This particular piece of land
is considered sacred among Hindus as it is be-
lieved to be the birthplace of Lord Ram, one of
the most revered deities of the religion. Muslims
argue that the land houses the Babri mosque,
where they had offered prayers for years before
the dispute.
The dispute arises over whether the mosque
was built on top of a Ram temple – after demol-
ishing or modifying it in the 16th century. Mus-
lims, on the other hand, say that the mosque is
their sacred religious place - built by Mir Baqi in
1528 - and that Hindus desecrated it in 1949,
when some people placed idols of Lord Ram in-
side the mosque, under the cover of darkness.
Article 370
There is currently no proposal to scrap Article
370 which gives special status to Jammu and
Kashmir, Union Minister of State for Home Han-
sraj Gangaram Ahir informed the Lok Sabha.
Article 370 of the Indian Constitution confers
special autonomous status to Jammu & Kash-

COVER STORY
mir. It is a 'temporary provision' under Part XXI
of the Constitution of India, which deals with
"Temporary, Transitional and Special Provi-
sions." The state has different provisions than all
other states, according to the Constitution. For
example, till 1965, J&K had a prime minister in
place of the chief minister.
The controversial provision was drafted by
Sheikh Abdullah. Sheikh Abdullah did not want
temporary provisions for Article 370. He wanted
'iron clad autonomy' for the state.
Parliament needs Jammu & Kashmir govern-
ment's nod for applying laws in the state — ex-
cept defence, foreign affairs, finance, and
communications.
The law of citizenship, ownership of property,
and fundamental rights of the residents of
Jammu & Kashmir is different from the residents
living in rest of India. Under Article 370, citizens
from other states can not buy property in Jammu
& Kashmir. Under Article 370, the Centre has no
power to declare financial emergency.
FDI in India:
Many changes have been made to the Foreign
Direct Investment (FDI) policy in the last few
years. Further, FDI is also allowed through two
different routes namely, Automatic and the Gov-
ernment route.The erstwhile Foreign Investment
Promotion Board (FIPB) has been phased out
recently. In the automatic route, foreign entities
do not need the prior approval of the govern-
ment to invest. However, they have to inform the
RBI about the amount of investment within a
stipulated time period. In the government route,
any investment can be made only after the prior
approval of the government. Various other con-
ditions as defined in the consolidated FDI policy
are applicable to various sectors. In specific sec-
tors, the FDI is prohibited.
Health Sector:
Work on most of the 13 All India Institute of Med-
ical Sciences (AIIMS) institutions announced by
the Modi government has been moving slowly.
Five are yet to receive cabinet approval.
Only three percent of sanctioned funds for 11
new AIIMS have been released, according to a
Fact Checker analysis.
Up to 60 percent of faculty positions at the six
working AIIMS are also vacant, according to a
reply given by JP Nadda, the minister for health
and family welfare, to a Lok Sabha question in
February 2018.

No Lokpal yet:
“Setting up an effective Lokpal” was one of the
promises made by the BJP. Three years after,
the Modi government is yet to enforce the law
that was passed in December 2013.
The Supreme Court in April pulled up the gov-
ernment for dragging its feet on the matter, say-
ing that there was “no justification” to not to
implement the act, after Attorney General Mukul
Rohatgi argued, on behalf of Centre, that
amendments regarding the Leader of Opposi-
tion were still pending before the law.
Social activist Anna Hazare has warned the
Centre of a nationwide agitation if the Lokpal Act
isn't implemented soon.
CBI fiasco:
With Modi coming to power the expectation that
CBI would at least get some freedom to operate.
The earlier criticism of UPA by honourable
Supreme Court as it said, “caged parrot” to CBI,
the BJP grabbed the opportunity with both the
hands. This led to generation of an expectation
that he CBI would be at least somehow free. But,
the recent spat between the chief and his sub
ordinate and the director getting the marching
order to fire brigade gave a different opinion
about government’s real intention.
Conclusion
In real politic the expectation and rhetoric (read
manifesto and promises) never match. However,
people will always go by the verbatim and the
discussion will veer around it.When the real pol-
itics begins, it does not take the discourse and
narrative to change rapidly. But, in the age of
hyper information flow, the public memory is not
always too short, as things are proving. The
country, as many of the surveys show, has hope
on Modi and his ability to deliver, though there
are apprehensions. Between the hope and frus-
tration hangs the balance, however, the grade
sheet, is not that discouraging for the present
government. Only time will say what course the
Indian modern history will take, but, not every-
thing is lost for Modi and his team but, as Frost
said, with a little twist, “you have promises to
keep and miles to go….”
Don’t sit on the adage “promises are made to be
broken,” else…… nnn

POLITICS - CHHATTISGARH
By NPM Bureau
A
s the Congress is on cloud nine after
winning assembly elections in
Chhattisgarh after a long gap of 15
years, its newly-elected Chief Minis-
ter Bhupesh Baghel will be eyeing to
continue the winning momentum in the upcoming
Lok Sabha elections as well. In addition to fulfill-
ing the promises made before the polls, the state
government will likely witness a number of chal-
lenges in coming days.
The state, which was carved out of
Madhya Pradesh in 2000, is one
of India's fastest growing
states, averaging 9.88%
annually over the last
six years. That’s
mainly because of
a low base that
aids faster
growth and the
country's min-
e r a l - r i c h
mines.
Minerals have
been the
bedrock of
Chhattisgarh,
contributing a
tenth to the
state's GDP, and
revenue from min-
eral mining in 2017–
2018 stood at Rs
4,911 crore, according to
the Ministry of Mines.
The state is also one of India’s
largest producer of coal, iron ore
and tin, and has significant reserves of dolomite,
limestone, bauxite and diamonds. The abun-
dance of coal has also made it on India’s very few
states where power is available in surplus. De-
spite having an advantage of being mineral rich
and after waiving farm loans and increasing the
minimum support price (MSP) of paddy to Rs
2,500 quintal from Rs 1,750 quintal, the Chhat-
tisgarh government will be busy in tackling the fol-
lowing issues, the
issues if
Naxal Conundrum
Old Question to the New Government

handled properly will give an extension to the
Congress government in the next elections.
Naxal Violence
Chhattisgarh is the most affected state by left-
wing extremism. The presence of Naxalite or
Maoist insurgency has also hurt growth and is the
reason why living standards remain so widely dis-
parate from one district to another.
The basic facilities including better connectivity
to other villages, good healthcare and education
have been difficult to access. The government’s
attempts to build roads in different areas for bet-
ter connectivity with districts have often invited an
exchange of fire, ambushes of workers and se-
curity personnel and lED blasts.
Poverty
As per a 2014 survey, Chhattisgarh is the poorest
state as over 47% of the population lives below
the poverty line. The marginalised tribal popula-
tion is increasingly being pushed into a state of
poverty. Several tribal people have found it easier
to migrate to big cities and work as labourer, but
this has further reduced the per capita income,
says a report.
Unemployment
According to the Centre for Monitoring Indian
Economy’s employment tracker, the state’s unem-
ployment rate is the sixth highest in the country.
Being a key issue that always gets a place in
election manifestos, it is one of the main reason
Chhattisgarh is the only state among the three where Congress has got a clear cut
majority. And this owes much to the stress in agrarian sector.

POLITICS - CHHATTISGARH
that is fuelling the growth of the Naxalism prob-
lem. The new government will have a daunting
task to generate employment in the state so as
to attract voters.
Agrarian Crisis
According to the state government's estimate,
agriculture is the main source of income for al-
most 80% of its population. Yet, agriculture con-
tributes merely 18% to the state’s GDP.
Government data says at least 1,500 farmers
committed suicide in Chhattisgarh between 2015
and 2017.
In the year 2018, 96 tehsils in 21 districts were
declared drought-hit in September and Chhattis-
garh received 12.8% less rainfall, as compared
to the last 10 years. It is reported that inadequate
rainfall during the kharif season last year affected
over 1.1 million farmers in the state.
The state's farmers are also far behind on
the agrarian technology. A majority of farmers
still use traditional farming methods and rely on
monsoons, resulting in low growth and crop pro-
ductivity.
A senior leader and a man to script the Congress’
victory in Chhattisgarh after 15 years, Bhupesh
Baghel has become the third Chief Minister of
Chhattisgarh after winning 68 seats out of 90 seats.
Born on 23 August 1961, Baghel has been holding
the State Party Chief post since October 2014.
Baghel with the help of other leaders like T. S. Singh
Deo, Charan Das Mahant, P. L. Punia, etc. rejuve-
nated Chhattisgarh Congress after Jhiram Ghati
Naxal attack in 2013 left the party in tatters. He man-
aged to sideline ex-Chief Minister Ajit Jogi and his
son Amit Jogi in state congress after Anta-
garh Assembly by-election audio tape row.
The Congress, which struggled to make
electoral inroads since 2013, won the 2018
Chhattisgarh Legislative Assembly election
by a thumping majority after 15 years under
the guidance of Baghel who himself won
his traditional seat of Patan.
He started his political career under the
guidance of the late Chandulal Chandrakar
in the early 1980s. He held the post of Vice
Who is Bhupesh Baghel?

Corruption
Despite high levels of poverty and unemploy-
ment, the Raman Singh government has re-
mained untarnished by any major scams for the
majority of its tenure. But in past three years,
three major scams have created a dent in BJP
government’s clean image in the state. State gov-
ernment's name has cropped up in AugustaWest-
land chopper case and the Public Distribution
Scheme scam, while CM Raman Singh's son has
been named in Panama Papers, which revealed
information about people who have off-shore
bank accounts in Panama – a tax haven. Oppo-
sition parties have used these allegations of cor-
ruption to their advantage during campaigning for
this year's polls.
Although Chhattisgarh was carved out of Madhya
Pradesh to give the region's large Scheduled
Caste and Scheduled Tribe population adequate
representation, the statehood seems to have
done little to help the development in the state.
Although it is still early to predict the future course
of the government, it is likely that the Bhupesh-
led government will initially work to fulfil the elec-
tion promises.
nnn
President of Madhya Pradesh Youth Con-
gress in 1994--1995.
In December 1998, he was appointed the Minister
of State for Public Grievance in the Digvijay Singh
cabinet of Madhya Pradesh and promoted as Min-
ister of Transport in December 1999. He was ap-
pointed Chairman of MP State Road Transport
Corporation in January 2000.
After the state of Chhattisgarh was created by the
Government of India in November 2000, he became
a member of Chhattisgarh Legislative Assembly. He
became First Minister for Revenue, Public Health
Engineering and relief work (until 2003).
Baghel again became MLA in 2003 state election
from same seat, although his party lost state gov-
ernment to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). He
served as Deputy Leader of Opposition in Chhattis-
garh Legislative Assembly from 2003 to 2008.
As per the recent discloser by the Home
Ministry, the left wings extremism has
declined in 44 districts but the challenge
is still a large.

POLITICS - MIZORAM
By NPM Bureau
A
fter losing the state to the Congress
Party in 2008, Mizo National Front
(MNF), after a gap of 10 years, led by
former insurgent and two-time chief
minister Zoramthanga, swept the
state elections, winning 26 out of 40 seats.
Because, since 1986, the government has shifted
between the Congress and the MNF – each last-
ing not more than two terms, the MNF is believed
to leave no stone unturned to woo people by ful-
filling the promises made in the manifesto so as
to reap the benefits in the upcoming Lok Sabha
elections. Although the MNF’s manifesto prom-
ised to tackle issues such as poverty, illegal im-
migration, refugees, alcohol prohibition, economy,
women-centric issues, unemployment, infrastruc-
ture development, high dropout rates, racial ten-
sions and inter-district inequalities, it will be
MNF Faces Booze
Challenge
Widespread unemployment has sent the Congress to bottom while posing imminent challenge to the new Gover

interesting to see how the party finds solution to
issues of failure of administration and financial
mismanagement, timely disbursal of government
officials’ salary and pending government contrac-
tors’ bills, etc.
Some of the key issues that will play a big role in
winning people’s trust are as follows:
Women-centric issues
Topping Although women electors outnumber
men in the state, the former is yet to get equal
representation in Mizoram politics.
Illegal immigration
Another issue for the state is illegal immigration
from neighbouring countries such as
Bangladesh, Nepal and Myanmar. Illegal immi-
gration has shot up drastically in Mizoram and
Nagaland over the last few years. Reports esti-
mate that there are 10,000 illegal migrants in the
state.
Last year, PTI had reported that the state unit of
the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) urged the Con-
gress government in the state to detect and de-
port foreigners who have illegally entered the
state.
In December, a conglomerate of major civil soci-
eties and student associations of Mizoram urged
Prime Minister Narendra Modi to ensure that all
illegal immigrants, especially Chakmas from
Bangladesh, are deported.
Unemployment
Like many states in India, Mizoram is also tackling
the problem of unemployment. Despite ranking
first in literacy, many remain jobless in the state.
And the primary reason for this is lack of local in-
Guarding the national fence in Mizoram is immediate focus of the state.
rnment.

POLITICS - MIZORAM
dustry. Also, the service sector that has been a
major growth driver in the Indian economy has
also not been developed sufficiently in the state.
According to an Indiaspend report, the rapid de-
velopment is not creating enough jobs and liveli-
hood. Poverty is also an issue, with 20.40% of the
population living below the poverty line in 2011–
2012.
The two main reasons for poverty in the state are
underdeveloped agriculture and unskilled labour.
Tribals practise traditional and unscientific ‘jhum’
or slash-and-burn method of cultivation, in which
land is cleared and vegetation burned to make
way for new cultivable land.
Infrastructure development
Infrastructure development is one of the main poll
planks in the state. Mizoram’s roads are in a ter-
rible condition, and they have not seen improve-
ment over the two Congress terms.
Before polls, the top leadership of the MNF had
also called for a state-wide rally on October 13 to
protest bad roads.
The condition of roads has been a matter of much
public discussion over the past few years.
Bru refugees
The Bru refugees who fled from Mizoram in 1997
were once again called back to their home state.
But the Supreme Court instructed the Mizoram
government not to go ahead with the proposed
repatriation process.
There are over 32,000 Brus lodged in six relief
camps in North Tripura district.
On July 2 this year, another repatriation of Mizo-
ram’s Brus officially ended. This was the eighth
such attempt since 2009.
Abolition of alcohol prohibition
The state assembly passed the Mizoram Liquor
Mizo National Front (MNF) leader Zoramthanga be-
came Mizoram's chief minister for the third time after
sweeping the latest assembly elections by winning 26
out of 40 seats. He also led the MNF to power in Mi-
zoram in 1998 and 2003.
Born on 13 July 1944, Zoramthanga was a former un-
derground leader and a close aide of the legendary
MNF leader Laldenga.
Seventy-four-year-old Zoramthanga joined the under-
ground MNF while waiting for his bachelor's degree in
arts at the DM College in Imphal. The MNF, led by
Laldenga, declared independence from the Indian
Union on 1 March 1966.
He was appointed secretary to MNF 'president'
Laldenga in 1969 and was appointed as Vice Presi-
dent of the 'Mizoram government-in-exile' in 1979 as
well as the Vice President of the MNF party.
He accompanied Laldenga to Pakistan and Europe
while the MNF was holding talks with the Indian gov-
ernment and was actively involved in the peace par-
leys.
Coming out of hiding following the peace accord
signed on 30 June 1986 between the MNF and the In-
dian government, he was inducted as a minister in the
interim government headed by Laldenga for six
months.
A group of independent candidates under the MNF
umbrella contested for the 40-member Mizoram state
legislature for the first time in 1987 Assembly polls,
when 24 of them were elected, including Zo-
ramthanga.
He was inducted as cabinet minister holding portfolios
like Education and Finance.
Mizoram was placed under President's Rule in the
Who is
Zoramthanga taking the oath as new CM.

Prohibition and Control Act (MLPCA) in 2014,
and it came into force from 15 January 2015, re-
placing the earlier Mizoram Liquor Total Prohibi-
tion Act (MLTPA).
After the wine shop opened in Aizawl on 16
March 2015, there have been reports of in-
creased alcohol-related deaths in the state. In the
last two to three years, about 6,000 to 7,000 peo-
ple have died due to alcohol consumption, which
is a large number in a small state like Mizoram.
In the last two to three years, no less than 500
policemen have died due to alcohol abuse. It is
mainly because of the bad quality alcohol that is
available in the liquor shops – set up after the ban
was lifted.
The church and all the NGOs are very unhappy
with the government’s decision
As the list of promises made by the MNF is long,
it will be interesting to see how the party takes
advantage of this opportunity to garner support
in the future elections.
nnn
later part of 1988 after defections by some legis-
lators including former underground personnel.
He was re-elected from Champhai seat in 1989
Assembly polls.
After the death of
Laldenga due to
lung cancer on 7
July 1990, Zo-
ramthanga was
elected as the MNF
party chief, the post
he continues to hold
till date.
He contested the
state Assembly polls
from his home turf –
Champhai – in 1993
and won for the third
time to become the
Leader of the Oppo-
sition in the state
legislature.
Zoramthanga led the MNF to victory in 1998 state
Assembly polls when he won from Champhai and
Khawbung seats and formed the government with
21 legislators.
He was inducted as the state chief minister for the
first time and completed the full term. He retained
power in the 2003 state polls and continued as
the chief minister.
Zoramthanga won from Champhai, his home turf,
and also from Kolasib constituency on the Mizo-
ram-Assam border. However, he vacated the Ko-
lasib seat.
His party faced a severe debacle in the 2008 polls bagging
only three seats, while its junior partner, the Maraland Dem-
ocratic Party (MDF) won one seat. Zoramthanga lost from
both Champhai North and Champhai South constituencies.
The Mizoram Peo-
ple's Conference
(MPC) and the
Zoram Nationalist
Party (ZNP) both se-
cured two seats
each.The opposition
Congress bagged
32 seats with former
chief minister Lal
Thanhawla bounc-
ing back to power.
Zoramthanga con-
tinued to be in the
political wilderness
as he again lost from
East Tuipui in 2013,
and the Congress
retained power with 34 legislators in the 40-member state
legislature.
This time around, he contested from the prestigious Aizawl
East-I seat and defeated journalist-turned politician K. Sap-
danga by 2,504 votes. Congress' K.Vanlalrawna came third.
For Zoramthanga, this poll verdict was a do-or-die situation
where losing the electoral battle this year would have meant
the last nail in his political coffin, and survival of his MNF
party while winning would have meant revival for not only
him, but also for the erstwhile underground party.
Zoramthanga?

POLITICS - MADHYA PRADESH
By NPM Bureau
W
ith this, Kamal Nath has to solve
issues which affect millions in
the central Indian state if party
wants perform well in 2019
General election, given the fact
that the state contributes 29 seats to the Lok
Sabha.
In Madhya Pradesh, not many farmers want their
children to take up the family profession. This is
due to huge regional disparity in agriculture pro-
duction. Out of 52 districts of the state, 15 from
prosperous Malwa region contribute over 50% of
output. Many marginal farmers in Bundelkhand,
Chambal-Gwalior region and Vindhya Pradesh
are losing their land, turning into labourers and
migrating to other areas for better income. The
farmers’ unrest roiled MP so much so that eight
farmers were killed in a police firing in June
2017. Most farm organisations and leaders have
been demanding loan waivers and government
guarantees for higher crop prices. Here are the
key issues that could decide next polls.
Farmers
First and foremost, the ensuing election in the
state is primarily about farmer’s angst. In all the
sub-regions, Chambal-Gwalior, Bundelkhand,
Baghelkhand and Mahakoshal, one finds a com-
mon resonance of farmers angst on account of
whopping price rise in the inputs – irrigation cost,
seeds, fertilizer and labour payment. They have
to invest in farming with the low minimum support
price (MSP) they get for their crop despite the
bonus given by the state government. In fact,
farmers explicitly link demonetisation and digital
mode of payment replacing earlier cash-based
one as the prime causality for their precarious
position.
Unemployment
Madhya Pradesh is staring at very high rate of
unemployment simply because a vast workforce
Bumpy Road ahead
in Madhya Pradesh
Within days of taking oath as the Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh after sweep-
ing assembly polls, though with a slight margin, Kamal Nath has fulfilled its
promise by waiving off farmers’ loan, which is estimated to cost at least Rs
50,000 crore. This has been done, to appease voters for upcoming elections, de-
spite knowing that the state is already reeling under a debt of Rs 1,60,000 crore.

| FEBRUARY, 2019 |NATIONAL POLITICAL MIRROR|
that is engaged in agriculture cannot be absorbed
in industrial and tertiary sector without human de-
velopment. As per Madhya Pradesh State As-
sembly records, on an average, 17,600 jobs have
been created every year in the State since the
BJP came to power in the State in December
2003. The Economic Survey presented in 2017
admitted that the number of educated unem-
ployed stood at 11.24 lakh by the end of 2016.
The Chouhan government had also drawn flak for
raising the retirement age of its employees to 62
from 60 years as it will reduce employment op-
portunities for unemployed youth. As per the data
tabled in Madhya Pradesh assembly, 2,46,612
jobs were generated in the state between 2004
and 2017. Of these, 2,27,386 jobs came from the
private sector.
Berozgar Sena, a voluntary outfit fighting
unemployment in Madhya Pradesh, claims that
unemployment has gone up by 53% and
unemployment-related suicides have surged 20
times between 2005 and 2015.
Human resource development
In spite of its proximity to the national capital re-
gion, skill development has remained ignored for
many years both in terms of Industrial Develop-
ment and New age IT industry.
Climate change
Madhya Pradesh’s Bundelkhand region has wit-
nessed unpredictable weather conditions result-
ing in severe drinking water stress. In
Gwalior-Chambal region, man--animal and ani-
mal--animal conflicts during summer months
have become common due to water scarcity.
A study conducted by the IIM, Ahmedabad, has
indicated that the frequency of severe, extreme
and exceptional droughts has increased in Mad-
hya Pradesh. Droughts in the recent years were
severe and widespread. The number of hot days
has increased significantly in the state.These de-
velopments are posing enormous pressure on
agriculture, water resources, infrastructure,
tourism and energy sectors. To effectively man-
age the detrimental impacts of climate change,
local level policies are required to check adverse
impact of climate change on these sectors.
Urban development
Major cities of Madhya Pradesh have not taken
off like other states. Cities are engines of growth,
but Indore and Bhopal are struggling to compete
with towns like Jaipur, Vadodara, Lucknow or
Nagpur. Indore was once considered an automo-
bile hub, but there has been lot of stagnation. Ac-
cording to Sushil Sureka, general secretary,
Ahilya Chamber of Commerce and Industries
(ACCI), two big economic reforms measures --
demonetisation and Good and Services Tax
(GST) – have hurt Indore’s business. As per his
assessment, Madhya Pradesh has witnessed a
dip of 40 to 50% in businesses and 15 to 20% in
unemployment. ‘Hundreds of small business
shops have been shut or are in the verge of shut-
ting down’, Sureka said in a recent interview.
Investor’s summits
The Shivraj Singh Chouhan government held five
investor summits between 2007 and 2016, but
the move failed to bring much needed investment.
As per one estimate, of the 2,357 Memorandums
of Understanding (MoU) signed, only 92 projects
have been commissioned while more than 1,728
are at early stages of implementation and the rest

537 have been cancelled. In the Global Investor
Summit 2016, the government claimed that there
has been an intend or interest to the tune of Rs
5,62,887 crore from 2,630 companies, but till
date, there has been no visible manifestation of
it.
A study by the Associated Chambers of Com-
merce and Industry in India (ASSOCHAM) titled
‘Analysis of Madhya Pradesh: Economy, Infra-
structure & Investment’ observes that poor phys-
ical and social infrastructure development has
demotivated private sector participation and led
to a dismal show in the state’s performance on
the investment front.
There are several states sharing border with Mad-
hya Pradesh, but the central Indian State has not
made major gains in either mining or cement clus-
ter.
Both the BJP and the Congress in Madhya
Pradesh battled elections on development plank,
offering slew of populist measures for the State
While introducing Kamal Nath to the people of
Chhindwara, Madhya Pradesh (MP), Indira
Gandhi had said: ‘This is my third son. Please
vote for him’. That eventually saw the start of the
slogan ‘Indira ke do haath, Sanjay Gandhi aur
Kamal Nath’.
Kamal Nath, with the name comes the picture of
one of the trusted aides to the no. 1 family of the
Congress, has been put on the throne of MP, fol-
lowing not so memorable victory, following the
election there last November. However, a victory
is always a victory, no matter how narrow or big.
Known as the third son of Indira Gandhi, he rose
quickly the ladders. At one point in time, he was
regarded as the ear of Mrs. Gandhi, following the
death of Sanjay. In his own admission, he was in-
Congress’

troduced to Chhindwara by none other than
Mrs. Indira Gandhi. But, insiders say he never
misused his power, despite remaining closer
to the power centre on many occasions. His
astute sense politics has always allowed him
to stay above controversies.
Even now despite the new leader in the party,
he always remained closer to the power cen-
tre.This was visible when he was brought into
the state during the last six months. He cer-
tainly pumped new enthusiasm into the party.
And the leadership believed in his ability and
gave him the CMship of MP. Despite the BJP
sweeping last general election in MP riding on
Modi wave, Kamal Nath won from Chhind-
wara.
But, he understands the slippery nature of the
verdict in MP, one of the bigger states situated
in Central India, as he is taking every take
very cautiously following his sworn-in cere-
mony.
Nath, who was born in Kanpur, has become
the first Congressman to govern Madhya
Pradesh since Digvijaya Singh, who was suc-
ceeded by Uma Bharti in 2003.
Nine-time MP from Chhindwara, Nath has
worked with three generations of Gandhis —
Indira, Rajiv, Sonia and Rahul, being young
friends and schoolmates with Sanjay at the
Doon School, an independent boarding
school located in Dehradun.
Hailing from a well-to-do family, Kamal Nath
married Alka Nath in 1973, and they have two
sons. Known for his caring attitude towards
family, he has never sidelined his family for
the love of politics. ‘Kamalji is a very devoted
husband and loving father, and never let his
family and public life getting in each other’s
way. He managed them well for which he is
such respected and did well in politics also.
And his wife also stood by him solid all the
time’, said a follower of Kamal Nath during
election.
Nath’s connection with Madhya Pradesh can be
traced back to 1979, when former prime minister In-
dira Gandhi had described him as her ‘third son’ who
helped her take on the Morarji Desai-led government
in the same year.
He completed his Bachelor degree in Law from DAV
College of Kanpur University. He is an alumnus of The
Doon School and earned a Bachelor of Commerce
from St. Xavier's College of the University of Calcutta.
From being appointed as Madhya Pradesh Congress
chief just eight months before elections to steering the
party to victory after an electoral drought of 15 years
in the state, Nath has retained his track record by
being the Congress’s go-to man for party cadres and
allies.
Ever since he was appointed as the state Congress
chief, Nath has had to deal with the tag of being an
outsider to the politics of Madhya Pradesh. Brought
up in Kolkata, Nath never really dabbled in state pol-
itics.
His past experience as central ministers in some of
the important ministries, like environment, textiles,
urban development, cabinet affairs and others,
weighed in favour of him.
As the richest minister in UPA II, Kamal Nath has a
good sense of business. It is said he has a good grasp
over PPP model, infrastructure development and
world market. For this deep knowledge in business
and his area of interest, the Congress had asked him
to speak in the 2011 Davos World Economic Forum
meet. There he had strongly advocated for allowing
the agricultural products of the developing countries
into the developed markets. He is against the protec-
tionist attitude of the developing countries as he called
it wrong response to a crisis. Always regarded as de-
velopment oriented, the residents of Chhindwara say
that he changed the entire district.
Kamal Nath does have shares in controversies. His
name came up in the rice export issue in 2007. Be-
sides, when he was denied party ticket in 1996, he al-
lowed his wife to contest and win form Chhindwara.
The Justice Nanavati Commission also absolved him
of his involvement in the Sikh Massacre of 1984.
lotus in central India

assembly polls. But the two principal political par-
ties have been silent on issue of providing relief
to Bhopal gas tragedy victims, Narmada dam
oustees and other marginalised sections of soci-
ety.They have been silent on the plight of the sur-
vivors of Bhopal gas tragedy who continue to
suffer in silence for 34 long years after the world’s
worst industrial disaster.
In official records, it is said that over 3,000 persons
were killed on the intervening night of 2—3 De-
cember 1984 when over 40 tons of poisonous
methyl isocyanate (MIC) leaked from the storage
tanks of the Bhopal-based Union Carbide India Ltd
(UCIL). But many campaigners working with gas
survivors insist that the killer gas killed more than
25,000 people and left 5,50,000 others injured and
disabled.The horrific effects of the gas continue to
this day, but past Congress and BJP governments
have been indifferent towards their plight.
Congress’ Promises to MP
In addition to waiving off farm loans, the party
also promised a social security pension to them
and a rebate in the registration fee of land docu-
ments, besides a financial help of Rs 51,000 for
the marriage of daughters of small cultivators.
In its manifesto titled ‘Vachan Patra’ (document of
promises), it also promised a MSP for crops in
accordance with the Swaminathan Commission’s
recommendations.
Among the plethora of measures for farmers
mentioned in the document, the Congress had
promised a social security pension of Rs 1,000
per month to farmers who attain the age of 60
and whose land holding is below 2.5 acres.
Other sops promised to farmers include a 50%
subsidy on loans for agriculture equipment, halv-
ing the power bill rates for them, a bonus on the
MSP of some crops and a subsidy of Rs 5 per
litre on milk procurement among others.
The Congress also promised a ‘salary grant’ of
Rs 10,000 per job to the industries offering em-
ployment to the youth of the state. It promised the
constitution of aYuva Aayog (Commission for the
Youth) to look into the problems of young men
and women.The list of promises seems to be
endless, but the big question is how the Kamal
Nath-led government is going to act on all these
promises with severe financial implications.
nnn
Though the BJP
has lost the state
but the sympathy
for ousted CM
Shivraj Singh is
exceptionally high
at the moment. And
he may give a
scare to the
Congress in the
general elections.

DYNAMITE WARRIOR
G
eorge Fernandes, a lifelong
socialist despite his political
adventurism that included
Cabinet posts in two ideolog-
ical opposite governments
where he ousted Coca-Cola in 1977 and
oversaw the Kargil war in 1999, died. He
was 88.
Fernandes, who had been suffering from
Alzheimer's disease for
several years, died
peacefully at his home
and his body was taken
to All India Institute of
Medical Sciences for
embalming, his wife,
Leila Kabir Fernandes,
said in a statement.
Fernandes, who was
born to a Christian family
in Mangalore, Kar-
nataka, burst into national limelight when as
a firebrand trade unionist in Mumbai he or-
ganised a Railways strike in 1974 that
brought the country to a standstill. Ironically,
he became the Railways minister in 1989
under V.P. Singh's National Front coalition
government, comprising mostly Left leaning
parties
Despite being a staunch critic of the RSS,
Fernandes joined the BJP-led NDA govern-
ment under Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vaj-
payee in 1998 and 1999, in which he was
appointed the defense minister. Under his
stewardship India fought the Kargil war in
1999. It was also during his tenure that India
conducted nuclear test at Pokhran in 1998.
He was also the industries minister under
the Janata Party government which had de-
feated former Prime Minster Indira Gandhi
in 1977. Soon he was at loggerheads with
industrialists and demanded that Coca-Cola
and IBM comply with foreign ownership reg-
ulations, which forced them to shut down
their operations and quit India.
He faded away from public consciousness
after unsuccessfully fighting the
2009 Parliamentary elections,
ending a political career that had
begun with him defeating vet-
eran Congress MP S.K. Patil
from Bombay South in the 1967
Lok Sabha Elections. He subse-
quently represented Muzza-
farpur and Nalanda
constituencies in Bihar, and was
also a Rajya Sabha member in
2009-2010.
A wave of sorrow swept across Bihar, which
Fernandes had virtually adopted as his sec-
ond home and political 'karmabhoomi', rep-
resenting its various constituencies in
Parliament for a period spanning over four
decades. He also was a Rajya Sabha mem-
ber from Bihar from 2009 to 2010
Fernandes had played a critical role in the
anti-Emergency movement of the opposi-
tion parties that ousted Indira Gandhi in
1977. During the 1975-77 Emergency,
when civil liberties were severely curatiled
and opposition throttled, Fernandes was ar-
rested in the so-called Baroda Dynamite
case.
nnn
Silent and Lonely
Demise of a ‘Firebrand’

By NPM Bureau
T
he most important task before Gehlot
is to fulfill the Congress’ promise of
farm-loan waiver. Mopping up the
funds for the amount is going to be dif-
ficult as the Congress has during the
campaign said the coffers of Rajasthan are in a
bad shape after five years of Vasundhara Raje
government. The Centre may not extend a help-
ing hand because it was a promise that helped
Congress defeat the Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP).
Gehlot will have to find resources to implement
promises such as 3500 wages for unemployed
youth and re-establishing the MGNREGS.
Political Compulsions
The leader will have to address political compul-
sions such as the preparations for the Lok Sabha
polls. One of the major drawbacks for the Con-
gress is its poor organisational presence in the
State. To rejuvenate the organisation, Congress
has always used power, and Gehlot and its Deputy
CM Sachin Pilot may also have to depend on the
governance to help the party units to revive.
POLITICS - RAJASTHAN
Incumbents in the state
of anti-incumbency
While the Congress party is in a jubilant mood after winning assembly elections in
three states including Rajasthan, it is going to be a challenging third term at the
Rajasthan Chief Minister’s Office for Ashok Gehlot. The issues that have helped the
Congress to stage a comeback — farm distress and unemployment — are going to
haunt it ahead of the 2019 Lok Sabha election.

To checkmate the ‘hindutvaisation’
of the State too, Gehlot may have
to take focussed steps. He may
have to nullify the amendments
made to the laws that prohibited
transport of cattle in the State. In a
state that has witnessed murders
by cow vigilantes, Gehlot will have
to make extra efforts to ensure law
and order.
Farmer-friendly Politi-
cian
Gehlot is known as a farmer-
friendly politician and will be under
pressure to address farm distress
in a short span and to set a model
so that the Congress can showcase it during the
Lok Sabha polls. Rahul Gandhi had said in a
number of election rallies that the JD(S)--Con-
gress government in Karnataka and the Con-
gress government in Punjab had announced a
farm-loan waiver soon after assuming power. So,
the Congress’s strategy will be to tell people, par-
ticularly in bigger states such as Uttar Pradesh,
Maharashtra and Bihar, that when it comes to
power it can ‘easily’ fulfil such promises.
For the newly-formed Ashok Gehlot government
in Rajasthan, the year ahead would be challeng-
ing as it shall have to perform, show results and
fulfil promises that his Congress party made in its
manifesto and also face three elections in a row,
which would show the mood of the people.
First, the biggest challenge for Gehlot govern-
ment is the Lok Sabha polls in April--May. Gehlot
has been claiming that the Congress would win
over 20 Lok Sabha seats out of the 25 in Ra-
jasthan — the biggest state of the country in
terms of the area — defeating the BJP badly. To
achieve this feat, CM Gehlot along with his deputy
Sachin Pilot, who is also the Rajasthan Congress
unit head, shall have to work tirelessly, plan strat-
egy and show results to Congress chief Rahul
Gandhi whose coronation as prime minister de-
pends on the contribution from the desert state.
The model code of conduct for 2019 Lok Sabha
elections will come into force from March 5, leav-
ing the Gehlot government with nearly two
months to speed up the administration and imple-
ment its poll promises. Apart from this, the gov-
ernment will have to come out with its first budget
in February.
In its Jan Ghoshna Patra, the party had made 426
announcements in 27 chapters. Of these, major
ones are farmers' loan waiver and monthly al-
lowance to unemployed youths. How and when
these promises will be fulfilled would impact the
poll prospects of the Congress in state.
Second, in November 2019, five months after Lok
Sabha election, Gehlot government will face local
bodies’polls. A total of 46 local bodies including six
municipal corporations of Jaipur, Kota, Jodhpur,
Bikaner, Udaipur and Bharatpur will go to polls.
The result of these local bodies’ polls will play a
big role in judging the mood of the people, mainly
those in urban area. It will be seen if people vote
with full heart to Congress or shift their loyalty to
the BJP. In the areas that go to election, Gehlot
government once again will have to face the re-
striction of model code of conduct.
Before these two major elections, Gehlot also has
to win Ramgarh Assembly election. The State
Election Department had postponed elections
here till further order after the demise of Bahujan
Samaj Party (BSP) candidate Lakshman Singh.
The Election Commission of India is yet to declare
date for the election. The opposition BJP will be
eager to win the election, dropping a message
ahead of Lok Sabha election.
'Pilots of change'

POLITICS - RAJASTHAN
What Congress Promised in its
Manifesto
In its document titled ‘Jan Ghoshna Patra’, the
Congress has promised to waive the loan of
farmers and provide free education to women
and jobs to youth before Assembly polls.
The party added that its manifesto was based on
the ‘Rahul model’ as people’s suggestions were
taken into account before drafting it. It also prom-
ised to reopen the universities that were set up
by the previous Congress government but closed
by the BJP government.
The manifesto also said that the Congress would
like to have agriculture equipment and tractors
exempted from the Goods and Services Tax
(GST). It added that the recommendation to bring
Veteran politician and senior Congress leader Ashok Gehlot
is the fourth leader to become chief minister of Rajasthan
for a third time. Mohan Lal Sukhadia (Congress) was the
chief minister of the state for four times, while Hari Dev Joshi
(Congress) and Bhairon Singh Shekhawat (Bharatiya Janata
Party (BJP)) were three-time chief ministers in the state.
Sixty-seven-year-old Gehlot first became the chief minister
of the state in 1998 and the second time in 2008 .It was any-
thing but abracadabra.
The Congress, which won in the three north Indian states,
held meetings of its legislature parties that authorised party
president Rahul Gandhi to name his choice as Chief Minis-
ter. Just like party did on 30 November 1998 when newly
elected Congress legislators met and passed a unanimous
resolution authorising Congress President Sonia Gandhi to
decide on the next Chief Minister.When Rajasthan in-charge
Madhavrao Scindia and party ‘observer’ Ghulam Nabi Azad
flew in to meet the legislators that afternoon, they conveyed
to the MLAs that Gehlot was the choice of the high com-
mand.
The Congress decision to pick the magician’s son
as the Rajasthan chief minister was neither quick
nor easy after party emerged as the single-largest
party in Rajasthan, winning 99 seats. Its ally
Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) won one seat to take the
tally to 100 seats, the required number to form gov-
ernment.
The BJP got 73 seats, and the Bahujan Samaj
Party (BSP) won 6. BSP leader Mayawati pledged
support for the Congress.The CPI (M) got 2 seats,
Independents won 13 and other parties got 6.
Deliberations dragged on in Delhi before the party,
which defeated the BJP 99--73 in the assembly
elections and chose Gehlot over the youthful
Pradesh Congress Committee president Sachin
Pilot for the post that both felt they had earned.
The politician has said magic is in his soul. At a
conjurors’ convention in 2015 – which he inaugu-
rated by performing a little trick of his own – Gehlot
said he would have followed in his father Lachman
Singh’s footsteps had he not joined politics.
He also thanked Indira Gandhi, according to some
accounts. She is said to have noticed his work
with East Bengal refugees and was impressed.
He headed the Rajasthan unit of the National Stu-
dents Union of India (NSUI) and was later seen
as a staunch loyalist of the Gandhi family.
In his early years in politics, some in the party
called him `gilli billi’, a reference to his past when
he performed magic on tours as an assistant to
his father Lachman Singh Gehlot.
Later, another tag stuck. He was started being
called Rajasthan’s Gandhi for his simple lifestyle
and mass connect.
The connect with party leaders, past and present,
is said to have come in handy in the recent elec-
tions as well.
Ashok Gehlot: Third-Time Chief Minister
A Magician in practice

petrol and diesel under the
tax would be made to the
GST Council.
In addition to give Rs
3,500 monthly allowance
to unemployed youths in
the state, the party has
promised to bring a legis-
lation for the protection of
journalists in the state and form an implementa-
tion committee for time-bound implementation of
the manifesto.
Local Polls Promise
The Congress also promised to do away with the
condition of minimum educational qualification for
candidates contesting in local body elections in
the State.
This condition that requires a candidate to have
passed Class X for contesting municipal elec-
tions was first introduced by the Vasundhara
Raje-led BJP government in 2015.
A candidate contesting the elections to Panchay-
ati Raj institutions for the post of a Sarpanch is
required to have passed Class VIII and Class V
in tribal reserved areas, while for contesting the
Zila Parishad or Panchayat Samiti elections, a
candidate is required to have passed Class X.
The party also promised to promote organic
farming, give pension to elderly farmers, develop
dairy industry, give push to fisheries, provide in-
ternet facility in every panchayat and link villages
with eastern Rajasthan canal project.
Other promises include ensuring quality health
services to citizens, availability of wheat to BPL
families at Rs 1 per kg, easy monetary loans to
the youth and no fare in state-run buses for can-
didates travelling to appear in competitive exams.
Last but not least, it said it will expedite work on
rail connectivity in Dungarpur, Banswara and
Tonk districts if it comes to power in the state.
Although the result of future elections will play a
big role in deciding the success rate of the newly-
formed Gehlot government, it will likely be a
tough road ahead for Gehlot and the Congress
to meet people’s expectations.
nnn
As the Congress struggled to reach the halfway mark
in the assembly, he was reportedly in touch with party
rebels who won as independents and could be called
upon to make up the numbers.
After all, he has been at the helm of Congress affairs
in the state for years. Apart from being the CM twice
earlier, he has won a series of Lok Sabha and assem-
bly elections from the state and headed the Rajasthan
Pradesh Congress Committee four times.
Currently an All India Congress Committee (AICC)
general secretary, Gehlot has been deployed by the
party in crucial roles at the national level.
He was appointed AICC general secretary in charge
of Gujarat just months ahead of last year’s assembly
polls.
The Congress didn’t win there but managed to give the
ruling BJP a big scare in Prime Minister Narendra
Modi’s home state.
In the recent Karnataka assembly polls, he was there
in Bengaluru along with Ghulam Nabi Azad to help
stitch together a post-poll coalition with Janata Dal
(Secular) to form the government.
After his first proper job in the organisation as NSUI's
Rajasthan president from 1974 to 1979, Gehlot went
on to become the Jodhpur City Congress Committee
president from 1979 to 1982. Then, he was elevated
as the state Congress committee's general secretary.
Gehlot was first elected to Parliament in 1980 and
went on to win Lok Sabha elections four more times.
Since 1999, he has represented the Sardarpura as-
sembly constituency, winning five consecutive terms
in the House.
At the Centre, Gehlot has served as a minister of state
in the ministries of tourism, civil aviation, sports and
textiles, in different stints between 1982 and 1993.
He was also the AICC general secretary in charge of
Delhi and the party’s Sewa Dal from 2004 to 2009 and
member of the Congress Working Committee looking
after Himachal Pradesh and Chhattisgarh.
He is married to Sunita Gehlot and has a daughter and
a son.
Gehlot is a graduate in science, a postgraduate in eco-
nomics and has studied law. And then there is magic
and old-fashioned politics on his CV.

JUSTICE
After Sajjan Kumar, is it
the term for Jagdish Tytler
Investigations into the role of leaders like Kumar and
Jagdish Tytler were re-opened. This was done after nearly
10 commissions and committees of inquiry found what
they termed ‘credible evidence’. Congress leader Tytler is
also facing charges of his direct involvement in 1984 riots.
Jagdish Tytler

BY NPM BUREAU
T
he High Court convicted Kumar for his
involvement in the killing of five mem-
bers of a Sikh family — Kehar Singh,
Gurpreet Singh, Raghuvender Singh,
Narender Pal Singh and Kuldeep
Singha family in Raj Nagar Raj Nagar part I area
in Palam Colony in South West Delhi on
November 1-2, 1984. Besides, for his involve-
ment in burning down of a Gurudwara in Raj
Nagar part II.
When the macabre dance of death was being
enacted Kumar was an MP with the ruling Con-
gress party. He was acquitted in the lower how-
ever in 2018 the high court reversed the
judgment on appeal from federal investigators.
The judgment came in the case that was re-
opened by a Special Investigation Team, which
was set up 31 years after more than 3,000 Sikhs
were killed in New Delhi, as per official data. But
unofficial figures suggested over 8,000 to 17000
were killed across India, in one of the most sec-
ular mass killing.
The court also extended the terms of other two
convicts – former MLA MahenderYadav and Kis-
han Khokhar – from three years to 10 years.
Besides Kumar, retired naval officer Captain
Bhagmal, Girdhari Lal and former Congress
Councillor Balwan Khokhar have also been sen-
tenced to life imprisonment.
The judgment was delivered by a division bench
comprising Justices S Muralidhar and Vinod
Goel. Following the judgement Kumar resigned
from the Congress on December 18, that was
one day after the Delhi High Court reversed his
acquittal.
Now, Kumar has moved to the Supreme Court
challenging the life imprisonment awarded to him
by the Court.
What court said in its judgment?
Delivering the verdict, the court said, “In the sum-
mer of 1947, during Partition, several people
were massacred...Thirty-seven years later, Delhi
was the witness of a similar tragedy. The ac-
cused enjoyed political patronage and escaped
Sajjan Kumar

JUSTICE
trial.”
Referring to the courage of Jagdish Kaur, the vic-
tim who had fought for action to be taken against
Kumar and others, the court bench said, “it is im-
portant to assure the victims that despite the
challenges, truth will prevail.”
Who is Kumar?
Kumar was a senior politician from the Congress.
He has been active in Congress politics of Delhi
since the late 1970s. Kumar first tasted victory in
the local municipal election in 1977 when he was
elected as a councillor. An active politician from
Delhi, he represented the Outer Delhi con-
stituency thrice as member of Lok Sabha.
2013 acquittal by trial court
He was acquitted by a lower court in Delhi in
2013 for his role in the riots while convicted five
others; giving life terms to former Congress coun-
cillor Balwan Khokhar, retired naval officer Cap-
tain Bhagmal, Girdhari Lal.Two others were sen-
tenced to a 3-year jail term.
But the verdict was challenged by the country's
top investigative agency CBI which said he had
been involved in a conspiracy of "terrifying pro-
portions" with the police.
The Supreme Court-appointed an SIT in 2015,
which probed the 60 cases it had reopened out
of the total 293. It filed "untraced report" in 52
cases in the last one-and-a-half years.
Investigations into the role of leaders like Kumar
and Jagdish Tytler were re-opened after around
10 commissions and committees of inquiry found
what they termed ‘credible evidence’. Congress
leader Tytler is also facing charges of his involve-
ment in 2984 riots.
Role of Jagdish Tytler
The CBI closed all cases against Jagdish Tytler
in November 2007 for his alleged criminal con-
spiracy to engineer riots against Sikhs in the af-

National Political Mirror Monthly Magazine - February 2019 Issue

National Political Mirror Monthly Magazine - February 2019 Issue

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National Political Mirror Monthly Magazine - February 2019 Issue