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Copyright © 2011 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
Chapter 10 Memory
▲ TABLE OF CONTENTS
To access the resource listed, click on the hot linked title or press CTRL + click
To return to the Table of Contents, click on ▲Return to Table of Contents
To return to a section of the Lecture Guide, click on ► Return to Lecture Guide
► LECTURE GUIDE
➢ Reconstructing the Past (p. 2)
➢ Memory and the Power of Suggestion (p. 2)
➢ In Pursuit of Memory (p. 3)
➢ The Three-Box Model of Memory (p. 4)
➢ The Biology of Memory (p. 5)
➢ How We Remember (p. 6)
➢ Why We Forget (p. 6)
➢ Autobiographical Memories (p. 7)
▼ FULL CHAPTER RESOURCES
➢ Learning Objectives (p. 9)
➢ Rapid Review (p. 10)
➢ Lecture Launchers and Discussion Topics (p. 11)
➢ Activities and Exercises (p. 21)
➢ Handout Masters (p. 30)
➢ APS Current Directions Reader (p. 32)
➢ Forty Studies That Changed Psychology (p. 33)
➢ Web Resources (p. 34)
➢ Video Resources (p. 37)
➢ Multimedia Resources (p. 40)
➢ Transparencies (p. 42)
➢ CRS “Clicker” Questions (p. 43)
➢ PowerPoint Slides (p. 43)
➢ Study Guide (p. 43)
➢ Accessing Resources (p. 43)

2 CHAPTER 10 MEMORY
►Lecture Guide
I. RECONSTRUCTING THE PAST (Text p. 350)
➢ Lecture Launchers and Discussion Topics
➢ Culture and Memory
➢ The Chowchilla Kidnapping
➢ Hypnosis and Memory
➢ Activities and Exercises
➢ Memories of 9/11
➢ Do We Make Accurate Copies of Events in Our Memories?
➢ Web Resources
➢ Flashbulbs
➢ Multimedia Resources
➢ Listen to your chapter: audio files of the complete chapter
➢ Flashcards: students can download and print these cards
➢ Practice Tests
Learning Objective 10.1 – Why memory does not work like a camera—and how it does work.
A. The manufacture of memory--a reconstructive process
1. Source misattribution--other information is integrated into memories and cannot be
distinguished from original memory
2. Flashbulb memories--memories of emotional events that seem photographic--are not always
complete or accurate, especially over time
Learning Objective 10.2 – Why errors can creep into our memories of even surprising or shocking
events.
B. The conditions of confabulation (remembering something incorrectly)
1. Person has thought about imagined event many times
2. The image of the event contains a lot of details
3. The event is easy to imagine
▲ Return to Chapter 10: Table of Contents
II. MEMORY AND THE POWER OF SUGGESTION (Text p. 355)
➢ Eyewitness Testimony
➢ “Pssst…Have You Heard About This Demonstration?”
➢ APS Current Directions Reader
➢ Memories of Things Unseen
➢ Forty Studies That Changed Psychology
➢ Thanks for the Memories!
➢ Web Resources
➢ Witnesses
➢ Simulation: How Good Is Your Memory for Stories?
Learning Objective 10.3 – How memories of an event can be affected by the way someone is
questioned about it.

3 CHAPTER 10 MEMORY
A. The eyewitness on trial
1. People reconstruct memories, so eyewitness testimony can be incorrect
2. Errors are particularly likely to occur when the suspect’s ethnicity differs from that of the
witness
3. Recollection of past events is influenced by the way a question is asked
B. Studies on children’s testimony describe the conditions under which a child might be suggestible
1. Preschoolers are more suggestible and more likely to have source amnesia than school-aged
children
2. Pressure to conform to expectations and a desire to please an interviewer lead to more errors
III. IN PURSUIT OF MEMORY (Text p. 359)
➢ Depth of Processing and Memory
➢ Demonstrating Simple Memory Principles
➢ Handout Masters
➢ 10.1 – Depth of Processing Word List
➢ Web Resources
➢ Measurements
➢ Video Resources
➢ Savant Syndrome (3:41)
➢ Simulation: Levels of Processing
Learning Objective 10.4 – Whether you can know something without knowing that you know it.
A. Measuring memory
1. Ways to measure explicit memory (conscious recollection of an event or item of information)
a. Recall--the ability to retrieve information that is not present
b. Recognition--the ability to identify information you previously experienced
2. Ways to measure implicit memory (information that affects our thoughts and actions even
when we do not consciously or intentionally remember it)
a. Priming--exposure to one set of information affects answers on a different type of task
b. Relearning method--relearning a previously learned task and measuring savings (also a
test of explicit memory)
Learning Objective 10.5 – Why the computer is often used as a metaphor for the mind.
B. Models of memory
1. Information processing models are based on computers--we encode information, store it, and
retrieve it
a. After encoding, next step is storage (maintenance of memory over time)
b. After storage, then retrieval (recovery of stored memory)
2. Storage takes place in three interacting systems (three-box model)
a. Sensory memory--retains incoming information for a second or two
b. Short-term memory (STM)--holds limited amount of information for about 30 seconds
c. Long-term memory (LTM)--accounts for longer storage
3. Parallel distributed processing model--rejects information-processing models
a. Maintains that memory is different than a computer; the human brain processes
information simultaneously
b. Considers knowledge to be stored in connections among thousands of units

4 CHAPTER 10 MEMORY
IV.THE THREE-BOX MODEL OF MEMORY (Text p. 363)
➢ The Inner Workings of Working Memory
➢ Working Memory
➢ Episodic  Semantic
➢ Sensory Memory
➢ The Limits of Short-Term Memory
➢ The Value of Chunking
➢ Web Resources
➢ Boxes
➢ Explore More: Key Processes in Stages of Memory
➢ Explore More: Encoding, Storage, and Retrieval in Memory
➢ Simulation: Iconic Memory; Information Processing Model
➢ See More: video footage on short-term memory
➢ Learn More: research on memory mapping
➢ Explore More: Key Processes in Stages of Memory
Learning Objective 10.6 – How the three “boxes” in the three-box model of memory operate.
A. Sensory register: Fleeting impressions
1. Includes separate memory subsystems for each sense
2. Stores information as visual images (up to 1/2 sec.) and auditory images (up to 2 sec.)
3. Acts as a holding bin until we select items for attention
4. Pattern recognition occurs during transfer of information from sensory memory to short-term
memory
5. Information that does not go on to STM is lost forever
Learning Objective 10.7 – Why short-term memory is like a leaky bucket.
Learning Objective 10.8 – Why a word can feel like it’s “on the tip of your tongue” and what errors
you are likely to make when you finally recall it.
B. Short-term memory: Memory’s scratch pad
1. Holds information up to about 30 seconds as an encoded representation
2. Transfers information to LTM or information decays and is lost
3. Holds information retrieved from long-term memory for temporary use, which is why this part
of memory is often referred to as working memory
4. Holds seven (plus or minus two) chunks of information – a leaky bucket
5. Memory limitations may be overcome by chunking--grouping small bits of information into
larger units, using our knowledge
Learning Objective 10.9 – The difference between “knowing how” and “knowing that.”
C. Long-term memory: Final destination
1. Organization in long-term memory
a. By semantic category
(1) Research has shown that people recall information by category
(2) Clinical data supports semantic organization
(3) Network models assume that information is organized semantically
b. By sound and form of words--evidence from tip-of-the-tongue states
2. Contents of long-term memory
a. Procedural memories--knowing how
b. Declarative memories--knowing that

5 CHAPTER 10 MEMORY
(1) Semantic memories--internal representations of the world, independent of context
(2) Episodic memories--representations of personally experienced events
3. Serial position effect provides evidence for the existence of short- and long-term memories
a. The three-box model has been used to explain recency and primacy effects
(1) Primacy effect--tendency to remember items that occur early on a list--thought to be
due to transfer of items to LTM
(2) Recency effect--tendency to remember items that occur near the end of a list--
thought to be due to items still being in STM at time of recall
b. Cannot fully explain the recency effect
V. THE BIOLOGY OF MEMORY (Text p. 369)
➢ Reconsolidation
➢ APS Current Directions Reader
➢ Beyond Fear: Emotional Memory Mechanisms in the Human Brain
➢ Web Resources
➢ Brains
➢ Video Resources
➢ Alzheimer's Disease (3:00)
➢ Your Shrinking Brain (13:20)
➢ Memory and Exercise (1:38)
➢ Estrogen and Memory (1:41)
➢ Bloody Teeth Boost Memory (1:45)
➢ Video: Bloody Teeth Boost Memory
Learning Objective 10.10 – Changes that occur in the brain when you store a short-term versus a
long-term memory.
A. Changes in neurons and synapses
1. In STM, changes within neurons temporarily alter neurotransmitter release
2. LTM changes involve permanent structural changes in the brain
a. Long-term potentiation occurs—increases synaptic responsiveness
b. Consolidation is the time required for physical changes to occur in LTM; until this occurs,
memories in LTM are vulnerable to disruption
Learning Objective 10.11 – Where in the brain memories for facts and events are stored.
B. Locating memories
1. STM tasks  frontal lobes
2. Formation of long-term declarative memories  hippocampus
3. Encoding of pictures and words  prefrontal cortex, association areas of cortex
4. Procedural memories of classically conditioned responses to unpleasant stimuli cerebellum
5. Many more brain areas associated with memory are currently being investigated
Learning Objective 10.12 – Which hormones can improve memory.
C. Hormones, emotion, and memory
1. Adrenalin connection-hormones released during stress enhance memory, but high levels of
those hormones interfere with ordinary learning (especially with females)

6 CHAPTER 10 MEMORY
2. Sweet memories-the effect of these hormones may be due to glucose
3. Still many unknowns about the connection between hormones and memory
VI.HOW WE REMEMBER (Text p. 374)
➢ “Your Name Escapes Me, But Your Face...Well, It Escapes Me Too.”
➢ The Role of Distinctiveness in Memory
➢ Mnemonics in Mind
➢ Improving Memory
➢ Schemas and Memory
➢ The Self-Reference Effect
➢ Web Resources
➢ Remembering
➢ Simulation: Mnemonics
➢ Simulation: Serial Position Curve
➢ Simulation: Serial Position Effect; Measuring Memory
Learning Objective 10.13 – How memory can be improved, and why rote methods are not the best
strategy.
A. Some kinds of information are encoded automatically (e.g., location of objects in space), whereas
others require effort (e.g., learning information from a textbook)
Learning Objective 10.14 – Why memory tricks, although fun, are not always useful.
B. Techniques
1. Effective encoding—accurate encoding is an important first step
2. Maintenance rehearsal (rote repetition)--maintains information in STM but does not lead to
LTM retention
3. Elaborative rehearsal (elaboration of encoding)--associating new items of information with
information that has already been stored in LTM
4. Read, recite, review
5. Deep processing--processing the meaning of what you are trying to remember
6. Retrieval practice—practive makes nearer to perfect
7. Mnemonics--strategies for encoding, storing, and retaining information
VII. WHY WE FORGET (Text p. 377)
➢ Saving a Famous Brain
➢ How False Memories are Formed
➢ Decay and Interference in Short-Term Memory
➢ Web Resources
➢ Forgetting
➢ Video Resources
➢ Memory Hazards (3:28)
➢ Memory: Elizabeth Loftus (16:23)

7 CHAPTER 10 MEMORY
➢ Simulation: Forgetting
➢ Video: Judy: Dementia
➢ Video: Alzheimer’s Alert
➢ Video: Alzheimer’s and Dementia
➢ Learn More: about amnesia
➢ Video: Alzheimer’s Love Story
➢ Video: What Happens with Alzheimer’s
Learning Objective 10.15 – The problem with remembering everything.
Learning Objective 10.16 – The major reasons we forget even when we’d rather not.
A. The decay theory--holds that memories fade with time if they are not used; does not apply well to
lapses in LTM
B. Replacement--new memories for old--new information sometimes wipes out old information
C. Interference
1. Retroactive interference--new information interferes with old
2. Proactive interference--old information interferes with new
D. Cue-dependent forgetting--forgetting due to lack of retrieval cues
1. Retrieval cues are important for remembering
2. Context or mental/physical states (state-dependent memory) can be retrieval cues
3. We remember better when the material matches our current mood
Learning Objective 10.17 – Why most researchers are skeptical about claims of repressed and
“recovered” memories.
E. The repression controversy
1. Repression--pushing upsetting information into the unconscious mind (a controversial
proposition)
a. False memories of sexual abuse can arise as a result of the use of "recovered memory"
techniques
b. A court has ruled that recovered memories are not admisssible
c. In some cases, it is posible to distiguish false from true memories of abuse
VIII.AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL MEMORIES (Text p. 383)
➢ Snapshots and Storylines
➢ Why You Don’t Remember Your First Birthday Party
➢ A Quick Review of the Basics of Memory
➢ Web Resources
➢ Personalizing
Learning Objective 10.18 – Why the first few years of life are a mental blank.
A. Childhood amnesia: The missing years-- inability to remember things from the first years of life
1. May occur because brain areas involved in formation or storage of events are not well
developed until a few years after birth
2. Several explanations have been offered for childhood amnesia
Learning Objective 10.19 – Why human beings have been called the “storytelling animal.”

8 CHAPTER 10 MEMORY
B. Memory and narrative: The stories of our lives
1. Narratives are a unifying theme to organize the events of our lives
2. Narratives rely on memory, which is constructed

9 CHAPTER 10 MEMORY
▼ Learning Objectives
After studying this chapter, students should be able to understand the following principles:
Reconstructing the Past
10.1 – Why memory does not work like a camera—and how it does work.
10.2 – Why errors can creep into our memories of even surprising or shocking events.
Memory and the Power of Suggestion
10.3 – How memories of an event can be affected by the way someone is questioned about it.
In Pursuit of Memory
10.4 – Whether you can know something without knowing that you know it.
10.5 – Why the computer is often used as a metaphor for the mind.
The Three-Box Model of Memory
10.6 – How the three “boxes” in the three-box model of memory operate.
10.7 – Why short-term memory is like a leaky bucket.
10.8 – Why a word can feel like it’s “on the tip of your tongue” and what errors you are likely to make
when you finally recall it.
10.9 – The difference between “knowing how” and “knowing that.”
The Biology of Memory
10.10 – Changes that occur in the brain when you store a short-term versus a long-term memory.
10.11 – Where in the brain memories for facts and events are stored.
10.12 – Which hormones can improve memory.
How We Remember
10.13 – How memory can be improved, and why rote methods are not the best strategy.
10.14 – Why memory tricks, although fun, are not always useful.
Why We Forget
10.15 – The problem with remembering everything.
10.16 – The major reasons we forget even when we’d rather not.
10.17 – Why most researchers are skeptical about claims of repressed and “recovered” memories.
Autobiographical Memories
10.18 – Why the first few years of life are a mental blank.
10.19 – Why human beings have been called the “storytelling animal.”

10 CHAPTER 10 MEMORY
▼ Chapter 10: Memory
RAPID REVIEW
Chapter 10 examines the nature of memory. Memory is not simply a videotaped recording that can be
replayed at any time. Rather, our memories often incorporate outside information into our recollections so
that what we recall is a reconstruction of events and not necessarily a memory of them. Memory is tested
using recall, retrieval, and relearning methods. There are two prominent models of memory: the
information-processing model, which compares memory processes to computer processes, and the
parallel distributed processing model, which states that knowledge is represented as connections among
thousands of processing units operating in parallel. The three-box model, an information-processing
model, suggests that there are three types of memory: sensory memory, short-term memory, and long-
term memory. Psychologists are interested in knowing what kinds of brain changes take place when we
store information. Research has examined memory and its relationship to neurons, brain structures, and
hormones. There are several different theories that explain why we forget: decay theory, replacement
theory, interference theory, repression, cue-dependent forgetting, and theories about childhood amnesia.

▼ LECTURE LAUNCHERS AND DISCUSSION TOPICS
Culture and Memory
The Chowchilla Kidnapping
Hypnosis and Memory
Eyewitness Testimony
The Inner Workings of Working Memory
Working Memory
Episodic  Semantic
Reconsolidation
“Your Name Escapes Me, But Your Face...Well, It Escapes Me Too.”
The Role of Distinctiveness in Memory
Mnemonics in Mind
Saving a Famous Brain
How False Memories are Formed
Snapshots and Storylines
Why You Don’t Remember Your First Birthday Party
► Return to Lecture Guide for Chapter 10
Lecture Launcher – Culture and Memory
All cultures place certain memory expectations on their members. For example, in Western culture we are
expected to remember (through honors, ceremonies, observances) significant dates, persons, or
activities. The Fourth of July, Thanksgiving Day, Presidents Day, and, most obviously, Memorial Day, are
examples of a kind of culturally-shared memory system. Although often there are no explicit guidelines for
activities on these occasions and no particularly dire sanctions for not observing them, we will certainly be
looked at askance if we don’t remember when they are or what they signify. Other cultures and
subcultures have similar occasions, such as religious observances (e.g., first Friday of the month) or
anniversaries (e.g., the Tiananmen Square demonstration).
Cultures and subcultures also have ritualized reminders for memory events. For example, people in
Western cultures automatically know that a string around one’s finger or an image of an elephant serve
as reminders to do something, just as rosary beads help Catholics remember their prayers or a flag at
half-mast helps remind a large group to honor someone’s memory. The use and form of these reminders
can vary from culture to culture, although like the memory tasks themselves they typically are learned
implicitly within a cultural context.
Beyond these aspects of a “general cultural memory,” there is also evidence that gender stereotypes play
a role in what gets remembered and by whom. As discussed in the chapter on sex and gender, the
formation of gender stereotypes and gender role expectations are often culture-bound. That cultural
learning can in turn inspire certain types of memory. For example, Stephen Ceci and Urie Brofenbrenner
(1985) showed that remembering when to terminate an event is better if the event is consistent with
gender stereotypes. Boys were better at remembering when to stop charging a motorcycle battery than
remembering when to take cupcakes out of the oven, whereas girls showed the opposite pattern.
Similarly, Douglas Herrmann and his colleagues (1992) showed that female and male undergraduates
had differential memory for an ambiguous paragraph depending on its title. When given a “male-like” title
(“How to Make a Workbench”), men remembered more details than did women, although the opposite
was true if the ambiguous passage had a “female-like” title (“How to Make a Shirt”). The influence of
culture on memory, then, also occurs indirectly through the expectations and stereotypes set up within a
cultural context.
Ceci, S. J., & Brofenbrenner, U. (1985). “Don’t forget to take the cupcakes out of the oven”: Prospective memory, strategic
time-monitoring, and context. Child Development, 56, 152–164.

Herrmann, D. J., Crawford, M., & Holdsworth, M. (1992). Gender-linked differences in everyday memory performance.
British Journal of Psychology, 83, 221–231.
Searleman, A., & Herrmann, D. (1994). Memory from a broader perspective. New York: McGraw-Hill.
◄ Return to complete list of Lecture Launchers and Discussion Topics for Chapter 10
Lecture Launcher – The Chowchilla Kidnapping
In the summer of 1976, a busload of children, together with their bus driver, Ed Ray, were kidnapped—
bus and all—from a country road in Madera County in California. The abductors ditched the bus, hiding it
in a drainage ditch nine miles west of the small town of Chowchilla. They drove the kidnap victims (19
girls, 7 boys, and Ray) around for eleven hours in two vans, finally putting all of the children and the driver
into an 8’ x 16’ moving van that was buried in a rock quarry.
After 16 hours underground, the victims dug their way out and were eventually found and returned to their
homes in Chowchilla. Ed Ray was hypnotized and eventually was able to remember five of the six
numbers on the license plate on one of the vans used in the abduction, which led to the arrest of three
young men who were tried and found guilty. A draft of a ransom note had been found in the home of one
of the young men along with other evidence tying them to the crime (Terr, 1981, 1983).
This case marked the increased interest of law enforcement personnel in the use of hypnosis as a tool for
helping witnesses to remember crime details. Unfortunately, this case is the exception to the rule:
memories recovered under hypnosis cannot be assumed to be accurate without some other kind of
evidence that the memories are real. In the Chowchilla case, the ransom note and other things found in
one of the kidnapper’s homes were that evidence, but those things might not have been found if not for
Ray’s hypnotically aided recall. (In this instance, hypnosis helped Ray relax enough to recall the memory
of the number that he had actually tried to memorize. If he hadn’t made that initial effort to remember the
number, hypnosis would not have helped his recall.)
Terr, L. C. (1981). Psychic trauma in children: Observations following the Chowchilla bus kidnapping. American Journal of
Psychiatry, 138, 14–19.
Terr, L. C. (1983). Chowchilla revisited: The effects of trauma four years after the school bus kidnapping. American Journal
of Psychiatry, 140, 1543–1550.
Lecture Launcher – Hypnosis and Memory
Elizabeth Bowman has summarized the following points from research on hypnosis and memory:
• Hypnotized subjects report more accurate and inaccurate information than subjects who are
not hypnotized. Therefore, even though hypnosis makes it easier to recall some legitimate
memories, it also makes it easier to recall false ones.
• Hypnosis enhances the confidence subjects have in their memories, regardless of their
accuracy or inaccuracy.
• Subjects cannot always distinguish between memories which they have always had and new
“memories” recently recovered under hypnosis.
• False memories can be created when directly suggested by the hypnotist during age
regression.
• Hypnotic age regression does not appear to increase the accuracy of childhood recall.

• The impact of hypnosis on the reliability of later memory depends on the type of question
asked. Open-ended questions cause less memory “contamination” than closed-ended,
leading questions.
• Some pseudomemories (false memories) suggested by hypnosis do not persist after the
hypnosis.
• Pseudomemories reported during hypnosis do not replace real memories; and they are
frequently not believed by the subject.
• High hypnotizability is a more important factor in the production of pseudomemories than
actually being hypnotized.
• High hypnotizability and hypnosis together produce the highest rates of pseudomemories.
Clearly, memories obtained through hypnosis should not be considered as accurate without solid
evidence from other sources.
Bowman, E. S. (1996). Delayed memories of child abuse: Part II: An overview of research findings relevant to understand
their reliability and suggestibility. Dissociation: Progress in Dissociative Disorders, 9, 232–243.
Lecture Launcher – Eyewitness Testimony
Many experts worry that juries in criminal cases overestimate the accuracy of eyewitness testimony. This
could lead to mistaken convictions based on false memories. On the other hand, if jurors disregarded
eyewitness testimony because it is potentially inaccurate, it is likely that many criminals would be found
innocent because of insufficient evidence.
After introducing this subject, ask students to discuss what steps, if any, courts should take to deal with
the issue of false eyewitness memories. In particular, students should consider whether juries should be
told before the trial that psychologists have discovered that memories for events are reconstructions, and
as such, subject to distortions. Or, should psychologists be allowed to testify in court about false
memories? Students should also discuss how likely they think it is that an innocent person is found guilty
based on false eyewitness memories. Is this a real problem? Would teaching jurors about false memories
lead to more miscarriages of justice than it would prevent? Finally, ask students to consider what the legal
standard “beyond a reasonable doubt” means with regard to eyewitness testimony given what they have
learned about memory. After the discussion has been concluded, ask students to respond to the related
writing prompt below.
Writing prompt: What does it mean to say that episodic memories are reconstructions? How is this
different from the way that many people feel that their long-term memory works?
Sample answer: Most people feel that their episodic memories act like video recorders. As we experience
an event, our conscious experiences are simply recorded into the brain so that we can play them back at
some later point in time. Psychologists, however, have discovered that episodic memories are not
“recordings.” Instead, it appears that only some information from an event is stored in long-term memory.
The brain then uses these pieces of information as a framework to rebuild or reconstruct the event when
we try to recall it at a later point in time.

Lecture Launcher – The Inner Workings of Working Memory
Area 46 could be anywhere; a loading dock, part of a busy airport, or a sector of a computer chip
manufacturing plant. But Area 46 of the frontal lobe refers to a specific location that’s revealed a specific
function. Scientists are heralding Area 46 as the “scratch pad of the brain.”
Most models of memory posit a “working memory” or holding area where information is stored before
being consolidated (or lost). Recently, two research teams used functional magnetic resonance imaging
(fMRI) to pinpoint where that activity takes place. Susan Courtney, a researcher at the National Institutes
of Mental Health, led a research project that had volunteers view a face on a computer monitor for 3
seconds. The participants kept the image in mind during an 8-second pause, then saw another face on
the screen. If the second face matched the first, the participants pressed a button. The fMRI scans taken
during this task showed that areas in the back of the brain were active when the faces first appeared,
whereas Area 46 of the frontal lobe became and stayed active during the pause. (The distinction wasn’t
perfect; some rear areas were slightly active during the pause, and some frontal areas were active when
the faces were shown.) In a second study, a research team led by Jonathan D. Cohen of Carnegie Mellon
University and the University of Pittsburgh asked participants to recall increasingly long strings of
consonants flashed on a screen. As the sequence of letters increased, activity in the frontal lobe
increased. Like the previous study, other areas of the brain were also active during these tasks.
Taken together, these results suggest that there is a coordinated effort in brain activity when working
memory is activated. The frontal lobe “scratch pad” of Area 46 works in concert with other brain regions to
process information and distribute it effectively. Further research, using millisecond-to-millisecond fMRI
recording, may reveal with greater accuracy how different types of information get processed.
Bower, B. (1997, April 26). Where in the brain is working memory? Science News, 151, 258.
Boyd, R. S. (1997, November 30). Scientists find “scratch pad” where brain sorts memory. Austin American-Statesman,
A22.
Lecture Launcher – Working Memory
Allen Baddeley and his colleagues proposed that short-term memory, according to the Atkinson-Shiffrin
model, is too rigid of a system, storing only 7 ± 2 items at any given time. Baddeley’s working memory
(WM) model is more flexible, in that individuals can engage in multiple tasks, so long as they use different
components of the WM model, each of which has its own capacity. The three components of WM include:
the phonological loop, which stores a limited amount of auditory information for a short amount of time;
the visuo-spatial sketchpad, which stores visual and spatial information; and the central executive, which
integrates information from the other two components and long-term memory (LTM).
Support for the independent components of WM includes neuropsychological evidence using a
combination of fMRIs and cognitive tasks. In a study by D’Esposito et al. (1995), participants performed
two tasks in both single-task and dual-task conditions. One task was a (verbal) lexical decision task,
which theoretically should be handled by the phonological loop of WM. The second task was a visual
mental rotations task, proposed to utilize resources from the visuo-spatial sketchpad of WM. When the
tasks were performed alone, the verbal task activated the left temporal cortex, and the visual task
activated the occipital and parietal cortex. However, when participants had to perform the two tasks
simultaneously (dual-task condition), the central executive should allocate resources to the other two
“slave systems.” The fMRI showed that only during the dual-task condition, when the central executive of
WM is necessary to allocate resources, did the prefrontal cortex become active.
D’Esposito, M, Detre, J. A., Alsop, D. C., Shin, R. K., Atlas, S., & Grossman, M. (1995). The neural basis of the central
executive of working memory. Nature, 378, 279–281.

Lecture Launcher – Episodic  Semantic
The daily lives of Beth, Jon, and Kate sound nightmarish. The 14, 19, and 22-year-olds can’t remember
where they’ve been shortly after they’ve been there, can’t recall who’ve they’ve seen shortly after they’ve
seen them, and can’t recognize familiar buildings shortly after they’ve walked out of them. Each of these
young people suffered from brain seizures at an early age that produced extensive damage to the
hippocampus. And if the story ended here we’d shake our heads dejectedly, mumbling about the grace of
God and knocking on available wood, as the trio walked away under the constant supervision of their
parents.
It turns out, though, that Beth, Jon, and Kate all attended mainstream schools, have good speech and
language skills, read and spell as well as their peers, and have acquired lots and lots of factual
knowledge. Their abilities in these areas, contrasted with their disabilities in others, highlight the
difference between semantic memory and episodic memory. What’s more, they suggest that the areas of
the brain responsible for these types of memory are different. Researchers led by Faraneh Vargha-
Khadem of University College London Medical School studied these unusual individuals and concluded
that although the hippocampus regulates recall of personal experiences, it plays only a minor role in the
storage and acquisition of factual knowledge. In short, although episodic memory has been tragically
disrupted for these three, semantic memory has remained largely intact.
Bower, B. (1997, August 2). Factual brains, uneventful lives. Science News, 152, 75.
Lecture Launcher – Reconsolidation
According to most models of long-term memory, new memories must undergo a period of consolidation,
during which they are converted into a stable form for long-term storage. Traditionally it was believed that,
after a memory underwent consolidation, it would continue to remain crystallized in storage. More recently
however, researchers have found evidence that the act of retrieving or reactivating certain types of
memory returns them to a preconsolidated state, and that these memories must be reconsolidated
following retrieval. If the reconsolidation process is disrupted, the previously stable memory will be lost.
A great example of the need for reconsolidation comes from a study by Nader, Scafe, and Le Doux
(2000). The researchers fear conditioned rats by pairing a tone with foot-shock. The following day, rats
were put back into the conditioning chamber and the tone stimulus was presented by itself. Immediately
after this re-exposure to the conditioned stimulus, some rats were injected with a protein synthesis
blocking drug. Finally, the rats were tested for conditioned fear to the tone the following day. The results
showed that the rats given the protein synthesis blocking drugs following re-exposure showed less fear
conditioning than the rats who did not receive the drug. These results suggest that re-exposing the rats to
the tone and chamber following fear conditioning caused the memory of fear conditioning to become
reactivated, and blocking protein synthesis prevented the reconsolidation of the fear memory. Importantly,
the drug by itself did not simply “erase” the fear memory, because when the researchers gave the drug to
rats without re-exposing them the chamber and tone, the fear conditioning was unaffected.
Other experiments have demonstrated that reconsolidation is required following the retrieval of many
different types of memory, for example, taste memories, spatial memories, and procedural memories.
Some experts believe that reconsolidation might be a mechanism by which stable, older memories are
made malleable so that they can be updated to include new information. Others believe that destabilizing

older memories is simply an unintended consequence of the retrieval process. Either way, it has been
suggested that blocking the reconsolidation process could be a successful way to help people forget
maladaptive or traumatic memories. For example, children who are scarred by memories of abuse could
be prompted to recall the abuse and then given drugs which block reconsolidation. In theory, the act of
recalling the abuse would make the memories unstable again, and with reconsolidation disrupted, the
memories would be lost or at least weakened.
Lee, J. (2009). Reconsolidation: Maintaining memory relevance. Trends in Neurosciences, 32(8), 413–420.
Nader, K., Schafe, G., & Le Doux, J. (2000) Fear memories require protein synthesis in the amygdala for reconsolidation
after retrieval. Nature, 406, 722–726.
Lecture Launcher –
“Your Name Escapes Me, But Your Face...Well, It Escapes Me Too.”
Memory disruptions often become increasingly prevalent as we age. Beyond the annoyance of forgetting
an acquaintance’s name, the groceries we need for a new recipe, or someone’s face, is the annoyance of
not quite knowing what to do about it. Memory disruptions could be due to faulty encoding of information,
faulty retrieval, or both. A recent study suggests that encoding may be particularly important in successful
memory among the elderly.
Researchers led by Cheryl L. Grady of the National Institute on Aging used positron emission tomography
(PET) to study the brain activity of young and elderly participants as they took part in a memorization
task. (PET scans show areas of heightened blood flow in the brain, which is often an indicator of activity
in those areas.) Two groups of 10 volunteers each (one averaging 25 years of age and the other 69
years) viewed 32 unfamiliar faces for 4 seconds each, while PET scans recorded their brain activity. After
a short break, PET scans were again obtained as the participants looked at faces from the first session,
now paired with distracter faces, and identified which ones they had seen before.
The research team found that the group of younger participants recognized significantly more faces than
did the elderly group. What’s more, the PET scans revealed that among the younger participants, several
brain regions (especially the hippocampus) leapt into activity during the memorization task. By
comparison, the elderly participants’ PET scans showed no heightened activity during the memorization
process. These findings suggest support for the encoding deficit hypothesis of aging. The relatively
poorer performance by the elderly participants seems to be due to not sufficiently encoding the
information in the first place.
Wu, C. (1995). Brain scans hint why elderly forget faces. Science News, 148, 36.
Lecture Launcher – The Role of Distinctiveness in Memory
The use of bizarre imagery is a component of several effective mnemonic techniques. Winograd and
Soloway noted that people often report that they are better able to remember information that they
have attempted to make distinctive. For example, we often store things in unusual places (such as
leaving soccer cleats in the kitchen) in the belief that it will be easier to remember where we put the
item at a later time. This is somewhat like using a bizarre image with the method of loci. In order to
examine this belief, Winograd and Soloway presented research participants with sentences that
described an object stored in a normal location ("The milk is in the refrigerator.") or an unusual location
("The tickets are in the freezer."). Participants were asked to either rate the sentence for the likelihood
of using this location to store the item, the memorability of the storage location, or to generate an

image of what was described in the sentence and then rate its memorability. Participants were then
given a recall test in which they were asked to remember the locations of the objects presented in the
sentences. Contrary to what might be expected, items rated low in likelihood (that is, stored in unusual
locations) were remembered less often than those rated high, regardless of the rated memorability.
Although distinctiveness may be an effective aid for remembering a particular item, Winograd and
Soloway concluded that it does not appear to be useful for remembering the association between two
items. This is an important point because when we store an object in an unusual place we need to
remember the association between the object and the location. This differs from what occurs in the
method of loci, in which we start with a location and use an imaginal representation of the location to
store and remember an object. In the distinctiveness situation we are doing the opposite; starting with
an object and trying to remember a location that was not established with a strong imaginal
representation.
Winograd, E., & Soloway, R. (1986). On forgetting the location of things stored in special places. Journal of Experimental
Psychology: General, 115, 366–372.
Lecture Launcher – Mnemonics in Mind
The textbook mentions some tips for improving one’s memory, focusing on the use of mnemonics as one
effective strategy. Here is a collection of mnemonics, divided into naive strategies (i.e., those used
regularly and easily by most people, without needing formal instruction) and technical mnemonics (i.e.,
those requiring some training).
Naive Mnemonics
• Rehearsal: Simple rote repetition
• Rhyme: Constructing a little ditty to keep track of information
• Chunking: Restructuring a list into meaningful units
• Images: Visualizing a cereal box full of money to remember “Bank and Groceries”
• First-letter mnemonics
– Acronyms: Roy G. Biv for the visible spectrum; HOMES for the Great Lakes
– Acrostics: Arithmetic: “A Real Idiot Thinks He Might Eat Turkey In Church”
Technical Mnemonics
• Method of Loci: A physical setting is first memorized, then filled in
• Peg-Word: Construct a rhyme, then “hang” the information on the rhyme’s peg
• Number-Letter: A translation scheme matching letters to numbers and vice-versa
• Link: A visual image of each item is linked to the following one, forming a chain
• Story: Like the link system, but with stories using the to-be-remembered information

Lecture Launcher – Saving a Famous Brain
The name Henry Molaison may not ring a bell. That is because for over 50 years Mr. Molaison was known
simply by his initials: H.M. It was not until his death in December of 2008, that the full name of the world’s
most famous amnesiac was released. His death also set into action a plan developed to preserve his
brain for science.
It may seem unnecessary to save H.M.’s brain, because numerous CT and MRI scans had been done
over the years to map the damage from his 1953 surgery. However, because of the limitations of these
non-invasive techniques, researchers could not precisely determine which brain regions had been
affected. Luckily, a relative of Mr. Molaison’s, acting as his conservator, agreed to donate his brain to
science when he died. Because a brain begins to deteriorate very quickly after a person dies, researchers
set up a careful plan to be activated upon H.M.’s death.
On December 8th, 2008, Mr. Molaison died in the Connecticut nursing home where he had been living.
Following the plan, his head was immediately wrapped in cold-packs to slow down the deterioration
process, and his body was taken to a nearby hospital for one last set of MRI scans. The brain was then
carefully extracted and placed in formaldehyde. This last step was critical, because the human brain is
normally too soft to transport or study. Placing the brain in formaldehyde causes the brain to become firm
enough to safely handle, and halts further deterioration. After the brain has been fully preserved,
researchers plan to freeze it, and then use a special machine to cut it into an estimated 2,600 slices. The
slices will then be stained to help researchers identify the various regions of the brain. Finally, each slice
will be photographed with a high resolution camera.
After the process of slicing, staining, and photographing H.M.’s brain is complete, researchers plan to put
all of the images online, so that scientists around the world can study it. Eventually, the team responsible
for preserving H.M.’s brain hopes to add images from the brains of other amnesiacs, creating a digital
library which will allow scientists to examine the similarities and differences. When he was alive, H.M.
contributed a huge amount to our understanding of memory and the brain, but it is likely that his brain still
has a lot to teach us.
Miller, G. (2009). The brain collector. Science, 324 (5935), 1634–1636.
Lecture Launcher – How False Memories are Formed
Researchers at Northwestern University have used MRI technology to study how people form false
memories. The purpose of the study was to create laboratory conditions that set up a circumstance in
which people would remember something that did not happen. Participants were asked to look at pictures
of objects and to imagine other objects while their brain activity was being measured. Researchers found
that the brain areas associated with generating visual images were highly activated when people imagine
images. Many of the images that the participants were asked to imagine were incorrectly identified as
actually having been seen. According to Kenneth Paller, co-investigator of the study, regions of the brain
involved in perceiving an object and those involved in imagining an object appear to overlap. This would
allow a vividly imagined event to leave a memory trace in the brain that is similar to a real event.
Three brain areas (precutaneous, right inferior parietal cortex, and anterior cingulate) showed greater
responses in the study phase to words that would later be falsely remembered as having been presented

with photos. Brain activity during the study phase could predict which objects would subsequently be
falsely remembered as having been seen as a photograph. The false memories appeared to be
associated with more vivid visual imagery that left a trace in the brain that was mistaken for a true
memory.
http://www.northwestern.edu/newscenter/stories/2004/10/kenneth.html
http://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2004-10/nu-nrp101404.php
Lecture Launcher – Snapshots and Storylines
The family photo album has an interesting influence on autobiographical memory. Before discussing this,
ask students to write a brief description of two or three of their clearest memories from their childhood.
After they have finished, ask them to indicate the quality of the particular event that made it so
memorable, and whether other members of the family share the same memories. Only after students have
finished their descriptions and have responded to these questions, ask them whether any photographs
were taken of the events they remember. In many cases, students will realize that the clarity of their
“clearest” memories is the result of the fact that someone happened to be taking photographs on that
particular day. You might explore with students how such “Kodak moments” become shared family stories
because they are “clearly remembered” by many members of the family.
The fact that the narratives we create influence the reconstruction of our memories is demonstrated by our
memories for highly-scripted events. Events such as “going to a restaurant” entail a very predictable
sequence of events, including waiting to be seated, sitting down, receiving a menu, ordering drinks and
then the meal, being brought the meal, eating, asking for the check, paying, and leaving. Ask students to
remember the last time they went to a nice restaurant. Did the waiter or waitress take their order? The
answer, of course, is yes, even if we cannot specifically remember it happening. This is because our
scripts or schemas for going to a restaurant tell us that is what waiters do! We use schemas to help us fill
in the missing information in our memory.
Lecture Launcher –
Why You Don’t Remember Your First Birthday Party
Humans typically don’t remember events in their lives that happened prior to their third or fourth birthday.
Explaining why has been somewhat up for grabs. Freudians might suggest that this infantile amnesia is
due to some murky unconscious process. However, infantile amnesia has been observed in frogs, mice,
rats, dogs, and wolves (Spear, 1979), making it difficult to defend an “amphibian theory of repression” or
“canine defense mechanisms.” Similarly, the sheer passage of time cannot account for this kind of
forgetfulness. Many of us can remember quite clearly and accurately events that happened long ago
(such as an 80-year-old remembering her first ride in an automobile), and people with extraordinary
memories (such as S., V.P., or S.F.) routinely recount incidents from the distant past. Something different
must be at work.
A more promising explanation implicates the retrieval process. It’s quite likely that information is encoded
and organized by infants in a manner that is very different from what an adult might do. For example,
adults routinely rely on language to help store information in memory (e.g., through verbal rehearsal,
through mnemonics, through the very process of translating experiences into information that can be
communicated). Preverbal infants and children clearly would not have this same strategy, or at least not

developed to the same extent as an adult. Consequently, when an adult tries to retrieve memories from
childhood, his or her schemas would not likely match the schemas used to encode the information in the
first place. Much like the reinstatement of context suggested by the encoding specificity principle, an adult
retrieval strategy for child-encoded information isn’t going to get very far.
Spear, N. E. (1979). Experimental analysis of infantile amnesia. In J. F. Kihlstrom & F. J. Evans (Eds.), Functional disorders
of memory (pp. 75–102). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

▼ CLASSROOM ACTIVITIES, DEMONSTRATIONS, AND EXERCISES
Memories of 9/11
Do We Make Accurate Copies of Events in Our Memories?
“Pssst…Have You Heard About This Demonstration?”
Depth of Processing and Memory
Demonstrating Simple Memory Principles
Sensory Memory
The Limits of Short-Term Memory
The Value of Chunking
Improving Memory
Schemas and Memory
The Self-Reference Effect
Decay and Interference in Short-Term Memory
A Quick Review of the Basics of Memory
Activity – Memories of 9/11
Ask students to write a brief report about everything they remember when they first heard the news of the
terrorist attacks in New York and Washington, DC on September 11, 2001. You can use this exercise as
a starting point for discussing Roger Brown and James Kulik's research on flashbulb memories.
A flashbulb memory refers to memory for a situation in which a person first learned of a very surprising
and emotionally arousing event, often of international significance. Examples of flashbulb memories (for
individuals of various vintage) include the assassination of John F. Kennedy, assassination of Martin
Luther King, the Challenger shuttle explosion, the O.J. Simpson verdict, the death of Princess Diana, the
death of JFK Jr., the Columbine High School shooting, and the terrorist attacks of 9/11. Brown and Kulik
(1977) examined flashbulb memory reports of the assassination of JFK and derived six 'canonical'
categories of information that are reported in flashbulb memory reports across individuals: the location
(remembering where you heard the news); the ongoing event (remembering what you were doing at the
time you heard the news); the informant (remembering who told you about the event); emotional affect in
others (noticing the emotional reactions of others); emotional affect in self (noticing the emotional
reactions of oneself); and aftermath/consequentiality (remembering what you did after you heard the
news).
Ask students to now analyze their own memory reports for the six categories of information typically
reported in flashbulb memories. As part of a homework assignment, you may want to have students
collect memory reports from a few of their friends, then analyze the data as a whole for the six categories.
Students will quickly notice that the details of the memory reports may differ, although all tend to report
the same general categories of events.
Brown, R., & Kulik, J. (1977). Flashbulb memories. Cognition, 5, 73–99.
◄ Return to complete list of Classroom Activities, Demonstrations, and Exercises for Chapter 10
Activity – Do We Make Accurate Copies of Events in Our Memories?
It is relatively simple to demonstrate the inaccurate and incomplete nature of some memories. Read the
following story at the beginning of class, asking students to listen carefully because their memory of the
story will be tested later. Five to ten minutes before the end of class, ask students to recall the story
verbatim.

“Monday night, a 17-year-old suburban youth was shot in the abdomen by an unknown gunman.
Witnesses claimed the shot was fired from a blue Chevrolet van that moved down the street
slowly until after the shooting, when it turned a corner and disappeared before anyone could get
more than the first two letters from the license plate. The victim dropped out of school in the 10th
grade and is believed to be one of the ‘superior seven,’ a group of teenagers who sell marijuana
on street corners near several local high schools. A spokesperson for the police department
declined to say whether the police believe the shooting is related to the continuing war between
rival gangs over territories for selling drugs. The condition of the victim is described as stable.”
Read several of the recalled stories to the class, and note how memories are reconstructed to be
consistent with the cognitive schemas of the writer. For example, the incident occurred in a suburban area
and no mention is made of sex, race, or ethnicity of the victims, yet you may find such elements included
in the students’ reports. You could also check memory for particular words or phrases, like “suburban
youth,” “shot in the abdomen,” “selling marijuana,” and “letters of the license plate.”
Activity – “Psssst…Have You Heard About This Demonstration?”
Doug Bernstein and Sandra Goss suggest an exercise to demonstrate how encoding and retrieval of
information from long-term memory can be disrupted by expectations, prior knowledge, and the
application of schemas. The exercise is a variation on the transmission of rumor, a game often played by
children and a phenomenon often studied by social psychologists (e.g., Allport & Postman, 1947).
Ask 3 to 5 volunteers to leave the classroom, then read a paragraph-length passage to a remaining
volunteer. The passage should be short enough to remember, but detailed enough that the volunteers are
unlikely to remember all the elements of it. Bernstein and Goss suggest the following passage as an
example, although you might want to construct a less nationally-sensitive scenario:
“A TWA Boeing 747 had just taken off from Miami International Airport for Los Angeles
when a passenger near the rear of the aircraft announced that the plane was being taken
over by the People’s Revolutionary Army for the Liberation of the Oppressed. The
hijacker held a .357 magnum to the head of Jack Swanson, a flight attendant, and forced
him to open the cockpit door. There, the hijacker confronted the pilot, Jane Randall, and
ordered her to change course for Cuba. The pilot radioed the Miami air traffic control
center to report the situation but then suddenly hurled the microphone at the hijacker.
The hijacker fell backward through the open cockpit door and onto the floor, where angry
passengers took over from there. The plane landed in Miami a few minutes later and the
hijacker was arrested.”
The volunteer’s task is to repeat the story to the first newcomer who re-enters the classroom. That person
in turn repeats it to the next volunteer, and so on until the last volunteer hears the story and repeats it to
the class. Each retelling of the story should be loud enough so that all the remaining students in the class
can hear it.
Have students keep track of the errors made in each retelling and use them as a basis for discussing
reconstructive memory. The errors should be quite predictable; the story should get shorter as details are
omitted, some details (such as the female pilot or caliber of the gun) should remain sharp, and overall the
gist of the story should be retained while other details get blurred. Discuss with your students what this
exercise reveals about the operation of the memory system.
Allport, G. W., & Postman, L. (1947). The psychology of rumor. New York: Holt.

Bernstein, D. A., & Goss, S. S. (1999). Constructive memory/schemas: The rumor chain. In L. T. Benjamin, B. F. Nodine, R.
M. Ernst, and C. B. Broeker (Eds.), Activities handbook for the teaching of psychology (Vol. 4). Washington, DC: American
Psychological Association.
Activity – Depth of Processing and Memory
This activity, adapted from exercises suggested by James Jenkins and by Donald DeRosa, reliably
demonstrates that memory for information depends on the depth at which it is processed. Do this
exercise after you have introduced short- and long-term memory but before you have discussed specific
encoding strategies (e.g., encoding verbally, by visual images, by meaning, and so on). Have students
take out a clean sheet of paper and number it from 1 to 30. Tell students that you are going to read aloud
a list of words and that you would like them to make a judgment about each word. (Do not mention that
this is a memory experiment or that they will be asked to recall the words later.) Explain that the letter that
precedes each word will signal the particular judgment you would like them to make. Specifically, if the
letter "A" is presented before the word, you want them to write down the number of syllables that are in
the word. If the letter "B" is presented before the word, you want them to judge whether it is pleasant or
unpleasant (by writing "P" for pleasant and "U" for unpleasant). You should write this information on the
chalkboard as you give it, and you might also encourage students to write it at the top of their papers as a
reminder. Stress that they should make their judgments relatively quickly and without hesitation (e.g., for
the pleasantness judgment, they choose one or the other, and not something in between).
Then, slowly and clearly read the following list of words at a rate of about 1 word every 4 seconds (you
can either count to yourself or use a stopwatch). For example, you would begin by saying, "A" (short
pause), "bike" (pause for 4 seconds), "B" (short pause), "month" (pause for 4 seconds), and so on.
1. A bike 11. B fire 21. B trunk
2. B month 12. B trail 22. A coal
3. A magic 13. A soap 23. B pipe
4. B foot 14. B pocket 24. A pitch
5. A monkey 15. A pencil 25. B coin
6. B clock 16. B train 26. A hammer
7. B paint 17. A grass 27. A door
8. B bureau 18. A story 28. B church
9. A bird 19. B belt 29. B travel
10. A lemon 20. A kitchen 30. A fish
Note that this is just one potential word list and one potential order. You can do this exercise with any set
of common nouns and you can easily generate a new order (with new judgment pairings) by doing the
following. Make notecards for each of the words, shuffle them, and then randomly sort them into two
boxes or bins (one for A, the other for B). After writing "A" or "B" on each card next to the word (according
to which box it landed in), place all the cards in a stack and then shuffle them thoroughly to get a new
order.
After you've read the entire list, ask students to quickly write down as many of the states in the United
States that they remember (give them about 2 minutes for this task). Then, ask students to turn their
papers over and to write down as many of the words that they can recall from the list you read, in any
order that they want. Give them about 3 or 4 minutes for this task, and then have them score their
answers by projecting a transparency containing the word list (provided in Handout 10.1). Ask students to
write an "A" or a "B" next to each word they recalled according to the scoring sheet (they should cross out
any words recalled that were not on the list). Then, they should count the total number of A and B words
recalled. You can tally the results by making a frequency distribution on the board (i.e., writing down for
each person the number of A and B words remembered) and calculating (or eyeballing) average scores
for each condition. If you're pressed for time or have a large class, you can simply ask students to raise

their hands if they remembered more A than B words, and compare this to the number of students who
remembered more B than A words. Whichever way you score it, students should have recalled many
more B than A words.
After scoring, ask students to explain the results. Most will intuitively be able to explain that the B words
were more memorable because they had to think more about the words (and their meaning) in order to
make the judgment of pleasantness. By contrast, making the A judgment (i.e., number of syllables)
required simply saying the word to themselves rather than thinking about what it meant. Thus, this
exercise demonstrates the superiority of coding semantically (i.e., by meaning) over coding
phonologically (i.e., by sound). That is, the deeper and more elaborate the processing of information, the
more likely it is to be recalled. At this point, if students don't already see it, you'll want to highlight the
implications of this experiment for their study habits. The importance of studying actively should now be
crystal clear, and students will no doubt realize that thinking deeply about--and attaching meaning to
(rather than merely rehearsing)--terms and concepts in their courses is the key to effective recall on
exams. Also, you might ask students to explain the purpose of the state-listing task (it was a distracter
task to prevent any of the words from being held in short-term memory, which lasts for about 20 seconds).
Finally, it wouldn't hurt to remind students of the forgetting assignment (if you did it) and how difficult it
was for them to forget something that was encoded as meaningful!
DeRosa, D. V. (1987). How to study actively. In V. P. Makosky, L. G. Whittemore, & A. M. Rogers (Eds.), Activities
handbook for the teaching of psychology: Vol. 2 (pp. 72–74). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
Jenkins, J. (1981). Meaning enhances recall. In L. T. Benjamin & K. D. Lowman (Eds.), Activities handbook for the teaching
of psychology (pp. 81–82). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
Activity – Demonstrating Simple Memory Principles
Michael Wertheimer described an activity that can be used to demonstrate a number of principles related
to memory and forgetting, including the forgetting curve, the effect of meaningfulness, the effect of
distinctiveness (sometimes known as the von Restorff effect), the effect of repetition, and the serial
position effect. When you start the class, divide the students into four groups by assigning each person a
number from one to four. Explain that you are going to read a list of items to them twice and that they will
need to memorize the list. Make sure you tell them not to write the items down. Although you may want to
construct your own list, the following list is similar to that suggested by Wertheimer: Obama, ruj, fet,
textbook, nav, Bush, fulfill, GEF, mandate, fet, 47, tal. The items should be read slowly, clearly, and at a
uniform rate each time they are read. The nonsense syllables need to be both pronounced and spelled.
Finally, shout as loudly as possible the nonsense syllable "GEF." Immediately after completing the
second reading of the list, ask Group 1 to write down all of the items that they can remember. Continue
with your lecture, but after about 3 min ask Group 2 to write down the items. Then, after another 5 min,
ask Group 3 to remember the items. Finally, about 45 min after the initial list presentation, ask Group 4 to
write as many items as they can remember. Make sure that during and between each retrieval by a group
there is no discussion of the items. After you have scored the number of items correctly recalled by each
group and recorded them on the blackboard, you should be able to point out the negatively accelerated
forgetting curve. In addition, an examination of performance on particular items across groups will
indicate the effects of meaningfulness (recall of presidents should be superior to nonsense syllables),
distinctiveness (GEF should show superior recall), repetition (fet should be recalled with a higher
frequency), and the serial position effect.
Wertheimer, M. (1981). Memory and forgetting. In L. T. Benjamin, Jr. & K. D. Lowman (Eds.), Activities handbook for the
teaching of psychology (pp. 75–76). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

Activity – Sensory Memory
Although most of us are unaware of it, many of our experiences are very briefly held in sensory memory.
This is why, even if we are not paying attention to something we see, we can often recall information
about it if asked within a few seconds.
Before class, find an image with 5–8 clearly identifiable animals in it. (This can be easily accomplished by
doing an Internet image search for the keyword “animals.”) Next, create a slide in your PowerPoint
presentation with the image. Right-click on the image and select “Custom Animation.” (PowerPoint
instructions may vary slightly from computer to computer and across different versions of the software.)
Set the first animation effect to be “entrance: appear” and a second animation effect to be “exit:
disappear.” The setting for “appear” should be “start after click,” and the setting for “disappear” should be
“start after previous.” Set the timing for the second effect to 0.6. If done correctly, in slideshow mode
these steps should cause the image to appear following a mouse click, and then disappear after 600 ms.
When you’re ready to perform the demonstration in class, instruct students to watch the screen carefully,
and to be prepared to answer a question about the image that will briefly appear. When ready, click the
mouse to display the image. As soon as the image is no longer visible, ask students a question about
what they just saw. For example, “What animal was in the bottom left corner of the image?” If the
parameters are set correctly for the image, most students will be able to answer this question easily. Wait
approximately 5 seconds, and then ask the students a similar question about the animals in the image
they saw. Most students will be unable to answer this question correctly. Conclude the activity with a
discussion of how sensory memory for the image allowed students to answer the first question, but that
the sensory memory had already been lost by the time the second question was asked. Importantly,
make sure students understand that the image was only shown for 600 ms, because if it had been shown
for longer students could have studied the picture and transferred the resulting information to short-term
memory.
Activity – The Limits of Short-Term Memory
This demonstration reveals the limited capacity of short-term memory (approximately 7 ± 2 items by many
accounts) through the use of a digit-span test. Instruct students to take out a sheet of scratch paper and a
pencil. Tell them that you will read a string of unrelated numbers and their task is to memorize those digits
in the exact order presented. After reading the numbers, pause, then signal the students to record their
answers by saying “Go.” Here is a sample list. Read at an even pace and in a monotone voice.
Span of four “Ready? 2,8,3,1 Go.”
Span of five “Ready? 7,4,1,3,9 Go.”
Span of six “Ready? 4,9,7,2,1,5 Go.”
Span of seven “Ready? 5,1,8,3,9,2,6 Go.”
Span of eight “Ready? 1,9,5,6,3,4,7,2 Go.”
Span of nine “Ready? 3,6,2,5,1,9,7,4,8 Go.”
Span of ten “Ready? 6,1,5,4,9,8,3,2,8,7 Go.”
Span of eleven “Ready? 8,9,3,1,6,4,2,7,5,1,3 Go.”
Read the answers or display them on a transparency so students can score their performance. Then ask
for a show of hands to indicate the largest memory span they successfully completed. The majority of
students should be successful up to and including the 6-digit span.

Activity – The Value of Chunking
The purpose of this demonstration is to illustrate how short-term memory performance can be enhanced
by the use of “chunking” procedures; that is, by grouping items into larger, meaningful units. In the
following two-part demonstration, ask a student to volunteer. Inform the volunteer that he or she will be
presented with a set of items to be memorized in exact order. Then read the following list of letters:
X I B M C I A F B I C B S M T V
After a short delay, ask the student to recall as many of the letters as possible.
In the second part of the demonstration, tell the student that you will improve his or her memory with a
little help. Then read the letters in the following “chunked format”:
X IBM CIA FBI CBS MTV
The student should have nearly perfect recall. Grouping the letters reduced the memory task from 16
items to 6 items.
Activity – Improving Memory
This exercise asks students to put what they've learned to practical use. For this assignment, students
should target some specific aspect of their memory that they would like to improve, and then apply one or
more memory principles from the text or lecture to make the improvement. Students might, for example,
strive to enhance their performance on exams, to recall important birthdates and anniversaries, to
remember people's names following introductions, or to reduce absentminded actions, such as
misplacing keys or a wallet. Potential memory strategies include the use of established (e.g., Pegword,
method of loci) or home-made mnemonics, eliminating distracters and paying careful attention when
studying, meeting new people, or putting keys down, trying to encode material deeply and by multiple
methods (e.g., by meaning, by self-referencing, and by encoding visually), making better use of retrieval
cues, engaging in active, elaborative rehearsal while reading, applying the SQ3R method, and so on.
Students might also be encouraged (but not required) to consult additional sources for ideas. One
potential resource for this assignment is an excellent, well-written book by Kenny Higbee. After
implementing their plan, students should write a short paper in which they report on their experiences.
Specifically, students should describe (a) the aspect of memory they targeted for improvement (and why),
(b) the memory principles or strategies they used (including the rationale behind them), and (c) any
results (positive or negative) from applying these techniques. After grading students' papers, you might
want to devote some class time to discussion so that students can share their successful experiences
with others.
Higbee, K. L (1993). Your memory: How it works and how to improve it. New York: Paragon House.

Activity – Schemas and Memory
Schemas (i.e., organized mental frameworks that we rely on to interpret and filter incoming information)
greatly influence the retrieval of information stored in long-term memory. To demonstrate this effect in
your classroom, replicate an exercise suggested by Drew Appleby. Tell students that you are going to
show them a list of 12 words and that they should try to remember them. Then, slowly display (by using
transparencies or a timed PowerPoint presentation) the following words one at a time as you read them
aloud:
REST, TIRED, AWAKE, DREAM, SNORE, BED, EAT, SLUMBER, SOUND, COMFORT,
WAKE, NIGHT.
After you've completed the list, distract your class for 30 seconds or so (to ensure that the words are no
longer held in short-term memory) and then give them 2 minutes to write down as many words as they
can recall. Ask for a show of hands from all those who recalled the word AARDVARK. Your students,
none of whom will have mistakenly recalled AARDVARK, will look at you as if you're crazy. Then ask for a
show of hands for those who remembered SLEEP. Drew Appleby reports that 80 to 95 percent of the
students typically recall the word SLEEP, and are astonished to discover that SLEEP was not on the list
(prove it to them). Asked to explain the effect, most students will intuitively understand that schemas
influenced their recall. That is, because all of the words were associated with each other and related to
the topic of sleep, their schema for "sleep" was invoked and it seemed only natural that it would be on the
list. Thus, this demonstration suggests that schemas can cause us to fabricate false memories that
happen to be consistent with our schemas. You might also want to discuss with students the following
interesting implication: If people sometimes mistakenly remember information because it is consistent
with their schemas, is it possible that they can mistakenly forget information that is inconsistent with their
schemas? Ask students to provide examples from their own lives or from cases they've heard about in the
media.
Appleby, D. (1987). Producing a deja vu experience. In V. P. Makosky, L. G. Whittemore, & A. M. Rogers (Eds.), Activities
handbook for the teaching of psychology: Vol. 2 (pp. 78–79). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
Activity – The Self-Reference Effect
An activity described by Forsyth and Wibberly is effective in demonstrating the self-reference effect on
memory. They noted that, based upon studies of constructive processes in memory, schema theories
propose that information is arranged within a system of cognitive groupings or schemas such as event
schemas, which define and provide a structure for social situations, or self-schemas, which reflect one's
individual characteristics. The self-reference effect refers to retrieval superiority for information that is
related to a person's self-schema. Forsyth and Wibberly described how this effect can be demonstrated
using an incidental memory task. Explain to the class that you are gathering data about which adjectives
are most commonly used for self-descriptions. Ask the class to number a sheet of paper from 1 to 20. Tell
them that you will be reading a list of 20 adjectives and if they feel that an adjective is self-descriptive of
themselves, they are to circle the corresponding number of the adjective on their paper. Next, read the
following list of adjectives: forceful, quiet, generous, dominant, tender, loyal, independent,
compassionate, adaptable, courageous, cheerful, secretive, principled, romantic, responsible, dynamic,
forgiving, and careful. After completing the list, talk about some matters related to class for about a
minute, then ask the students to write down as many of the adjectives that they can recall. Then read the
original list of adjectives and have the students calculate the number of descriptive and non-descriptive
adjectives that they recalled. Forsyth and Wibberly reported that the results of this demonstration are
usually robust, with students consistently remembering a higher percentage of self-descriptive adjectives.
They indicated that the demonstration is effective in generating discussion of schema and depth-of-
processing theories of memory by noting that self-referent items tend to be processed at deeper levels.

Forsyth, D. R., & Wibberly, K. H. (1993). The self-reference effect: Demonstrating schematic processing in the classroom.
Teaching of Psychology, 20, 237–238.
Activity – Decay and Interference in Short-Term Memory
This simple exercise uses the Brown-Peterson distracter technique to demonstrate the effects of delay
and interference on short-term memory. Tell students that you want them to remember a sequence of
three consonant letters while counting backwards from a number you provide them. When they're ready,
say, "W T K" and then "701." They should then say "701, 698, 695, 692, 689, 686" and so on. After 15 to
18 seconds, say "write" as a signal to students to recall the three letters. According to Peterson and
Peterson, students should have a fairly difficult time accomplishing this because the counting task
prevents them from rehearsing the letters and thus allows the memory trace to decay. Keppel and
Underwood later argued that the forgetting in the Brown-Peterson task was primarily due to the buildup of
proactive interference. As evidence, they pointed to the fact that students could often remember the
letters during the first trial or two, but had much greater difficulty remembering letters on any subsequent
trials, when proactive interference would develop (i.e., they would have trouble distinguishing between
letters presented earlier and on the current trial). Verify this effect with your students by conducting
several trials. Examples of potential letter/number combinations might include PZX 317, BVQ 421, LFC
991, JHG 187, and SRN 275. Students will be astonished at their atrocious performance, which, if typical
of experiments of this type, should yield about 1 in 10 correct recalls after only 18 seconds of the
distracter task!
Keppel, G., & Underwood, B. J. (1962). Proactive inhibition in short-term retention of single items. Journal of Verbal
Learning and Verbal Behavior, 1, 153–161.
Peterson, L. R., & Peterson, M. J. (1959). Short-term retention of individual verbal items. Journal of Experimental
Psychology, 58, 193–198.
Activity – A Quick Review of the Basics of Memory
Ask the class to memorize the following list of words:
bed quilt dark
silence fatigue clock
snoring night toss
tired night artichoke
turn night rest
dream
On average, students will recall about ten items correctly, which is considerably better than the usual
recall rate of about seven words when the words are unrelated. The improvement over average is
attributable to the list's being full of factors that help memory, such as the following:
Primacy effect: Most people recall “bed,” because this word is the first presented. In general, the first bit of
information to enter memory has an advantage, because people rehearse the item more frequently.
Recency effect: Nearly everyone remembers “dream,” because this word is presented last. In general, the
most recent information is better recalled because the information is still fresh in the mind.

Frequency: The word “night” also enjoys a memorial advantage because it is presented three times. The
more we rehearse material, the more likely is the material to enter our memory.
Distinctiveness: Students generally have little trouble recalling “artichoke” because it is distinctly different
from the other words, all of which involve sleep.
Organization: Many students recall “toss” and “turn” consecutively. This illustrates that the mind imposes
an organization on new material; it organizes small units, ``toss'' and ``turn,'' by chunking them into one
larger unit: “toss and turn.”
Reconstruction: Many people “remember” hearing “sleep,” although “sleep” is not included in the list of
words. We tend to fill in the gaps in our knowledge with words or ideas that ought to be there according to
our schemas. Thus memory is not a direct sensory readout of previous experience, but in large part an
inference about what the past must have been like.
Visual imagery: Many students try to remember the words by forming a visual image of a bedroom. They
can then use their “mind's eye” to look around the room, locating objects that were on the list. This
process is a very useful mnemonic device.

▼ HANDOUT MASTERS
10.1 – Depth of Processing Word List

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No need there is of vulgar Shout,
Bells, Cannons, Trumpets, Fife, and Drum,
And Soldiers marching all about,
To let Us know that Peace is come.
Oh mild should be the Signs and meek,
Sweet Peace’s Advent to proclaim!
Silence her noiseless Foot should speak,
And Echo should repeat the same.
Lo! where the Soldier walks, alas!
With Scars received on Foreign Grounds;
Shall we consume in Coloured Glass
The Oil that should be pour’d in Wounds?
The bleeding Gaps of War to close,
Will whizzing Rocket-Flight avail?
Will Squibs enliven Orphans’ Woes?
Or Crackers cheer the Widow’s Tale?

SKETCHES ON THE ROAD.
THE MORNING CALL.
I CANNOT conceive any prospect more agreeable to a weary
traveller than the approach to Bedfordshire. Each valley reminds him
of Sleepy Hollow, the fleecy clouds seem like blankets, the lakes and
ponds are clean sheets; the setting sun looks like a warming-pan. He
dreams of dreams to come. His travelling-cap transforms to a night-
cap, the coach lining feels softlier squabbed; the guard’s horn plays
“Lullaby.” Every flower by the road-side is a poppy. Each jolt of the
coach is but a drowsy stumble up stairs. The lady opposite is the
chamber-maid; the gentleman beside her is Boots. He slides into
imaginary slippers; he winks and nods flirtingly at Sleep, so soon to
be his own. Although the wheels may be rattling into vigilant
Wakefield, it appears to him to be sleepy Ware, with its great Bed, a
whole County of Down, spread “all before him where to choose his
place of rest.”
It was in a similar mood, after a long dusty droughty dog-day’s
journey, that I entered the Dolphin, at Bedhampton. I nodded in at
the door, winked at the lights, blinked at the company in the coffee-
room, yawned for a glass of negus, swallowed it with my eyes shut,
as though it had been “a pint of nappy,” surrendered my boots,
clutched a candlestick, and blundered, slipshod, up the stairs to
number nine.
Blessed be the man, says Sancho Panza, who first invented
sleep: and blessed be heaven that he did not take out a patent, and
keep his discovery to himself. My clothes dropped off me: I saw

through a drowsy haze the likeness of a four-poster: “Great Nature’s
second course” was spread before me; and I fell to without a long
grace!
Here’s a body—there’s a bed!
There’s a pillow—here’s a head!
There’s a curtain—here’s a light!
There’s a puff—and so Good Night!
It would have been gross improvidence to waste more words on
the occasion; for I was to be roused up again at four o’clock the
next morning to proceed by the early coach. I determined,
therefore, to do as much sleep within the interval as I could; and in
a minute, short measure, I was with that mandarin, Morpheus, in his
Land of Nod.
How intensely we sleep when we are fatigued! Some as sound as
tops, others as fast as churches. For my own part I must have slept
as fast as a Cathedral,—as fast as Young Rapid wished his father to
slumber: nay as fast as the French veteran who dreams over again
the whole Russian campaign while dozing in his sentry-box. I must
have slept as fast as a fast post-coach in my four-poster—or rather I
must have slept “like winkin,” for I seemed hardly to have closed my
eyes, when a voice cried “Sleep no more!”
It was that of Boots, calling and knocking at the door, whilst
through the keyhole a ray of candlelight darted into my chamber.
“Who’s there?”
“It’s me, your honour, I humbly ax pardon—but somehow I’ve
oversleeped myself, and the coach be gone by!”
“The devil it is!—then I have lost my place!”
“No, not exactly, your honour. She stops a bit at the Dragon,
t’other end o’ the town; and if your honour wouldn’t object to a bit
of a run—”

“That’s enough—come in. Put down the light—and take up that
bag—my coat over your arm—and waistcoat with it—and that
cravat.”
Boots acted according to orders. I jumped out of bed—pocketed
my nightcap—screwed on my stockings—plunged into my trowsers—
rammed my feet into wrong right and left boots—tumbled down the
back stairs—burst through a door, and found myself in the fresh air
of the stable-yard, holding a lantern, which, in sheer haste, or
spleen, I pitched into the horsepond. Then began the race, during
which I completed my toilet, running and firing a verbal volley at
Boots, as often as I could spare breath for one.
“And you call this waking me up—for the coach. My waistcoat!—
Why I could wake myself—too late—without being called. Now my
cravat—and be hanged to you!—Confound that stone!—and give me
my coat. A nice road—for a run!—I suppose you keep it—on
purpose. How many gentlemen—may you do a week?—I’ll tell you
what. If I—run—a foot—further—”
I paused for wind; while Boots had stopped of his own accord.
We had turned a corner into a small square; and on the opposite
side, certainly stood an inn with the sign of the Dragon, but without
any sign of a coach at the door. Boots stood beside me aghast, and
surveying the house from the top to the bottom; not a wreath of
smoke came from a chimney; the curtains were closed over every
window, and the door was closed and shuttered. I could hardly
contain my indignation when I looked at the infernal somnolent
visage of the fellow, hardly yet broad awake—he kept rubbing his
black-lead eyes with his hands, as if he would have rubbed them
out.
“Yes, you may well look—you have overslept yourself with a
vengeance. The coach must have passed an hour ago—and they
have all gone to bed again!”
“No, there be no coach, sure enough,” soliloquised Boots, slowly
raising his eyes from the road, where he had been searching for the

track of recent wheels, and fixing them with a deprecating
expression on my face. “No, there’s no coach—I ax a thousand
pardons, your honour—but you see, Sir, what with waiting on her,
and talking on her, and expecting on her, and giving notice on her,
every night of my life, your honour—why I sometimes dreams on her
—and that’s the case as is now!”
“YOU’VE WAKED ME TOO SOON,
I MUST SLUMBER AGAIN.”

A STUFFED BIRD.
THE LAMENT OF TOBY,
THE LEARNED PIG.

“A little learning is a dangerous thing.”—POPE.

O HEAVY day! oh day of woe!
To misery a poster,
Why was I ever farrow’d—why
Not spitted for a roaster?
In this world, pigs, as well as men,
Must dance to fortune’s fiddlings,
But must I give the classics up,
For barley-meal and middlings?
Of what avail that I could spell
And read, just like my betters,
If I must come to this at last,
To litters, not to letters?
O, why are pigs made scholars of?
It baffles my discerning,
What griskins, fry, and chitterlings
Can have to do with learning.
Alas! my learning once drew cash,
But public fame’s unstable,
So I must turn a pig again,
And fatten for the table.
To leave my literary line
My eyes get red and leaky;
But Giblett doesn’t want me blue,
But red and white, and streaky
Old Mullins used to cultivate
My learning like a gard’ner;
But Giblett only thinks of lard,
And not of Doctor Lardner!
He does not care about my brain
Th l f t

The value of two coppers,
All that he thinks about my head
Is, how I’m off for choppers.
Of all my literary kin
A farewell must be taken,
Goodbye to the poetic Hogg!
The philosophic Bacon!
Day after day my lessons fade,
My intellect gets muddy;
A trough I have, and not a desk,
A sty—and not a study!
Another little month, and then
My progress ends like Bunyan’s;
The seven sages that I loved
Will be chopp’d up with onions!
Then over head and ears in brine
They’ll souse me, like a salmon,
My mathematics turned to brawn,
My logic into gammon.
My Hebrew will all retrograde,
Now I’m put up to fatten;
My Greek, it will all go to grease;
The Dogs will have my Latin!
Farewell to Oxford!—and to Bliss!
To Milman, Crowe, and Glossop,—
I now must be content with chats,
Instead of learned gossip!
Farewell to “Town!” farewell to “Gown!”
I’ve quite outgrown the latter,—
Instead of Trencher-cap my head
Will soon be in a platter!

Will soon be in a platter!
O why did I at Brazen-Nose
Rout up the roots of knowledge?
A butcher that can’t read will kill
A pig that’s been to college!
For sorrow I could stick myself,
But conscience is a clasher;
A thing that would be rash in man,
In me would be a rasher!
One thing I ask when I am dead,
And past the Stygian ditches—
And that is, let my schoolmaster
Have one of my two flitches:
’Twas he who taught my letters so
I ne’er mistook or miss’d ’em,
Simply by ringing at the nose,
According to Bell’s system.

THE LEARNED PIG GROWN OUT OF KNOWLEDGE.

TO A BAD RIDER.
I.
WHY, Mr. Rider, why
Your nag so ill indorse, man?
To make observers cry,
You’re mounted, but no horseman?
II.
With elbows out so far,
This thought you can’t debar me—
Though no Dragoon— Hussar—
You’re surely of the army!
III.
I hope to turn M.P.
You have not any notion,
So awkward you would be
At “seconding a motion!”

MY SON AND HEIR.
I.
MY mother bids me bind my heir,
But not the trade where I should bind;
To place a boy—the how and where—
It is the plague of parent-kind!
II.
She does not hint the slightest plan,
Nor what indentures to endorse;
Whether to bind him to a man,—
Or, like Mazeppa, to a horse.

III.
What line to choose of likely rise,
To something in the Stocks at last,—
“Fast bind, fast find,” the proverb cries,
I find I cannot bind so fast!
IV.
A Statesman James can never be;
A Tailor?—there I only learn
His chief concern is cloth, and he
Is always cutting his concern.
V.
A Seedsman?—I’d not have him so;
A Grocer’s plum might disappoint;
A Butcher?—no, not that—although
I hear “the times are out of joint!”
VI.
Too many of all trades there be,
Like Pedlars, each has such a pack,
A merchant selling coals?—we see
The buyer send to cellar back.
VII.
A Hardware dealer?—that might please,
But if his trade’s foundation leans
On spikes and nails, he won’t have ease
When he retires upon his means.
VIII.

A Soldier?—there he has not nerves
A Sailor seldom lays up pelf:
A Baker?—no, a baker serves
His customer before himself.
IX.
Dresser of hair?—that’s not the sort;
A joiner jars with his desire—
A Churchman?—James is very short,
And cannot to a church aspire.
X.
A Lawyer?—that’s a hardish term!
A Publisher might give him ease,
If he could into Longman’s firm
Just plunge at once “in medias Rees.”
XI.
A shop for pot, and pan, and cup,
Such brittle Stock I can’t advise;
A Builder running houses up,
Their gains are stories—may be lies!
XII.
A Coppersmith I can’t endure—
Nor petty Usher A, B, C-ing;
A Publican no father sure,
Would be the author of his being!
XIII.
A Paper-maker?—come he must
To rags before he sells a sheet—
A Miller?—all his toil is just

A Miller? all his toil is just
To make a meal—he does not eat.
XIV.
A Currier?—that by favour goes—
A Chandler gives me great misgiving—
An Undertaker?—one of those
That do not hope to get their living!
XV.
Three Golden Balls?—I like them not;
An Auctioneer I never did—
The victim of a slavish lot,
Obliged to do as he is bid!
XVI.
A Broker watching fall and rise
Of Stock?—I’d rather deal in stone,—
A Printer?—there his toils comprise
Another’s work beside his own.
XVII.
A Cooper?—neither I nor Jem
Have any taste or turn for that,—
A fish retailer?—but with him,
One part of trade is always flat.

XVIII.
A Painter?—long he would not live,—
An Artist’s a precarious craft—
In trade Apothecaries give,
But very seldom take, a draught.
XIX.
A Glazier?—what if he should smash!
A Crispin he shall not be made—
A Grazier may be losing cash,
Although he drives “a roaring trade.”
XX.
Well, something must be done! to look
On all my little works around—
James is too big a boy, like book,
To leave upon the shelf unbound.
XXI.
But what to do?—my temples ache
From evening’s dew till morning’s pearl,
What course to take my boy to make—
Oh could I make my boy—a girl!

LITERARY REMINISCENCES.
No. IV.
“And are ye sure the news is true?
And are ye sure he’s weel?”—OLD SCOTCH SONG.
THE great Doctor Johnson—himself a sufferer—has pathetically
described, in an essay on the miseries of an infirm constitution, the
melancholy case of an Invalid, with a willing mind in a weak body.
“The time of such a man,” he says, “is spent in forming schemes
which a change of wind prevents him from executing; his powers
fume away in projects and in hope, and the day of action never
arrives. He lies down delighted with the thoughts of to-morrow; but
in the night the skies are overcast; the temper of the air is changed;
he wakes in languor, impatience, and distraction; and has no longer
any wish but for ease, nor any attention but for misery.” In short the
Rambler describes the whole race of Valetudinarians as a sort of
great Bitumen Company, paving a certain nameless place, as some
of the Asphalticals have paved Oxford Street, with not very durable
good intentions. In a word, your Invalid promises like a Hogamy, and
performs like a Pigamy.
To a hale hearty man, a perfect picture of health in an oaken
frame, such abortions seem sufficiently unaccountable. A great
hulking fellow, revelling as De Quincey used emphatically to say, “in
rude BOVINE health,”—a voracious human animal, camel-stomached
and iron-built, who could all but devour and digest himself like a
Kilkenny cat,—can neither sympathise with nor understand those
frequent failures and down-breakings which happen to beings not so

fortunately gifted with indelicate constitutions. Such a half-horse
half-alligator monster cannot judge, like a Puny Judge, of a case of
feebleness. The broad-chested cannot allow for the narrow-
breasted; the robust for the no-bust. Nevertheless, even the stalwart
may sometimes fall egregiously short of their own designs—as
witness a case in point.
Amongst my fellow passengers, on a late sea-voyage, there was
one who attracted my especial attention. A glance at his face,
another at his figure, a third at his costume, and a fourth at his
paraphernalia, sufficed to detect his country: by his light hair, nubbly
features, heavy frame, odd-coloured dressing-gown, and the
national meerschaum and gaudy tobacco-bag, he was undeniably a
German. But, besides the everlasting pipe, he was provided with a
sketching apparatus, an ample note book, a gun, and a telescope;
the whole being placed ready for immediate use. He had
predetermined, no doubt, to record his German sentiments on first
making acquaintance with the German Ocean; to sketch the
picturesque craft he might encounter on its surface; to shoot his first
sea-gull; and to catch a first glimpse of the shores of Albion, beyond
the reach of the naked eye. But alas! all these intentions fell—if one
may correctly say so with only sky and water—to the ground. He ate
nothing—drank nothing—smoked nothing—drew nothing—wrote
nothing—shot nothing—spied nothing—nay, he merely stared, but
replied nothing to my friendly inquiry (I am ill at the German tongue
and its pronunciation) “Wie befinden sea sick?”
Now, my own case, gentle reader, has been precisely akin to that
of our unfortunate Cousin German. Like him I have promised much,
projected still more, and done little. Like him, too, I have been a sick
man, though not at sea, but on shore—and in excuse of all that has
been left undone, or delayed, with other Performers, when they do
not perform, I must proffer the old theatrical plea of indisposition. As
the Rambler describes, I have erected schemes which have been
blown down by an ill wind; I have formed plans, and been weather-
beaten, like another Murphy, by a change in the weather. For
instance, the Comic Annual for 1839 ought properly to have been

published some forty days earlier; but was obliged, as it were, to
perform quarantine, for want of a clean Bill of Health. Thus, too, the
patron of the present Work who has taken the trouble to peruse
certain chapters under the title of Literary Reminiscences, will
doubtless have compared the tone of them with an Apology in
Number Six, wherein, declining any attempt at an Auto-biography, a
promise was made of giving such anecdotes as a bad memory and a
bad hearing might have retained of my literary friends and
acquaintance. Hitherto, however, the fragments in question have
only presented desultory glimpses of a goose quill still in its green-
gosling-hood, instead of any recollections of “celebrated pens.” The
truth is that my malady forced me to temporise:—wherefore the kind
reader will be pleased to consider the aforesaid chapters but as so
many “false starts,” and that Memory has only now got away, to
make play as well as she can.
Whilst I am thus closeted in the Confessional, it may be as well,
as the Pelican said, to make a clean breast of it, and at once plead
guilty to all those counts—and some from long-standing have
become very Old Bailey counts—that haunt my conscience. The
most numerous of these crimes relate to letters that would not,
could not, or at least did not answer. Others refer to the receipt of
books, and as an example of their heinousness it misgives me that I
was favoured with a little volume by W. and M. Howitt, without ever
telling them how-it pleased me. A few offences, concern
engagements which it was impossible to fulfil, although doubly
bound by principle and interest. Seriously I have perforce been guilty
of many, many, and still many sins of omission: but Hope, reviving
with my strength, promises, granting me life, to redeem all such
pledges. In the mean time, in extenuation, I can only plead
particularly that deprecation which is offered up, in behalf of all
Christian defaulters every Sunday,—“We have left undone those
things which we ought to have done,—And there is no HEALTH in us.”
It is pleasant after a match at Chess, particularly if we have won,
to try back, and reconsider those important moves which have had a
decisive influence on the result. It is still more interesting, in the

game of Life, to recall the critical positions which have occurred
during its progress, and review the false or judicious steps that have
led to our subsequent good or ill fortune. There is, however, this
difference, that chess is a matter of pure skill and calculation,
whereas, the chequered board of human life is subject to the caprice
of Chance—the event being sometimes determined by combinations
which never entered into the mind of the player[4]. To such an
accident it is perhaps attributable that the hand now tracing these
reminiscences is holding a pen instead of an etching-point; jotting
down these prose pleasures of memory, in lieu of furnishing articles
“plated-on-steel,” for the pictorial periodicals.
It will be remembered that my mental constitution, however
weak my physical one, was proof against that type-us fever which
parches most scribblers till they are set up, done up, and may-be,
cut-up, in print and boards. Perhaps I had read, and trembled at the
melancholy annals of those unfortunates who, rashly undertaking to
write for bread, had poisoned themselves, like Chatterton, for want
of it, or choked themselves, like Otway, on obtaining it. Possibly,
having learned to think humbly of myself—there is nothing like early
sickness and sorrow for “taking the conceit” out of one—my vanity
did not presume to think, with certain juvenile Tracticians, that I
“had a call” to hold forth in print for the edification of mankind.
Perchance, the very deep reverence my reading had led me to
entertain for our Bards and Sages, deterred me from thrusting
myself into the fellowship of Beings that seemed only a little lower
than the angels. However, in spite of that very common excuse for
publication, “the advice of a friend,” who seriously recommended the
submitting of my MSS. to a literary authority, with a view to his
imprimatur, my slight acquaintance with the press was pushed no
farther. On the contrary, I had selected a branch of the Fine Arts for
my serious pursuit. Prudence, the daughter of Wisdom, whispering
perhaps, that the engraver, Pye, had a better chance of a beefsteak
inside, than Pye the Laureate; not that the verse-spinning was quite
given up. Though working in aqua fortis, I still played with Castaly,
now writing—all monkeys are imitators, and all young authors are

monkeys—now writing a Bandit, to match the Corsair, and anon,
hatching a Lalla Crow, by way of companion to Lalla Rookh.
Moreover, about this time, I became a member of a private select
Literary Society (alluded to at page 97 of the present work) that
“waited on Ladies and Gentlemen at their own houses.” Our Minerva,
allegorically speaking, was a motley personage, in blue stockings, a
flounced gown, Quaker cap, and kerchief, French flowers, and a
man’s hat. She held a fan in one hand, and a blowpipe in the other.
Her votaries were of both sexes, old and young, married and single,
assenters, dissenters, High Church, Low Church, No Church; Doctors
in Physics, and Apothecaries in Metaphysics; dabblers in Logic,
Chemistry, Casuistry, Sophistry, Natural and unnatural History,
Phrenology, Geology, Conchology, Demonology; in short, all kinds of
Colledgy-Knowledgy-Ology, including “Cakeology,” and tea and
coffee. Like other Societies, we had our President—a sort of Speaker
who never spoke; at least within my experience he never
unbosomed himself of anything but a portentous shirt frill. According
to the usual order of the entertainment, there was—first, Tea and
Small Talk; secondly, an original Essay, which should have been
followed, thirdly, by a Discussion, or Great Talk; but nine times in
ten, it chanced, or rather mumchanced, that, between those who did
not know what to think, and others, who did not know how to
deliver what they thought, there ensued a dead silence, so “very
dead indeed,” as Apollo Belvi says, that it seemed buried into the
bargain. To make this awkward pause more awkward, some
misgiving voice, between a whisper and a croak, would stammer out
some allusion to a Quaker’s Meeting, answered from right to left by
a running titter, the speaker having innocently, or perhaps wilfully
forgotten, that one or two friends in drab coats, and as many in
slate-coloured gowns, were sitting, thumb-twiddling, in the circle.
Not that the Friends contented themselves with playing dumby at
our discussions. They often spoke, and very characteristically, to the
matter in hand. For instance, their favourite doctrine of non-
resistance was once pushed—if Quakers ever push—a little “beyond
beyond.” By way of clencher, one fair, meek, sleek Quakeress, in
dove colour, gravely told a melodramatical story of a conscientious

Friend, who rather than lift even his little finger against a Foe,
passively, yea, lamblike, suffered himself to be butchered in bed by
an assassin, and died consistently, as he thought, with Fox
principles, very like a Goose. As regards my own share in the Essays
and Arguments, it misgives me that they no more satisfied our
decidedly serious members, than they now propitiate Mr. Rae Wilson.
At least, one Society night, in escorting a female Fellow towards her
home, she suddenly stopped me, taking advantage perhaps of the
awful locality, and its associations, just in front of our chief criminal
prison, and looking earnestly in my face, by the light of a Newgate
lamp, inquired somewhat abruptly, “Mr. Hood! are you not an
Infidel[5]?”
In the mean time, whilst thus playing at Literature, an event was
ripening which was to introduce me to Authorship in earnest, and
make the Muse, with whom I had only flirted, my companion for life.
It had often occurred to me that a striking, romantical,
necromantical, metaphysical, melodramatical, Germanish story,
might be composed, the interest of which should turn on the
mysterious influence of the fate of A over the destiny of B, the said
parties having no more natural or apparent connexion with each
other than Tenterden Steeple and the Goodwin Sands. An instance
of this occult contingency occurred in my own case; for I did not
even know by sight the unfortunate gentleman on whose untimely
exit depended my entrance on the literary stage. In the beginning of
the year 1821, a memorable duel, originating in a pen-and-ink
quarrel, took place at Chalk Farm, and terminated in the death of Mr.
John Scott, the able Editor of the London Magazine. The melancholy
result excited great interest, in which I fully participated, little
dreaming that his catastrophe involved any consequences of
importance to myself. But on the loss of its conductor, the Periodical
passed into other hands. The new Proprietors were my friends; they
sent for me, and after some preliminaries, I was duly installed as a
sort of sub-Editor of the London Magazine.
It would be affectation to say, that engraving was resigned with
regret. There is always something mechanical about the art—

moreover it is as unwholesome as wearisome to sit copper-fastened
to a board, with a cantle scooped out to accommodate your
stomach, if you have one, painfully ruling, ruling, and still ruling lines
straight or crooked, by the long hundred to the square inch, at the
doubly hazardous risk which Wordsworth so deprecates, of “growing
double.” So farewell Woollett! Strange! Bartolozzi! I have said, my
vanity did not rashly plunge me into authorship; but no sooner was
there a legitimate opening than I jumped at it, à la Grimaldi, head
foremost, and was speedily behind the scenes.
To judge by my zeal and delight in my new pursuit, the bowl had
at last found its natural bias[6]. Not content with taking articles, like
candidates for holy orders—with rejecting articles like the Belgians—
I dreamt articles, thought articles, wrote articles, which were all
inserted by the editor, of course, with the concurrence of his deputy.
The more irksome parts of authorship, such as the correction of the
press, were to me labours of love. I received a revise from Mr.
Baldwin’s Mr. Parker, as if it had been a proof of his regard; forgave
him all his slips, and really thought that printers’ devils were not so
black as they are painted. But my top-gallant glory was in “our
Contributors!” How I used to look forward to Elia! and backward for
Hazlitt, and all round for Edward Herbert, and how I used to look up
to Allan Cunningham! for at that time the London had a goodly list
of writers—a rare company. It is now defunct, and perhaps no ex-
periodical might so appropriately be apostrophized with the Irish
funereal question—“Arrah, honey, why did you die?” Had you not an
editor, and elegant prose writers, and beautiful poets, and broths of
boys for criticism and classics, and wits and humorists.—Elia, Cary,
Procter, Cunningham, Bowring, Barton, Hazlitt, Elton, Hartley
Coleridge, Talfourd, Soane, Horace Smith, Reynolds, Poole, Clare,
and Thomas Benyon, with a power besides. Hadn’t you Lions’ Heads
with Traditional Tales? Hadn’t you an Opium Eater, and a Dwarf, and
a Giant, and a Learned Lamb, and a Green Man? Had not you a
regular Drama, and a Musical Report, and a Report of Agriculture,
and an Obituary, and a Price Current, and a current price, of only
half-a-crown? Arrah, why did you die? Why, somehow the

contributors fell away—the concern went into other hands—worst of
all, a new editor tried to put the Belles Lettres in Utilitarian
envelopes; whereupon, the circulation of the Miscellany, like that of
poor Le Fevre, got slower, slower, slower,—and slower still—and then
stopped for ever! It was a sorry scattering of those old Londoners!
Some went out of the country: one (Clare) went into it. Lamb
retreated to Colebrooke. Mr. Cary presented himself to the British
Museum. Reynolds and Barry took to engrossing when they should
pen a stanza, and Thomas Benyon gave up literature.
It is with mingled feelings of pride, pleasure, and pain, that I
revert to those old times, when the writers I had long known and
admired in spirit were present to me in the flesh—when I had the
delight of listening to their wit and wisdom from their own lips, of
gazing on their faces, and grasping their right hands. Familiar figures
rise before me, familiar voices ring in my ears, and alas! amongst
them are shapes that I must never see, sounds that I can never
hear, again. Before my departure from England, I was one of the few
who saw the grave close over the remains of one whom to know as
a friend was to love as a relation. Never did a better soul go to a
better world! Never perhaps (giving the lie direct to the common
imputation of envy, malice, and hatred, amongst the brotherhood),
never did an author descend—to quote his favourite Sir T. Browne—
into “the land of the mole and the pismire” so hung with golden
opinions, and honoured and regretted with such sincere eulogies and
elegies, by his contemporaries. To HIM, the first of these, my
reminiscences, is eminently due, for I lost in him not only a dear and
kind friend, but an invaluable critic; one whom, were such literary
adoptions in modern use, I might well name, as Cotton called
Walton, my “father.” To borrow the earnest language of old Jean
Bertaut, as Englished by Mr. Cary—

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