Dissertation 2016 Final Version

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School of Government and Society
Undergraduate Dissertation
Arab Spring Uprisings and the Stigmatised
Representation of Immigration in Italy
A Foucauldian Discourse Analysis and Deconstruction of Italian
Newspapers
Victoria Pereira-Ayuso
Student ID: 1318047
Submitted for Dr. Marco Vieira
BA International Relations with Political Science
March 2016
11,718

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Table of Contents
Abstract: ..................................................................................................................................3
Introduction ............................................................................................................................4
Research Question:.............................................................................................................4
Methodological Framework:...............................................................................................6
Theoretical Approach ......................................................................................................6
Methodology .................................................................................................................. 10
Literature Review.............................................................................................................. 14
Structure............................................................................................................................. 17
Chapter 1 – From the Italian Diaspora to the Arab Spring Uprisings: A
Contextualisation ............................................................................................................... 20
Italy’s Long History of Emigration .................................................................................. 20
The Arab Spring Uprisings.............................................................................................. 22
Italy’s Immediate Response............................................................................................ 25
Chapter 2 – Deconstructing Italian Newspapers: An Analysis of the
Representation of Immigrants in the Italian Media ................................................... 27
La Repubblica ................................................................................................................... 28
Il Giornale........................................................................................................................... 32
La Padania......................................................................................................................... 35
Chapter 3 – Locating the debate in International Relations: The Conceptual and
Identity Problematics in Media’s Representations ................................................... 39
The Complexity of Definitions ......................................................................................... 39
Identity and The Silence of the Other............................................................................ 42
Conclusion........................................................................................................................... 45

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Abstract:
The large flow of immigrants arriving in Italian shores since the wake of the 2011 Arab
Spring uprisings has had a major impact in the ways the media has represented the
subject of immigration as a whole in Italy. Despite its history as an emigration country,
whose citizens were once object of discrimination and misleading representation in
the media; Italy emerges in the contemporary world as an extremely important
recipient of immigration flows. Considering that those immigration flows are mainly
emanated from the regions of North Africa and the Middle East, the Arab Spring
revolutions shall be considered in this dissertation as a key component of the Italian’s
stigmatisation of immigrants in the media. La Repubblica, Il Giornale and La Padania
deserve close analytical attention, in their role in imposing certain “realities” and
“dogmas” regarding immigrants upon the Italian society. Themes such as that of a
conceptual complexity and the silence encountered in the notion of Otherness all
contribute to the argument that the deconstruction of newspapers, as one of the most
immediate forms of knowledge creation, is quintessential for a more comprehensive
understanding of the phenomenon of immigration, and of International Relations as a
whole.

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Introduction
Research Question:
Italy confirmed its role as a country of arrival for international migration,
especially since the beginning of the 21st
century. (…) there has been an
increase in immigration: the 3.4 million foreign citizens residing in Italy in 2007
have become 4,387,721 in 2012, equal to 7.4% of the total population
(Immigrazione Dossier Statistico, 2013).
The huge scale of human migration across the Mediterranean encompasses evident
geographical indicators and patterns, which one may pertinently associate to certain
socio and geo-political determinants. Southern Europe comes forth as a rather
peculiar case of significant importance, in so far as it constitutes a large-scale recipient
of the migration flows steaming from the Southern Mediterranean. Italy, particularly,
has grown to become a central recipient body for such migration fluxes. Especially in
the eventuality of the occurrences that have been widely broadcasted as the Arab
Spring uprisings and due to its geographical proximity to other Mediterranean
countries. Such immigration patterns have, however, developed into a rather serious
political issue of intense controversy, not only in Italy itself, but also across the
European Union member-states. And the media has constituted a key player in
maintaining and exacerbating the polemic around the topic of migration, which,
according to Ellinas, has often served the purpose of some far-right parties in
advancing radical and xenophobic discourses (Ellinas in Ureta, 2011: 13). The aim of
this dissertation is to unravel the deep-seated layers of meaning and knowledge

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production ingrained in Italian media in terms of the case of illegal migration,
particularly in the aftermath of the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings. It therefore seeks to
obtain a deeper and broader level of understanding of the ways in which media has
represented the case of illegal migration in one of the most evident recipient nations
of migration fluxes in Europe: Italy. Using a post-positivist lens, this dissertation
explores the rather conspicuous issue of representation in Italian media, especially as
far as identity formation is concerned. Hence, the construction of a stigmatized identity
and the process of othering through discourse emerges as a central theme throughout
this dissertation. It is precisely this construction of such “Otherness” immediately
associated to the Arab Spring-driven immigration flux that this dissertation seeks to
deconstruct – particularly in the stance of media representations. Due to its
fundamental role in the process of knowledge-formation amongst the population, the
media arises as an extremely important focus of analysis. More specifically, and in lieu
of its growing influence and indirect power within the contemporary societal domain,
newspaper journalism will be particularly highlighted and scrutinised throughout this
analysis (Richardson, 2006: 2).

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Methodological Framework:
Theoretical Approach
The analysis that follows is drawn from a theoretical stance advocated by prominent
scholars such as Michael Foucault, James Der Derian, Jaques Derrida, among others.
Departing from the assumption that “relations between language and context are
interdependent and mutually influenced” (Ureta, 2011: 14), poststructuralism arises as
the most comprehensive framework in providing the required theoretical pillars for the
conduction of the analysis proposed by this dissertation. Accordingly, despite the
complexity in finding one all-encompassing definition of the former due to the
ramifications within it, poststructuralism comes together for most academics as that
which constitutes an ethos whose aim is to draw attention to the relevance of analysing
language, representation, identity and the kaleidoscope of meanings produced
through the power/knowledge nexus (Campbell, 2010: 216). Fundamentally, the
metaphysical basis for such objectives is one built upon the premise that:
There is no such thing as truth, only regimes of truth (…) Statements about the
social world are only ‘true’ within specific discourses. Society decides what is
acceptable to believe and what is unacceptable, the latter of which is
suppressed or merely ridiculed (Sheehan, 2005: 141).
Whilst those who channel their thinking into the positivist and foundationalist
understanding of truth and of international relations would contradict such statement,
as demonstrated in Béatrice Han’s work (2002), for example; those who have
dissented the unchallenged version of ‘reality’ proposed by traditionalist approaches

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recognise the importance in studying the “modes by which, in our culture, human
beings are made subjects” (Foucault in Campbell, 2010: 224). This means that there
is no such thing as a fixed universal human being, whose unchangeable individuality
serves as a role model for the rest of humanity. Indeed, poststructuralist scholars, and
Foucault more specifically, propose a divorce from such reasoning. Rather, modern
existence is conceptualised as a product of history. The processes of social interaction
and power-relations in particular cultures, throughout the course of history are what,
in Foucauldian terms, constitute human experience and most importantly, the human-
self. Subjectivity then, seems to occupy a rather central position within the
poststructuralist ethos (McHoul & Grace, 2002: 3). Since, in accordance to Foucault’s
conception of the subject, “our experiences of selves and lives are discursive effects;
(…) the result of powerful discourses that structure our reality” (Foucault in Fadyl &
Nicholls, 2012: 25). Such an understanding of the individual as a product of socio-
historical structures fits perfectly as a framework for the analysis of the role of identity
in the Italian representation of immigrant masses. Not only does it provide scope for
the analyst to challenge the undisputed depictions and representations of the
immigration reality; but also to understand and deconstruct the binaries created
through the process of identity-formation endorsed by the media in this specific case.
In what context does the identity of an immigrant become labelled as that of a
“foreigner”, “clandestine” or “the Other”? An “Other” which, within the immigration-
theme-representation is presented against a nationalistic “Us”, whose security
appears to be threatened by the former. How does an immigration crisis become an
identity one? These are all questions adjacent to the very intrinsic quest of this study
And if the issue of immigration is, indeed, integrated within a security-based discourse,
one may then follow Anthony Burke’s suggestion that “security discourses and

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practices are (…) the product of struggles over power exercised in the name of security
that relate to the very question of being” (2013: 80). Nonetheless, such questions
become all the more relevant and palpable if one considers the rather paramount
pouvoir-savoir nexus in Foucault’s account of International Relations. By claiming that
“it is not possible for power to be exercised without knowledge, [and] it is impossible
for knowledge not to engender power” (1980: 52), Foucault introduces a whole new
sphere of analytical layers. In fact, au contraire of the rather essentially simplistic
microanalysis of linguistics, Foucault’s analysis of discourse is elevated to the study
of a sequence of complex power-relations. The production of language and discourse
as a whole is juxtaposed with the authority behind such production. Knowledge-
creation depends on an authoritative power, in the same way as the latter depends on
the former. Ergo, one may pertinently argue that discourse, knowledge and power are
fluid are innately intertwined (Olsson, 2007: 223).
In challenging and dismantling the dogmatic assumptions developed in the process of
discourse and meaning creation, deconstructivism emerges as an extremely suitable
theoretical tool for the analysis of representation. For discursive meaning constitutes,
in its essence, “the repressive presence of what it does not say; and this ‘not-said’ is
a hollow that undermines from within all that is said” (Foucault, 1969: 28). As such,
Jacques Derrida’s philosophy of deconstruction’s novelty lies in the demonstration of
how binary relations and dichotomies turn meaning into objective depictions of reality.
The connotation of “good” can solely have a positive meaning when placed side by
side with that of “evil” (and its negative significance). In more specific terms, the
attribute of “foreigners” only attains its fully intended meaning when juxtaposed with
the notion of citizenship; of nationality; of being Italian. Nonetheless, one may go
further to argue that, with the growing radicalisation of negative immigration discourses

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in the Italian press, the idea and sentiment of being an “Italian national” has also been
reinforced precisely because of the large influx of immigrant groups since 2011. The
fear of an “outside” threat that has evolved into a national peril – according to the
representation of the issue provided by media platforms – fuels a feeling of patriotic
urge. Within such context, the interconnectedness between power and knowledge
becomes extremely dominant and dynamic, in so far as it perpetuates the promotion
of certain connotations over others. This is because, according to the poststructuralist
lines of thought, in any form of binary oppositions, one faction is always privileged over
the other. Such stance promptly evokes one of the key tenets of poststructuralist and
deconstructivist thinking: the notion of Otherness. In fact, the poststructuralist body of
reasoning argues that the “other’s” voice is often neglected and dismissed, which
immediately relates to the claim that “migrants in Italy can be described as very absent
from their own narratives, since they rarely have a voice” (Sibhatu in Giorgi, 2012: 70,
71). Respectively, in an analytical study on the pillars of deconstructivism, Gert Biesta
puts forward the rather enriching argument that the very basis on which the privileged
end of the dichotomy rests, is maintained because of the existence of the other end of
the opposition, being that the “otherness” is ruled out in order to preserve the “myth of
a pure and uncontaminated” truth (2010: 721). It is in this sense that, adopting a
poststructuralist stance on the stigmatized representation of immigrants in Italy calls
for the imperative of deconstructing the embedded and “naturalised” meanings and
“reality”. Not only does it allow for the dismantling of exacerbated and xenophobic
discourses and their layers of significance; it is also a “vocation”, as Campbell would
put it; a “response to a call” (1998: 23).

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Methodology
Building upon the fundamental theoretical assumptions ingrained in post-structuralist
thinking, and hence, embraced throughout this study, the methodological architecture
of this dissertation shall be one compatible to its hypothetical premises and analytical
aims. Correspondingly, the methodology adopted throughout this dissertation is one
that lays the foundations for a disclosure and deconstruction of the ways in which
language and discourse are produced in the particular case of the representation of
immigrants in Italian media. On that account, it departs from a classic qualitative
approach, thereby delving into a more anti-foundationalist interpretative discourse
analytical study (Jansen, 2008: 108). As put forward by both Ernesto Laclau and
Chantal Mouffe, “issues of identity formation, the production of novel ideologies, the
logic of social movements and the structuring of societies by a plurality of social
imaginaries are central objects of investigation for discourse [analysis]” (in Garau,
2014: 3). Discourse analysis arises as the most suitable, as well as far-reaching form
of depicting and truly grasping the layers of meaning beneath the representation of
Arab Spring-related immigrants in Italy. Nonetheless, it is extremely relevant to
understand some of the guiding pillars of discourse analysis a priori of its actual
application. It seems strikingly important, at this point, to begin by providing a well-
grounded understanding of the essence of the word ‘discourse’ in itself. Indeed, the
contemporary amplified usage of the term ‘discourse’ in diverse fields such as
linguistics, sociology, philosophy, political science, among others, self-underlines the
complexity attached to the former’s definition (Gee, 2014: 17). Considering that the
very notion of discourse is one closely and inherently associated to the work of Michael
Foucault (Miller, 1990: 115), one’s inquiry onto its conceptualisation shall start with the

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latter’s assertion that “discourse refers to a unit of language larger than a sentence,
and discourse analysis is the study of these sequences of sentences” (Foucault in
Sawyer, 2002: 434). In envisaging a comprehensive understanding of the very basic
pillars of discourse in itself, as well as of discourse analysis, and consequently an
accurate application of the former, this study draws much of its own analysis from
Foucault’s findings and method. Not only does it concede his suggestive definition of
language and discourse; it also grants scope to the development of the idea of
discourses of silence and Otherness very much evident in the following claim:
[While] the question posed by language analysis of some discursive fact (…) is
always: according to what rules has a particular statement been made, and
consequently according to what rules could other similar statements be made?
The description of the events of discourse poses a quite different question: how
is it that one particular statement appeared rather than another? (1972: 27).
Similarly, and in building the basis for what later became referred to as discourse
theory, Laclau and Mouffe define discourse as constituting a “decentred structure in
which meaning is constantly negotiated and constructed” (Laclau in Torfing, 1999: 40).
Such definition immediately creates a certain linkage with the post-positivist
dissociation and departure from the principles and methodologies put forward by
structuralism. For, according to Jacob Torfing, both neo-Gramscian and post-
structuralist scholars have built their conceptualisation of discourse upon a
renunciation of the structuralist idea of a “self-enclosed” object and structure (1999:
4). Therefore, and in so far as they neglect pre-given concepts and structures, post-
structuralist academics stress the instability and transformational character of
structural frameworks of social interaction. In fact, if one departs from the premise that
individuals’ ideas and lives are shaped by individual and, thus, different experiences,

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the claim that discourse emerges in a subjective structure of social interaction
becomes rather evident. Evoking Zizek’s conclusions, an amalgam of the discourse
analysis principles put forward by both the work of Foucault, as well as that of Laclau
and Mouffe, encompasses a focus on the different experiences of subjects within a
particular socio-historical framework. Such focus consequently calls for a depiction of
reality as being one composed by different realities, which are per se constituted by
different meanings (Zizek in Torfing, 1999: 56). This idea that realities and meanings
are fluid, contingent and transformative embodies a constant theme running through
the strand of discourse analysis undertaken for this particular study. If one ascribes to
Foucault’s idea of discourse as a system of signs that inevitably produces meaning,
one ought to recognise the evident underlying conflict of interests formulated in the
process of discourse-creation. In the words of Laclau and Mouffe, some discourses
are presented to the world as an objective given which not only is taken for granted,
but also as “a-problematic” (Laclau & Mouffe inGarau, 2014: 4). However, “the attempt
to characterise discourse, and therefore meaning, as something wholly objective and
external to subjects is mistaken”, according to Professor Seumas Miller (1990: 120).
Such objective connotations emerge as intrinsically problematic, especially because
the subscription to certain discourses automatically overlooks others, in which case,
the deconstruction of the former becomes paramount under poststructuralist lenses.
Specifically, in considering the representation of immigrants in Italy in the aftermath of
the 2011 uprisings, one ought to underline the value attached to the analysis of
media’s discourse for the deconstruction of the embedded “truths” and identities.
Media embodies a “system that selects and verifies information (therefore withholding
and discrediting other information) [being that] the reporting, filtering and exchange of
information produce deliberative discourses” (Hall, 2012: 8). Not only is media an

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extremely powerful means of producing information, it also possesses control over the
propagation of such information. Hence, by having the authority to impose certain
beliefs upon people – and simultaneously, to disregard and undermine other
competing beliefs – media, and more specifically, journalism, shapes the way certain
societies think about and react to certain issues. It both informs and influences
readers’ opinions. However, it also adjusts itself to what those same readers – the
audience – expect and want to read (Taylor, 2009: 3, 4). This dilemma becomes all
the more problematic in the Italian case, since a relatively large part of newspapers
are actually financed and ran by groups that are directly involved in the political realm.
Some newspapers are even owned by certain political parties. Media discourse, in this
instance, becomes an arguable means of conveying particular political messages and
ideas, which ultimately have a crucial factor in influencing and creating social “truths”
(Campani, 2001: 40) . It is in this sense that the discourse employed by newspapers,
as one of the most impacting means of media communication, “needs to be taken very
seriously” (Richardson, 2006: 13). Especially if one considers the issue of immigration
in Italy and the underlying processes of identity-formation beneath the layers of
discourse promoted by the media. Therefore, and in accordance to both Foucault’s
theoretical put on discourse analysis and to Derrida’s approach, this paper will adopt
a deconstructive take on a selection of Italian newspapers. For purposes inherently
linked to the aim of this dissertation, La Repubblica, Il Giournale and La Padania will
be analysed and deconstructed through a “double-reading” method, in so far as they
will first be read “for their intended meaning [and] then read again for their aporias –
the unintended but unavoidably present incongruities and contradictions within the
text”, which ultimately end up producing far-reaching societal meanings (Park, 2008:
775).

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Literature Review
A review of the available literature on the representation of Immigrants in the Italian
media has evidenced a growing amount of studies directed at deconstructing the
underlying messages and meanings beneath the production of knowledge through
media. However, the truth is that not much research has been undertaken on the topic
of migration in the media, with Italy as its case study (Campani, 2001: 38). In addition,
in recognising the importance of analysing the representation of immigrants through
discourse, one ought to underline the rather scarce availability of literature that actually
combines discourse analysis, the immigrant crisis in Italy and the Arab Spring
uprisings as a whole. The most far-reaching literature contribution towards the
consolidation of the former is that of Emma Bond, Guido Bonsavver and Federico
Faloppa, in their 2015 Destination Italy: Representing Migration in Temporary Media
and Narrative. In its role as a crucially central literature for the formulation of this paper,
Destination Italy provides a substantial input towards the poststructuralist and
discourse analytical project of deconstructing the “realities” produced through
language. Its novelty and relevance in informing this dissertation lays in the fact that it
has built the theoretical, methodological and analytical basis upon which the former
delineated its initial elements of research. Similarly, Media and Migration:
Constructions of mobility and difference (King & Wood, 2001) also embodies a key
part in the development of this research, in the sense that it provided the
methodological range of tools that allowed for the focus on newspapers as this
dissertation’s object of discourse analysis. They focus their analysis on popular

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newspapers, such as La Repubblica, La Stampa, Corriere della Serra and Il Giornale.
Noneteheless, small newspapers ran by political parties such as La Padania are often
neglected in the process of deconstruction. Even though the former is mentioned in
most analyses, there is a substantial lack of literature focused on an actual analysis
and deconstruction of the discourse put forward by La Padania. This may be
intrinsically related to the evident obstacles posed to the analyst in the process of
research, especially when looking for La Padania’s issued articles. The chief obstacle
lays in the absence of a functional official website. However, one ought to bear in mind
that, although small, La Padania is perhaps the most far-right and extremist
newspaper in its xenophobic stigmatisation of immigrants in Italy. And a
comprehensive and inclusive paper on the stigmatised representation of immigrants
cannot possibly overlook the rather racist comments and dogmas put forward by La
Padania.
In theoretical and methodological terms, Foucault’s The Archaeology of Knowledge
(1969) and Torfing’s New Theories of Discourse: Laclau, Mouffe and Zizek constitute
literatures of crucial importance for the analytical intentions set by this dissertation.
Similarly, the work of Tryandafyllidou (2000) conveyed in “The Political Discourse on
Immigration in Southern Europe a Critical Analysis” arises as an extremely substantial
piece of literature in unravelling the rather key theme of “us” against “them” as
constructed in the Italian discourse. However, it does not emerge as essential as that
of John Richardson in his Analysing newspapers: an approach from critical discourse
analysis (2006), since the latter engages in an extremely valuable – for the purposes
of this dissertation – deconstruction of newspapers, and most importantly, of their
immense prominence in the process of meaning, power and knowledge creation.
Furthermore, and as far as secondary literature is concerned, books such as Politics

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of National Identity in Italy: Immigration and ‘Italianita’ (Garau, 2014) and as Refugees
in International Relations (Betts & Loescher, 2011) constitute a paramount element in
paving the way to a more enlightened and balanced understanding of identity as a
continuous theme running throughout this dissertation. One ought to admit, however,
that with very few exceptions, a contemplation of the general reading on the specific
topic chosen for this dissertation, sheds light upon the lack of a substantially
comprehensive body of literature that not only engages with the debates upon media
and immigration in Italy; but also with the relation between the former, the Arab Spring
uprisings of 2011 and the extremist discourse of right-wing parties.

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Structure
Chapter one, From the Italian Diaspora to the Arab Spring Uprisings: A
Contextualisation, provides a brief and general historical overview of migration within
Italy and the transformations it has gone through. Although fairly descriptive, this
chapter emerges as an extremely important section in laying the most basic
informational pillars for the remainder of this dissertation. Indeed, if one considers that
the chief focus of this paper is that of deconstructing the layers of meaning beneath
the representation of immigrants in Italy since the occurrence of the Arab Spring wave
of revolutions; one ought to recognise the importance in actually understanding the
chain of events associated to the former. Nonetheless, in order to possess sufficient
tools to critically scrutinise and disassemble the social and political discourses
associated to immigration in itself, it is also imperative to understand the
contextualisation in which such discourses occur. Especially as far as history is
regarded. In this sense, chapter one will begin by providing a succinct, yet tangible
consideration of the Italian diaspora and its history as a nation of emigration. Such
data will constitute an essential component in arguing, in the following chapters, for
the somewhat irony attached to media’s stigmatisation and discrimination towards
immigrants in Italy. Similarly, the instance of the Arab Spring uprisings shall be
explored with the purpose of enlightening the relation between the former and the post-
2011 large fluxes of immigration in Italy. The cases of the North African and Middle
Eastern regions deserve special in the aftermath of 2011 (Fargues & Fandrich, 2012:
4), which is why they will be briefly looked into at this point. This section will therefore
concentrate in understanding the factors involved in the turning of the Arab Spring

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uprisings into the “biggest migrant wave since second world war” (Kingsley, 2015),
within which Italy has indeed constituted a major destiny.
Intrinsically linked to the previous inquiry into Italy’s timeline of changing migration
patterns throughout history, is the very nature of the conceptualisation of migration in
itself, and its consequent weight in informing the production of identities.
Correspondingly, chapter two, The Italian Response to Immigration flows: The
Conceptual and Identity Problematics, proposes to delve into such conceptual and
identity-related problematics, in an attempt to assess the underlying nature of the
Italian response to the post-2011 immigration flows. However, and for purposes of a
more coherent and comprehensive analysis, this chapter will begin by addressing the
actual official Italian reactions to the large inflows of Arab Spring-stemmed peoples. It
will then bring to light two of the most pronounced responses from the Italian
government: the Operation Mare Nostrum and the posterior Operation Triton. These
border security “packages” will be outlined within a context of immediate responses
put forward by Italy – in conjunction with the European Union – in light of the urgency
compounded in the image of thousands of boats arriving in the former’s shores,
particularly in the aftermath of the Arab Spring revolutions. Such depiction of Italy’s
immediate response shall serve as a primary ground for the engagement with the
rather complex feature attached to migration-related definitions, that the following
section offers to critically evaluate. In this sense, the second section within chapter
two will consider the different conceptual variants within the realm of human mobility.
As such, and in its inexorable relation with the previously explored theme of conceptual
complexity, the question of identity formation, in its Foucauldian sense, will be closely
analysed in the final section of this chapter.

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The last chapter, Deconstructing Italian Newspapers: An Analysis of the
Representation of Immigrants in the Italian Media, will focus on looking at three
different newspapers. Firstly, and adopting an analytical and deconstructive lenses, it
will analyse a range of articles included in one of the most popular journals in Italy: La
Repubblica. Such deconstruction shall be continually interlinked with the discourse
promoted by the De Beneditti group, a centre-left group. By the same token, the
second section of this chapter will be delving into the representation of immigrants
emanated by the Il Giornale, being that the former’s discourse shall be analytically
paralleled with that of the Berlusconi’s group, in so far as the latter owns this
newspaper. Lastly, and emerging as one of the most striking bodies of deconstruction,
the discourse endorsed by La Padania, owned by the Northern League, shall be
meticulously dismantled in order to unravel the power-knowledge relations intrinsically
incorporated in the former’s representation of immigrants in the aftermath of the Arab
Spring revolutions. Finally, the concluding remarks of this dissertation seek to
acknowledge the poststructuralist novel ethos of unravelling the meanings and
realities upon which our everyday lives are reproduced. It therefore underlines the
importance of Foucault and Laclau and Mouffe’s form of discourse analysis in
informing the analytical deconstruction of the deep-seated layers of meaning in
representation. Exceptionally as far as the Italian immigration crisis is concerned,
because not only does it allow for an understanding of the societal and political
influences upon which media discourse is produced; it also, as this chapter segment
will summarise, allows for the analyst to untangle the meaning-production process in
discourse-formulation and ultimately pave the way for a less discriminatory depiction
of the Arab spring-driven levels of migration in Italian media.

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Chapter 1 – From the Italian Diaspora to the Arab Spring
Uprisings: A Contextualisation
Italy’s Long History of Emigration
A priori of an extensive in depth analysis of the media’s portrayal of Arab-Spring
related immigration flows in Italy, it is important to address the historical and almost
forgotten – one may argue – Italian Diaspora. Although recent developments have
altered the framework through which migration is understood in the Italian context, the
truth is that for decades, Italy constituted one of the most prominent European
countries as far as emigration was concerned. The period between the 1860s and the
1920s saw a significantly substantial abundance of migration levels from Italy. Indeed,
according to a 1984 survey, between 1876 and 1980, the volume of Italian emigrants
was of more than 26 million (Birindelli in Bonifazi et. al, 2009: 6). And the social and
political process of Italian unification throughout the time spectrum of 1860-1871 had
had major implications for international human mobility, in so far as it pushed Italian
nationals – mainly from the Southern regions – towards emigration. Especially
directed to the other side of the Atlantic (Testai, 2015: 27, 28). As far as the factors
and phases of such emigration flows are regarded, they are considered to be three-
fold, being that the first phase was one characterised by the political turmoil installed
in the post-war world. Such phase, which was also bolstered by the growing
independence-movements in colonies across the globe, was followed by an era of
economic aspirations, in which most Italian emigrants moved abroad in the prospect
of finding economic and financial prosperity and security. Similarly, the third phase
was one characterised by an evident response to the 1970s economic recession,
which, per se, ended up promoting a certain social anxiety (Venturini, A., 2004: 13). It

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is within such context of historical widespread emigration, driven by multiple forces,
that one may pertinently acknowledge and underline the peculiar irony associated with
the current levels of immigration experienced in Italy today. Particularly in terms of the
rather bigoted representation of the latter. As put forward by Anna Triandafyllidou, Italy
arises as a rather interesting case when delving into the analysis of media’s
unbalanced representations of immigrants across Europe (1999: 65). Its history as a
nation of emigration, during which many small Italian communities of emigrants were
formed worldwide (“Little Italies”), especially in the United States; creates somewhat
of a paradox when put side by side with the contemporary paradigm. Particularly if one
considers the levels of xenophobic discourse to which such “little Italies” have been
put through throughout the course of history (Gabaccia in Dietz, 2011: 15). However
not intrinsically crucial for the ultimate deconstructive purposes of this dissertation,
Ilaria Serra’s work (2009) arises as a relevant piece in placing Italy’s situation today in
an analytically parallel circumstance as that of its large-scale emigration timeframe. In
a rather similar approach to that assumed by this paper, Serra discloses the levels of
stigmatisation ingrained in newspapers’ numerous attempts of representing and
describing the Italian group of immigrants. In deconstructing an opinion-based article
reported in The Times (1909), he stresses the xenophobic relevance of the following
statement: “The Italian is supposed to be a great criminal (…) But the Italian criminal
is a high-strung, excitable person who is temperamentally half-seas over when he is
sober and fighting [when] drunk (…) As a rule, Italian criminals are not burglars or
robbers – they are stabbers and killers” (Jerome in Serra, 2009: 88). The importance
in the analysis put forward by Serra lays in the factor of generalisation unravelled by
the former claim. More important, though, is the power-knowledge nexus embedded
in the production of mass information. The fact that the opinion article referred to above

22
was written by a District Attorney, turns the former into an opinion of “authoritative”
character, immediately calling for a sense of credence and trust from the part of the
reader-audience. It is in this sense that the forms of media representation, both in the
time of the Italian Diaspora and in the current Italian situation, relate in many ways to
one another. The timbre of the characterisation and identifiers attributed to Italian
nationals in both cases – “immigrant mafia” and “criminals” in one case (Serra, 2009:
87); and victims of an immigrant “invasion” in the other (Castelli, in Pop, 2011)
underlines a paradoxical inversion of roles and identities. A general understanding of
Italy’s history of mass immigration into another countries becomes therefore an
essential tool when trying to grasp the ways in which the Arab Spring-driven
immigration into Italy is represented, categorised and stigmatised in the Italian media
today.
The Arab Spring Uprisings
In order to undertake any well-balanced analysis on the Italian media representations
of the large influx of migrants in the aftermath of the 2011 Arab Spring revolutions, it
is of paramount importance to begin by providing a well-rounded understanding of the
underlying foundations of such revolutions. When exploring Italy’s rather dynamic
history of migration, one ought to take into consideration the “reversal of trends”
demonstrated from the 1970s onwards when Italy became Europe’s main destination
for immigrants from Third World countries (Calvanese & Pugliese, 1988: 181). But
although such reversal of trends is evidently not a new phenomenon (Russel, 1993:
284), the Arab Spring uprisings have played a paramount role in defining Italy’s current
migration patterns. According to some figures provided by the European
Commission’s Research Area, “between 1 January and 31 July 2011, Italy received

23
approximately 48,000 irregular migrants as part of the 2011 influx from North Africa of
whom 24,769 originated from Tunisia and 23,267 arrived from Libya” (Carrera, et. al,
2012: 4). One may therefore argue that the former has promoted a tremendous boost
in the influx of immigrants in Italy – even if temporarily – developing the foundations
for what academics and experts today have denominated as one of the largest migrant
crisis ever (Kingsley, 2015). And, as this dissertation will demonstrate, the very roots,
causes and “face” of the uprisings are, in most cases, intrinsically related to the nature
of the representation of immigrants in Italy, which is why one cannot provide a
comprehensive deconstruction without generally understanding the Arab Spring
revolutions. It is therefore relevant for the analytical purposes of this dissertation to
briefly grasp the factors involved in the produce of such uprisings; the revolutions as
a whole, and lastly, the obvious implications as far as human mobility is concerned.
Having been subsequently dubbed Arab Spring, the revolutionary events that began
in 2011 in Middle Eastern and North African regions (MENA) are innately linked to the
authoritarian and oppressive nature of the latter’s political bodies. Considering that by
2010 “approximately three fifths of the world’s countries were governed by some form
of democracy” (Howard et. al, 2011: 2), the fact that Tunisia’s new media-driven
revolution caused a domino-effect wave of uprisings does not come as a surprise.
Especially if one contemplates the contemporary power posited in new forms of social
media, such as Facebook and Twitter, combined with a widespread level of
globalisation (Khondker, 2011: 675). Indeed, the overthrow of dictator Ben Ali in
Tunisia, fuelled the popular strength to revile Egypt’s Mubarak, Libya’s Gaddafi and
Yemen’s Abdullah Saleh; and to incite both violent and non-violent protests and
uprisings in Syria, Bahrain, Algeria, Kuwait, Morocco, Lebanon, among others. In a
nutshell, despite the slight differences in their political structures, these countries

24
shared a growing sentiment of dissatisfaction with the rule of their dictators, whose
authoritarian framework allowed for the multiple violation of basic human rights,
immense degrees of corruption and large-scale levels of unemployment. This,
combined with the previously mentioned strength of social media and a military
desertion upon most of these governments, provided scope for a realistic quest for
freedom and change (Goodwin, 2011: 455). Nonetheless, it is also important to stress
the social, political and economic insecurity stimulated by these same uprisings. And
although the previous oppressive circumstances did promote a certain inclination
towards migrating, the overthrow of dictator forces in many MENA countries and the
consequent uncertainty in the region ultimately triggered a massive wave of
immigration to the Northern Mediterranean, especially to Italy (Cosea, 2014: 307). In
the case of Libya, though, the uprising itself and the intensified military ground
turbulence prompted a distinct form of migration, which was heavily characterised by
an urgency to flee the military fighting (Carrera et. al, 2012: 3). This demonstrates the
complexity and range of the nature of Arab spring-driven migration inflows, which, as
will be explored posteriorly, complicates all the more the generalised representation
of immigrants in Italy. Nonetheless, what is crucial to be drawn from this discussion is
that the Arab spring uprisings – and all the political, social and economic baggage
attached to it – has had a major impact on Italy’s demography. Most importantly,
however, is the rather unmistakable effect of such “baggage” in the way Italian media
has represented immigrants as a whole.

25
Italy’s Immediate Response
In the wake of one of the biggest migrant crisis in Southern Europe, Italy declared itself
to be in a “state of humanitarian emergency”, in which the “human tsunami” from the
Arab Spring would have to be tackled (Consiglio dei Ministri in Paoletti, 2014: 134). In
terms of humanitarian measures, Italy immediately endorsed protection actions, which
were particularly addressed to “citizens from countries of North Africa flowed into the
country from 1 January 2011 to midnight on 5 April 2011” (Presidente del Consiglio
dei Ministri in Nascimbene & Pascale, 2011: 352). However, the adoption of a
temporary decree to allow circulation in the Schengen Area for migrants was not a
solution for the whole migrant crisis, especially in the long-run. The very idea of this
influx of migrants as constituting a “crisis” emanates from the fact that, in 2011, both
Italy and the European Union were not prepared for such large numbers in inflows.
Not only was the EU still adapting to the immigration policies introduced with the
Lisbon Treaty; the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) had not been reviewed in
light of the recent events in the Southern Mediterranean shores (Juncos & Whitman,
2012: 151). And, due to its geographical proximity to the uprisings, 2011 alone saw
the Italian shores become a stage for the arrival of hundreds of thousands of
immigrants. It is within such context that in February 2011, in response to a request
from Italy’s then Ministry of Interior – whose affiliation with the Northern League far-
right party is rather interesting for the following deconstructive chapter – FRONTEX
undertook a Joint Operation with Italy codenamed Hermes 2011 intended to control
the Mediterranean Sea and Italian borders and reduce the levels of irregular migration
(Frontex, 2011). The Operation Mare Nostrum commenced in 2013 also aimed at
tackling the rising status of immigration. However, it differed from Operation Hermes

26
in the sense that it was established in the aftermath of the 2013 Lampedusa Disaster,
in which approximately 360 Eritreans and Somalis were deemed to have drowned
when attempting to reach Lampedusa. Hence, this operation was chiefly focused on
the search and rescue of the so-called migrant shipwreck disasters, having been
subsequently substituted by a Frontex-led operation called Triton (The Economist,
2014). As this dissertation will explore in the following sections, these migrant vessel
incidents have had an immense role in providing an “image” and “face” for the migrant
and refugee crisis in the media. Indeed, the Italian response to the Arab Spring
induced migration has been largely based upon a sentiment of an amplified
emergency and need for securitisation. And, as conveyed in the argument of this
dissertation, “the public attention framed by an emergency prospective has partially
hindered an informed discussion” (Triandafyllidou & Ambrosini in Paoletti, 2014: 128).

27
Chapter 2 – Deconstructing Italian Newspapers: An
Analysis of the Representation of Immigrants in the Italian
Media
The prearranged order selected for the deconstructive endeavour that is this chapter,
is of paramount importance in understanding the growing critical tone of the chapter.
Indeed, as will be demonstrated throughout the course of this section, the instances
of stigma and racism in the representation of immigrants in the selected articles, alters
in accordance to the newspaper in consideration. The choice of a gradient approach
for this chapter – in so far as it begins with the less radical newspaper, and ends with
the most extremist one – serves to account for the understanding of the representation
of immigrants in Italian media as being immensely intertwined with its social context
and underlying power relations upon which knowledge is produced. Such claim
immediately resonates Foucault’s power-knowledge nexus, thereby providing the
theoretical grounds for the argument that the extremism held by certain political groups
and bodies translates into the production of stigmatised and xenophobic discourses
referent to immigration, especially when such groups bear power upon the very
process of discourse – and therefore knowledge – creation. Particularly in the
aftermath of the Arab Spring uprisings.

28
La Repubblica
In embodying one of the largest and most popular newspapers in Italy, La Repubblica
arises as an important object of analysis for this dissertation. Although being regarded
as a centre-left newspaper nowadays, the fact that it was initially created along the
lines of a radical and socialist mind-set is quite important in deconstructing its current
stance on the case of immigration. Furthermore, current events such as the Arab
Spring uprisings have had a notorious impact on the way the former regards the topic
of migration. As Campani puts it, La Repubblica’s position on the topic of immigration
has been largely positive since the early 1990s. Not only did it contemplate migration
as a useful component in the Italian economy, but also for the demographic “balance”.
Such posture has been deemed to be innately linked to the fact that La Repubblica is
owned and controlled by the De Benedetti Group – a group often identified with centre-
left politics. Nonetheless, and despite the fact that it has openly defined itself as anti-
racist, the truth is that some articles – especially the ones issued in the immediate
aftermath of the Arab Spring, as will be demonstrated – incorporate a certain
stigmatising and stereotypifying tone towards immigrants. In doing so, though, it
intends to justify its position by claiming it to be a “consequence of the high number of
immigrants and of the lack of rules” (2001: 45, 46).
In double-reading the immigration-related articles issued between 2011 and 2015,
there are clear tendencies notoriously linked to the social and political context at the
time of the writing. Indeed, perhaps due to its centre-left inclination, the availability of
articles that contribute to this dissertation’s argument is much lower than those
encountered in both Il Giornale and La Padania. However, one ought to recognise the

29
significant amount of discriminatory and slightly anti-immigration prone articles in the
immediate eve of the 2011 Arab Spring.
A pertinent way of opening up the deconstructive process is to begin with newspapers’
very first element of discursive construction of meaning: headlines. Indeed, the years
of 2011 and 2012 are marked by a growing use of radical headlines regarding
immigrants in la Repubbilca – a process that has tended to diminish in the course of
time. Let us consider the following headlines of different articles: “Settecento
clandestini in 24 ore a Lampedusa torna l' allarme”1 (La Repubblica, 2011); “Centri al
collasso, è polemica”2 (Polchi, 2011) and “La Libia avverte: Nuove ondate di
clandestini”3 (La Repubblica, 2012). These three headlines have a common
denominator in the discourse they endorse: the production of a meaning of emergency
attached to the phenomena of immigration. Now, in the journalistic conceptualisation
of news-making, the headline of an article arises as a paramount and key element in
reaching the reader. In the words of van Dijk, “if readers pay attention to the news at
all, they will at least read and memorise the content of the headlines” (1988: 221).
Assuming the general premise that readers tend to opt to purchase a particular
newspaper substantially on the basis of the nature of its headlines, the more dramatic
and alarming the former are, the bigger are the chances for people to buy and read
the newspaper (Brody, 1991: 153) One may therefore argue that the distinctive use of
words such as “allarme”, “polemica”, “avverte” and “ondate”, calls for the immediacy,
emergency and amplitude (“ondate di clandestini”) of the immigrant crisis. This, per
se, embodies a sentiment of eminent crisis and an underlying call for action.
1 “Seven hundred illegal immigrantsin 24 hours in Lampedusa,the alarmreturns” (Translation fromItalian)
2 “Overflowed [refugee] centres, itis polemic”(Translation fromItalian)
3 “Libya warms: New waves of illegal immigrants”(Translation fromItalian)

30
Intrinsically linked to the discursive transformation of the arrival of immigrants into an
alarming phenomenon, is the ideological division between those who arrive and those
who are already here. “Stanno arrivando … Stanno arrivando sui barconi che gli
ufficiali di Gheddafi mettono in acqua … l' invasione è alle porte”4 (Bolzoni, 2011).
The clear ambiguity attached to the individuals who are “arriving” immediately evokes
the latent construction of an identity. The repetition of “stanno arrivando” constitutes,
as one may put forward, a strong discursive technique which ascribes urgency and
persistence to the arrival of immigrants. Besides shaping the reader’s sphere of
meaning-association in relation to the migration crisis, it is as if this article almost
places the former at the place of the landings, which therefore bolsters the tie of
personal interconnectedness between the reader and this social phenomenon. Also,
by not specifying who is arriving, this article contributes to the production of a
generalised them, who are instantly portrayed as invaders sent by Gaddafi. Not only
does this statement emphasise the arrival of them “in a space perceived and defined
as ‘ours’” (Bruno, 2015: 69), it also associates them to the emerging theme of
terrorism. Similarly, and in an almost sarcastic tone the claim that Lampedusa is
“dipinta come la terra dell' approdo per chi fugge dalla guerra”5, Marceca (2011)
comprises a sentiment of distrust against immigrants, especially those coming from
Libya. This representation of immigrants, which is also evident in the more recent 2015
“Lampedusa, su un barcone terrorista di ritorno”6 (Viviano), suggests a presence of
ulterior motives behind their arrival, which are deemed to be ultimately associated to
terrorism and an imminent “invasion”.
4 “They arecoming … They arecoming in boats put in the water by official Gaddafi … The invasion isupon us”
(Translation fromItalian)
5 “painted as the landingplacefor those fleeingwar” (Translation fromItalian)
6 “Lampedusa, on a return terroristboat”

31
For purposes of a more balanced and accurate analysis, though, one ought to
acknowledge the increasing number of articles in La Repubblica concerned at
producing an awareness of the stigmatisation of immigrants in Italy. Although it has
endorsed such xenophobic discursive practices itself, mainly in the wake of the Arab
Spring as previously explored; one ought to bear in mind that it is a centre-left
newspaper after all, being that, the discourse the former promotes is prone to,
somehow, adopt a more liberal, balanced and anti-racist stance in general. Hence,
more recent articles such as “La primavera araba in un fumetto: Ecco a voi la storia di
Takoua”7 (Andriuolo, 2013), “Migranti, come ripensare le leggi europee sull'asilo per
fermare la ‘roulette russa’ degli sbarchi”8 (Star, 2013), are more inclusive, raising
awareness towards themes such as the large marginalisation of immigrants in the
Italian society.
7 “The Arab Springin a speech bubble: Here's the story of Takoua”
8 “Migrants,how to rethink European asylumlaws to stop the ‘Russian roulette’ of landings”

32
Il Giornale
Also one of Italy’s most popular newspapers, Il Giornale emerges in this particular
analysis as a key element for the understanding of the importance of dismantling
newspapers’ bigoted discourses. It is quintessential to include Il Giornale’s take on
immigration in this dissertation as not only does it constitute a leading newspaper in
Italy; it also has a strong conservative touch to it, thereby being regarded as a right-
wing newspaper (Pirro, 2009: 126) Indeed, the most important and popular
newspapers in Italy are often largely – even if indirectly – involved in politics. Whether
that is because they are directly owned by a political group, or because they are
financed by one. And this is precisely the case with Il Giornale, which is owned by the
Berlusconi group and family. The presence of a conservative and Berlusconi-induced
ideology is conspicuous in the issues published by the newspaper. Especially as far
as immigration is concerned. As such, the evidence of a prejudiced and one-sided
language in describing immigrants in Italy is much more accentuated in Il Giornale,
than in the previous example, La Repubblica. A close deconstruction of the layers of
meanings concealed in a selection of Il Giornale’s articles therefore allows us to
unravel and dismantle the language and discourse through which meanings, dogmas
and practices are normalised and legitimised in the Italian society (Matassa, 2014).
Despite having been briefly touched upon in the analysis of La Repubblica’s articles,
the notion of Otherness strongly advocated within the realms of poststructuralist
thinking becomes all the more obvious in Il Giornale’s discourse on immigration. The
dichotomy of “Us” against “Them” is rather evident in the following stances from

33
“Lampedusa Emergenza clandestini”9 (Il Giornale, 2012): “Uno straniero”10 and
“clandestini”11. These pronouns are largely adopted across the Italian media, and
especially in extremist discourses, producing an image of an “unknown” intruder
arriving in the Italian shores. The fact that the enemy’s figure is presented to the reader
in ambiguous terms – as the “unknown villain” – is extremely powerful in its
constructive production of meaning. Especially if one contemplates the growing
interchangeability of use between “clandestino” and “criminal” in Italian media.
Evidently, this – even if subtle – connection between the two terms, has provided the
knowledge upon which the castigation of immigration is maintained amongst the Italian
society (Bruno, 2015: 74, 75)
Au contraire of the tendency demonstrated by the examples from La Repubblica, the
biased and divisive representation of immigrants seems to have escalated with the
course of time, as one may deduce from the far-right motivated claims that “E a soffrire
sono sempre gli Italiani”12 (Indini, 2015a) and that “le decine di migliaia di immigrati
che continuano ad arrivare [stanno] trasformando l'Italia nel campo profughi
d'Europa”13 (Indini, 2015a). The dramatization of media’s discourse is unmistakable in
these two instances. Not only does it portray Italy as a “victim” of the large influx of
immigrants from North Africa and the Middle East; it represents it as the only one.
Evidently, the 2015 European reality does not live up to such statement, since it is also
characterised by inflows of immigrants. However, following Bond et. al, this
dissertation is not concerned with the “reality” or “truth” behind an article; its focus “is
9 “Lampedusa, Emergency created by Illegal Immigrants”
10 “A foreigner”
11 “An illegal immigrant”
12 “And the ones to suffer arealways the Italian”
13 “The tens of thousands of immigrants that continueto arrivearetransformingItaly into the refugee camp of
Europe”

34
not so much ‘what’ happened, but rather ‘how’ the phenomenon has been described
in words and images” (2015: 2). The adoption of a Foucauldian discourse analysis
allows us to dig deeper and beyond the simplicity of linguistics and explore the social
contexts in which these discourses are being framed. Ergo, the growing anti-European
Union sentiment experienced in 2015 across Europe, and in Italy more specifically,
ought to be taken into consideration when deconstructing the previous discourses.
Along these lines, it is important to consider the fact that in 2015, precisely, Silvio
Berlusconi – owner or Il Giornale – officially demonstrated public support for the far-
right, anti-EU and anti-migrant Northern League (Kington, 2015). Such affiliation with
anti-EU ideologies is quintessential in that it informs the productive role of power in the
construction of discourses in the media, especially as far as Il Giornale is concerned.
One may also encounter several stances of an Otherness-prone discourse in “Il no di
Squinzi ai migranti: ‘La priorità sono gli italiani’”14 (Indini, 2015b), such as: “Sarà una
visione un po' egoistica, ma cominciamo a dare un futuro ai nostri giovani?”15; “In
questo momento non è l’immigrazione che può risolvere i nostri problema”16 and “non
è affatto d'accordo coi buonisti che vogliono spalancare le porte del Belpaese agli
extracomunitari”17. The echoed use of the term “nostri” carries an immense baggage
of meaning, when contraposed in newspapers with that of “extracomunitari”. In this
example, “nostri” clearly refers to the group of Italian citizens in an attempt to reinforce
the importance of reinsuring the Italian national identity and interests. In terms of the
framing of discourse and the meanings conveyed in the construction of an “us”, the
Italian nationals are regarded as the “good” end of the spectrum, whereas immigrants
14 “The No from Squinzi to Migrants:‘The priority arethe Italians’”
15 “It may be a somewhat selfish view,but let’s startby givinga future to our young people”
16 “Right now, immigration is notgoingto solveour problems”
17 “Do not agree with do-gooders who want to throw open the doors of our beautiful country to the
immigrants”

35
constitute an amalgam of mostly omitted identities and backgrounds which, combined,
form the other end of the dichotomy epitomised by a simple “them”.
La Padania
Since its inauguration in 1997, La Padania has placed the issue of immigration in Italy
right at the centre of its discourse, having been a popular theme for its front page
issues. More specifically, the issue of “clandestinis” is put forward by La Padania as
Italy’s most immediate problem, touching upon every aspect and sector in Italians’
lives. The rather exacerbated and extremist feature of La Padania’s voice emanates
significantly from its de facto affiliation with the most far-right political party in Italy: The
Northern League. Hence, ideologies such as those embedded in the anti-immigrant
sentiment put forward by the Northern League are very common in La Padania’s
tabloids. Within the highly xenophobic discourse endorsed by the former, premises
related to bad and incompetent governance; criticism against the European Union; the
high rates of unemployment in Italy; and terrorism, generally compose the nature of
La Padania’s extremism (Fella & Ruzza, 2009: 92, 93). Although this particular
newspaper is not exceptionally popular when compared to the above mentioned, it
emerges as an extremely important object of analysis for the purposes of this particular
dissertation, especially when considering the lack of a substantial body of literature
concerned at deconstructing its discourse. This dissertation follows the argument that
despite the popularity of a newspaper – which certainly is a solid factor for the
purposes of discourse analysis – the nature of the discourse it creates and promotes
constitutes the ultimate determinant for its inclusion in an analytical discourse

36
deconstruction. Particularly if one considers the history and social background
attached to that very discourse (Phillips & Hardy, 2002: iv).
The bigoted and anti-immigration nature embedded in La Padania is not recent or new.
In fact, in a 1999 article, for example, the former was already extremely critical of
immigrants as a whole, claiming that “the immigrants [have] all the rights but no duties
… and residents [have] all the duties to support the others but very few rights” (La
Padania in Kamali, 2009: 175). However, in dedicating the whole of the front page of
the newspaper (04/05/2011) to the, at the time, looming case of immigration; La
Padania created a precedent for the following years of prejudiced and xenophobic
representation of immigrants in Italy. Indeed, the two headlines exhibited in this issue
– “Libia, Passa la linea della Lega18” and “E Ora Bloccare I Clandestini”19 (La Padania,
2011) – demonstrate a much higher level of a normative imperative against the arrival
of immigrants inItaly, when juxtaposed with the previously explored newspapers. They
are presented to the audience as a negative force that the Italians ought to “block”. By
the same token and as demonstrated in its very title – “STOP CLANDESTINI Si può
fare, basta applicare la LEGGE”20 – Anvar’s article calls for the adoption and
application of a more “rigoros[o] ed effettiv[o]” approach to illegal immigration (2013).
Such a dramatic manoeuvring of language, combined with the intentional uppercases
in “STOP CLANDESTINI” and “LEGGE” promotes a pressing urge for Italians to
address the problem, and how to do so. Even if the solution proposed by the former is
not the most adequate or feasible, by making the idea of a solution sound rather easy,
La Padania is ultimately producing a socially constructed “reality” in which it provides
a straightforward answer to the issue. Consequently, such disposition of the “reality”
18 “Libia passes the lineof the League”
19 “And Now, Block the Illegal Immigrants”
20 “STOP ILLEGAL IMMIGRATION, It can be done, justapply the LAW”

37
automatically puts forward the underlying suggestion that the current government, as
well as the European Union, are not doing a sufficient job in tackling problems that
affect Italians directly, such as that of immigration. This fits perfectly into the Northern
League’s political agenda, especially if one considers that its two major themes are
those of anti-immigration and anti-EU. Such an ethos is supported by an extensive
range of critical articles within La Padania’s newspaper, which immediately implies a
sense normalisation and generalisation directed at the reading audience. The
exacerbation of the depiction of immigrants as a security threat to the nation is evident
in the subsequent instances: “BASTA sbarchi, il governo fermi i clandestini e la
KYENGE”21 (Ballarin, 2013); “Invasione Di Stato”22 (Garibaldi, 2014); and “Tassa di
clandestinità: Sbarchi e immigrati, per il ponte ‘umanitatio’ dovremo sborsare almeno
10,5 millioni al mese”23 (Accorsi, et. al, 2014). Indeed, according to Eva Garau, “the
recurrent use of provocative, rude, grammatically incorrect and not at all politically
correct language, the ‘spectacular headlines’ … contribute to spreading the idea that
being leghista involve[s] … a rejection of ‘the other’” (2015: 109). Such rejection is
understood in this particular dissertation, as not only the expression of the constructed
“other” that alarmingly places “our” (Italian) security and identity in danger; but also as
the evident production of certain “truths” and knowledge. And the Foucauldian power-
nexus is extremely clear as far as La Padania is concerned. Its language and
discourse are constructed in accordance to the Northern League’s political standpoint
and interests; while at the same time, its language would not possess enough
discursive and productive power to endorse such xenophobic discourses were it not
for it constituting an authoritative body. It is precisely within such paradigm that,
21 “ENOUGH of landings,thegovernment must stop illegal immigrants and KYENGE”
22 “Invasion of the State”
23 “Fee of illegality:Landings and immigrants under the name of ‘humanitarian’may costus at least10,5
million per month”

38
despite it constituting a small-circulation newspaper, the deconstruction of La
Padania’s xenophobic discourse emerges as a crucial component for a more
comprehensive understanding of the representation of immigrants in the Italian media
(Campani, 2001: 42).

39
Chapter 3 – Locating the debate in International Relations:
The Conceptual and Identity Problematics in Media’s
Representations
Our conduct of international relations cannot be separated from the manner in
which we write and speak about it … facts only make sense through our
practices of interpretation – and these interpretations, in turn, shape how we
politically deal with the facts and phenomena that surround us (Bleiker & Chou,
2010: 17).
The Complexity of Definitions
In the last section of this dissertation, it is important to begin by contemplating the very
notion of immigration in itself – as the central phenomenon running through this paper
–, as well as the multiple ramifications within its conceptual sphere. Such
understanding emerges as a rather crucial component in laying the fundamental basic
pillars for the connection between all chapters of this paper and the ever-evolving
realm of International Relations. Indeed, the very choice of wording in the discourse
elected for the representation of “immigrants” is extremely important to consider when
analysing the Italian response to immigration flows, as well as its underlying identity
problematic. Following the work of Betts and Loescher (2011), this section will focus
on unravelling the misleading associations and definitions attached to the notion of

40
migration. In fact, it seeks to contemplate the several ramifications and forms of human
mobility, – especially that of illegal immigration and status of refugee – with the ultimate
intention of providing a more comprehensive and inclusive understanding of the
previously explored utilisation of migration discourses in the Italian media. For such
inclusiveness and all-rounded perception are of very limited character in the Italian
press representations– a stance to which this paper adheres. Especially in the
excessively vast employment of the adjectives “illegal immigrant” and “clandestini” in
the former.
As illustrated in Chapter 1, the wave of North African and Middle Eastern revolutions
that became publicly labelled as Arab Spring uprisings ought to be acknowledged for
its rather distinct complexity within this debate. Especially when it comes to attributing
designations to the increased levels of human mobility it fuelled. It is therefore
important to understand some conceptual differentiations, if one is to truly grasp the
political problems inherent to media’s definitions and representations. In the words of
Michael Samers, the spectrum goes from “those who ‘overstay’, those who have ‘lost’
their documents, those who falsify their documents, those who enter a national territory
clandestinely, rejected asylum-seekers, and more generally, [to] the socio-legal ‘grey
area’ between illegal status and asylum-seeking status” (2004: 28). The classification
of migrants from the MENA region has been largely defined within the realms of the
notion of illegal immigration in the Italian media. Therefore, and considering that the
European Union has played a crucial role in delineating the measures directed at
controlling the immigration crisis in Italy; the conceptualisation of the “illegal immigrant”
put forward by the former is important to contemplate. In a rather broad approach, it
states that an “illegal/irregular entry” corresponds to the lack of the “necessary
requirements for legal entry into the country” when crossing borders (European

41
Comission, 2015). Nonetheless, and departing from the socio-historical context that
this dissertation addresses, the concept of refugees is one that also deserves
particular attention when delving into the Arab-Spring induced migration. According to
Alexander Betts and Gil Loescher, the classification of “refugee” is essentially related
to the persecutions and lack of security to which certain populations are exposed in
their own nations. This instability is often linked to revolutions, a state of war, or simply
to the consequences of a failed state. Hence, having been deprived of their “safe
haven”, these same groups of individuals generally flee their homes in the pursuit of
security, stability, peace, and most importantly, survival (2011: 1). Indeed, frequently,
it is in the process of chasing an official status of “asylum seeker” – which is a rather
complex process, one may add – that individuals end up complying with illegal forms
of migration (Black, 2013: 36).
Evidently, the root of the stigmatisation problem lays in generalisation, which is why
one cannot generalise and argue that all immigrants in Italy in the aftermath of the
Arab Spring are refugees. However, it is also important to avoid a generalisation and
normalisation of the idea of all immigrants as being “clandestinis”. Departing from the
post-positivist assertion that “there is no neutral space of migrant incorporation”, being
that migrants are faced with a space “already ‘polluted’ by racial power relations [and]
colonial history” (Grosfoguel, et. al, 2015: 641, 642), the understanding of the different
conceptualisations within the realm of migration and the posterior deconstruction of
discursive elements in the media, become key components for an all-encompassing
perception of migration as a major phenomenon within International Relations.

42
Identity and The Silence of the Other
Building upon some of the most influential theoretical premises within Foucauldian
thinking, the process of identity-formation in discourse production discussed in the
previous chapter is inherently linked to the adoption of certain conceptual definitions
over others. Specifically, in the case of the representation of immigrants in Italian
media, the “hierarchisation”, not only of topics, but also of definitions and concepts,
acts as a form of imposing a certain strand or version of “reality” over other. The
audience is, in this instance, presented with a discursive encouragement to adhere to
that precise version. By favouring a particular concept, other conceptualisations and
images are immediately overlooked and neglected, being that the latter are very rarely
presented to the public. We, as the audience, are therefore told “what to think [rather
than] … how to think” (Bruno, 2015: 64) And whether that process of knowledge-
creation is informed and meticulous or not, is not fundamentally relevant for this
analysis. What is important to be underlined is the element of selectiveness it
embraces. Whereas some newspapers, such as La Repubblica, adopt a somewhat
smooth selection of concepts – yet, still stigmatising – La Padania, on the other hand,
opts for a full-on radical take on the matter of immigration in Italy.
Metaphorically, one may argue that the process of knowledge-production and
consequent Otherness in Italian newspapers, functions in a rather similar way to that
of a snowball. It begins with the selection of particular concepts, adjectives and
pronouns over others, which, per se, induces the reader to understand the topic of
immigration in accordance to certain identities. And within such discursive method of

43
division, the audience is involuntarily driven to make a “decision” upon the time of the
reading. It either connects itself with the victimised “us”, whose nation is being
“invaded”; or with “them”, the inevitable evil whose unknown complexion ends up
bolstering a sense of fear and imminent threat to audience’s security. What then arises
as fundamental in this analysis, is the way the multiple identities at stake are
represented and presented to the reader audience. In the case of media
representation, a vivid Otherness occupies the central piece of the discourse, being
that the bipolar end to which immigrants are associated is immediately associated by
the audience with the notion of danger, as summarized by Binotto:
Traditionallyspeaking, danger comes from the outside. But the border between
inside and outside, even between dangerous and pleasurable, deals with
metaphors. It depends on the cultural model that buildsup our view of the world,
the image of its borders and of its risks (2015: 33)
The recurrence to discourses of danger and “emergenza” evident in the Italian media’s
portrayal of immigration as a phenomenon, is loaded with an unravelling sentiment of
distrust. As a matter of fact, according to Triandafyllidou, “immigration flows towards
southern Europe make part of a global trend of increasing population movements (…)
[being that] host countries are faced with the necessity of dealing with these ‘Others
within’ whose presence challenges the political and cultural order of the nation” (2000:
375). In this sense, the ways in which the media represents immigrants becomes all
the more relevant for the field of International Relations. Not only does it introduce
themes such as that of terrorism and imminent fear within the discourse of Otherness,
it also allows for the increase in influence in certain political parties rather than others.
More importantly, though, is the combination of these exact discourses of Otherness
with those of silence. Indeed, the promoting of “frames linking immigration to

44
criminality and social unrest [has] shown to be particularly effective discursive
strategies to gain voter support for the extreme right” (Rydgren in Quassoli, 2014:
158). And, as an analytical insight, one ought to acknowledge the fact that the
discourse of right-wing parties is deemed to have risen significantly in recent years
(Kirchgaessner, 2015) as inextricably linked to the immense importance in
deconstructing the discourses promoted in the media – as well as the ones that are
neglected – especially as far as the Arab Spring-driven immigration is concerned.

45
Conclusion
The fluxes of migration emanated from the regions of the Southern Mediterranean
have had a paramount impact on the demographic reality experienced in one of the
most prominent European countries, as far as contemporary immigration is concerned:
Italy. Despite its rather infamous history as a nation characterised by significant flows
of emigration, especially towards the American continent, this dissertation has
demonstrated the power exhibited by the Arab Spring Uprisings in drastically altering
such demographic and social condition. In doing so, this paper has aimed at
underlining the certain irony interplayed by the identity exchanges experienced
through the course of history, in order to better stress the importance of deconstructing
Italy’s contemporary discourse on migration. The understanding of the Arab Spring
revolutions has proved to be an essential component for the analytical aims of this
dissertation, for it provided the contextualisation and background required for a more
comprehensive study of the immigration flux in Italy in the wake of 2011. One ought to
admit the importance of understanding the episodes of such uprisings, if one seeks to
attain a more comprehensive and complete analytical deconstruction of Italian
newspapers. The Foucauldian discourse analysis embraced by this dissertation
provided the most thorough tools and instruments for the fulfilment of a deconstruction
of the discourses encountered in La Repubblica, Il Giornale and La Padania. Despite
the obvious obstacles posed to this dissertation as far as the linguistic realm is
concerned, as the articles were analysed in their original language (Italian), the
employment of discourse analysis as proposed by both Foucault and Laclau and
Mouffe has underlined the importance in deconstructing the underlying relations of
power and knowledge beneath the production of discourse in the Italian media. The

46
intrinsic connection between such power-knowledge nexus and the posterior
conceptual and identity-related debate, have ultimately contributed to this
dissertation’s stance on the extreme importance in deconstructing, under a
poststructural lens, the layers of meaning through which Italian newspapers have
imposed “realities” regarding immigration upon the Italian nation.
Despite the somewhat pessimistic and, to some extent, negative aspect attached to
the findings of this analysis, one must acknowledge that the troublesome character of
the role played by media in shaping the masses’ understanding of immigrants in Italy
does have a strong potential of being reversed. As strongly illustrated throughout this
study, discourse – and the language-power nexus that lies within it – is not only
produced by society. In fact, and as John Richardson (2006) claims in a rather
insightful deliberation on language, it also “goes on to recreate it [as it] (…) contributes
to the production and reproduction of social reality or social life” (p. 10). In this sense,
the boundaries of knowledge-creation are limitless, thereby allowing for a balanced,
and un-biased practice of discourse. This, per se, possesses a strong potential for a
more open-minded and less discriminatory representation of immigrants by the Italian
media.
Word count: 11718.

47
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