The great paper by Reinhart who wrote "This time is different!". This paper studies 26 episodes of public debt overhang (which means debt/GDP is above 90% for more than 5 years) and find that the growth average in debt overhang is averagely 1.2% less than other periods.
This paper has big message that "our read of the evidence certainly casts doubt on the view that soaring government debt is a non-issue simply because markets are presently happy to absorb it."
This document introduces a new historical database for studying financial crises dating back 800 years. The database covers 66 countries and includes variables like debt, GDP, inflation, exchange rates and more. The analysis yields several insights: 1) Serial default is nearly universal as countries develop, with major crises typically separated by decades; 2) Domestic debt is not new and ignoring it is risky; 3) Crises often involve inflation, currency crashes and banking crises alongside defaults. Periods of increased capital mobility frequently precipitate banking crises globally, as in recent times.
The document discusses trends in the global economy and financial markets from an Austrian economic perspective. It argues that unsustainable government spending and monetary policies will lead to inflation and future crises. Charts show rising government spending compared to median income, projections of future oil supply and demand, and the growing purchasing power of emerging economies. The author believes investors should focus on capital preservation in this uncertain environment.
MTBiz is for you if you are looking for contemporary information on business, economy and especially on banking industry of Bangladesh. You would also find periodical information on Global Economy and Commodity Markets.
Signature content of MTBiz is its Article of the Month (AoM), as depicted on Cover Page of each issue, with featured focus on different issues that fall into the wide definition of Market, Business, Organization and Leadership. The AoM also covers areas on Innovation, Central Banking, Monetary Policy, National Budget, Economic Depression or Growth and Capital Market. Scale of coverage of the AoM both, global and local subject to each issue.
MTBiz is a monthly Market Review produced and distributed by Group R&D, MTB since 2009.
This document discusses the concept of "black swans" and economic forecasting. It begins by explaining the origin of the term "black swan" and how Nassim Taleb later used it to describe rare events with disproportionate impacts. It then discusses challenges with economic analysis and forecasting due to lack of data and uncertainties. The rest of the document focuses on analyzing past recessions and economic cycles, challenges with the recent recovery, issues around credit growth and deleveraging, and the importance of considering many interrelated factors when developing economic forecasts. It also describes the machine learning techniques and models used by the company discussed in the document to generate their economic forecasts.
This document summarizes the key findings from an analysis of past deleveraging cycles in the US economy in the mid-1970s and early 1990s. Some of the main points include:
- Past deleveraging cycles were actually good periods for stock market performance and saw leadership from consumer discretionary and technology stocks.
- Deleveraging is a lagging phenomenon that typically occurs late in an economic slowdown.
- Housing activity, as measured by building permits, tended to bottom out early in past deleveraging cycles and then rise steadily through the cycle.
- Inflation tended to decline during deleveraging periods, suggesting disinflation may lie ahead.
- Mon
Ricardo V Lago -Interbank- Lima-22 04 2009 neiracar
Conferencia a la alta Gerencia de Intergroup en Lima el 22 de abril , 2009 sobre perspectivas de las economias mundial y peruana y oportunidades de inversion en bolsa
This document introduces a new historical database for studying financial crises dating back 800 years. The database covers 66 countries and includes variables like debt, GDP, inflation, exchange rates and more. The analysis yields several insights: 1) Serial default is nearly universal as countries develop, with major crises typically separated by decades; 2) Domestic debt is not new and ignoring it is risky; 3) Crises often involve inflation, currency crashes and banking crises alongside defaults. Periods of increased capital mobility frequently precipitate banking crises globally, as in recent times.
The document discusses trends in the global economy and financial markets from an Austrian economic perspective. It argues that unsustainable government spending and monetary policies will lead to inflation and future crises. Charts show rising government spending compared to median income, projections of future oil supply and demand, and the growing purchasing power of emerging economies. The author believes investors should focus on capital preservation in this uncertain environment.
MTBiz is for you if you are looking for contemporary information on business, economy and especially on banking industry of Bangladesh. You would also find periodical information on Global Economy and Commodity Markets.
Signature content of MTBiz is its Article of the Month (AoM), as depicted on Cover Page of each issue, with featured focus on different issues that fall into the wide definition of Market, Business, Organization and Leadership. The AoM also covers areas on Innovation, Central Banking, Monetary Policy, National Budget, Economic Depression or Growth and Capital Market. Scale of coverage of the AoM both, global and local subject to each issue.
MTBiz is a monthly Market Review produced and distributed by Group R&D, MTB since 2009.
This document discusses the concept of "black swans" and economic forecasting. It begins by explaining the origin of the term "black swan" and how Nassim Taleb later used it to describe rare events with disproportionate impacts. It then discusses challenges with economic analysis and forecasting due to lack of data and uncertainties. The rest of the document focuses on analyzing past recessions and economic cycles, challenges with the recent recovery, issues around credit growth and deleveraging, and the importance of considering many interrelated factors when developing economic forecasts. It also describes the machine learning techniques and models used by the company discussed in the document to generate their economic forecasts.
This document summarizes the key findings from an analysis of past deleveraging cycles in the US economy in the mid-1970s and early 1990s. Some of the main points include:
- Past deleveraging cycles were actually good periods for stock market performance and saw leadership from consumer discretionary and technology stocks.
- Deleveraging is a lagging phenomenon that typically occurs late in an economic slowdown.
- Housing activity, as measured by building permits, tended to bottom out early in past deleveraging cycles and then rise steadily through the cycle.
- Inflation tended to decline during deleveraging periods, suggesting disinflation may lie ahead.
- Mon
Ricardo V Lago -Interbank- Lima-22 04 2009 neiracar
Conferencia a la alta Gerencia de Intergroup en Lima el 22 de abril , 2009 sobre perspectivas de las economias mundial y peruana y oportunidades de inversion en bolsa
Enterprise Liquidity Risk: Overcoming the challengesCognizant
Given the vastness of today's global financial system and the volume and complexity of data that financial institutions must deal with every day, firms must learn how to proactively manage liquidity risk and avoid the pitfalls that sparked past financial crises. Predictive analytics and advanced risk-monitoring systems are among the tools available to help these institutions overcome the challenges of doing business in an increasingly connected world.
The document discusses the sluggish economic recovery in the US despite massive monetary expansion by the Federal Reserve. It provides the following key points:
1) Most of the money from quantitative easing programs has remained as excess reserves held by banks at the Federal Reserve rather than flowing into the real economy or increasing bank lending.
2) Money supply has grown but credit growth and velocity of money remain low, restraining economic growth.
3) Investment remains subdued due increased uncertainty from issues like the ongoing Eurozone crisis.
4) Infrastructure investment is proposed as an alternative driver of growth and employment given the lagging housing sector recovery.
Rumpelstiltskin at the Fed by Harley Bassman, PIMCO, executive vice presiden...Nigel Mark Dias
Rumpelstiltskin at the Fed by Harley Bassman, PIMCO, executive vice president & portfolio manager
SUMMARY
Has the Federal Reserve reached the bottom of its policy toolkit? Many things are still possible, at least in theory, including negative interest rates (which we believe would be ineffective and potentially harmful) or a “helicopter drop” of money. Another option is to resurrect a successful plan from 83 years ago: Purchase a tremendous amount of gold at a price substantially higher than market levels.
A massive Fed gold purchase program might finally lift the anchor on inflationary expectations and consumers’ spending habits. It would increase the price of a globally recognized store of value. It almost sounds like a fairy tale – but it’s happened before.
Though it seems incredibly farfetched, a massive Fed gold purchase program could echo a Depression-era effort that effectively boosted the U.S. economy.
Warren Buffett famously railed against the shiny yellow metal in 2012 when he noted all the gold in the world could be swapped for the totality of U.S. cropland and seven ExxonMobils with $1 trillion left over for “walking-around money.” His point was that these assets can generate significant returns while owning gold produces no discernable cash flow.
While this observation is certainly true, the rub is that this is not a fair comparison since gold is not an asset; rather, it should be considered an alternate currency. Pundits often describe the five factors that define “money”:
Its supply is controlled or limited,
It is fungible/uniform – this is why diamonds cannot qualify,
It is portable – this is why land cannot qualify,
It is divisible – thus art cannot be money, and
It is liquid – this means people will readily accept it in exchange.
By this definition, gold is certainly a form of money, and to Mr. Buffett’s point, one also earns no cash flow on paper dollars, euros, yen or yuan.
The financial innovations and increased integration of capital markets have made the nature of balance of payments turmoil much more complex, than described by firstgeneration models. The severe financial crises, which erupted in 1990's in many seemingly "invulnerable" economies that in most cases were characterised by a balanced budget and a modest public debt have turned away the attention of analysts and policymakers from fiscal variables towards other determinants. The fiscal factors, nonetheless, still remain among important causes of financial turbulences, especially in emerging markets, what has been manifested by the 1998/1999 crises of FSU (Former Soviet Union) economies.
The purpose of this paper is to re-examine the theoretical and empirical links between fiscal sector and the emergence of financial crises, with an emphasis on transition economies.
Authored by: Joanna Siwinska-Gorzelak
Published in 2000
The document discusses how the financial crisis was deliberately created by breaking natural economic laws regarding debt and interest rates. It argues that decreasing the money supply through bond sales while raising interest rates upset the banking sector and led to consolidation. Companies, individuals, and banks were all negatively impacted as prices fell but interest rates and costs rose. The crisis allowed major banks to consolidate power through bailouts and buyouts of smaller failing banks.
The document discusses the recent turmoil in global financial markets and argues that governments have failed to address the root causes of the economic crisis. It makes three key points:
1) Stock market declines show that the recovery is fragile and a double-dip recession may be on the horizon.
2) Governments have kicked the can down the road rather than fixing underlying problems, and the global economic landscape now has additional constraints making responses more difficult.
3) The US economy in particular remains weak with high unemployment, stagnant GDP, and a large budget deficit, showing similarities to Japan's "lost decade" raising the risk of prolonged low growth in the US.
This paper develops an early-warning system to predict currency crises in emerging markets like Turkey. It uses a speculative pressure index to identify periods of currency crises and calm periods. Then a logistic regression model evaluates how macroeconomic variables like changes in international reserves, inflation, and export growth affect the probability of a crisis. The paper finds these variables played a significant role in Turkey's currency crises from 1980 to 2013.
This document provides an overview and rationale for a research study examining the relationship between municipal funding mechanisms, housing policies, and patterns of urban development in Canada. The study will use case studies of four municipalities to analyze how reliant they are on revenues from the housing industry. It argues that Canada has shifted to a "New Staple Economy" highly dependent on housing construction. However, low interest rates and government interventions have sustained housing growth through monetary policies rather than stable economic conditions. This raises questions about the long-term sustainability of a municipal funding model reliant on continuous urban sprawl and housing price inflation.
1) Global financial assets have grown to $225 trillion but growth has slowed significantly since the financial crisis, increasing at an annual rate of only 1.9% compared to 7.9% pre-crisis.
2) Cross-border capital flows collapsed during the crisis, falling over 60% from their 2007 peak, and remain well below pre-crisis levels as financial integration has reversed in some areas like the Eurozone.
3) The report finds that the financial crisis has stalled the processes of financial deepening and globalization, with lingering effects on the availability of financing for corporations, households, and economic growth. The future path of these trends will influence prospects for recovery.
The document contains summaries of macroeconomic commentary from 11 letters to investors between 2005-2008. Key points include:
1) Unprecedented debt levels in Western economies could greatly exacerbate economic downturns. Slow growth or debt reduction could hurt asset returns while inflation may help commodities.
2) A potential deflationary scenario could emerge if a bear market in inflated assets like housing triggers deleveraging, rising risk premiums, and falling wealth/spending. However, the Fed chairman at the time was seen as able to prevent this.
3) Sustainable growth requires a shift away from consumption and debt towards domestic demand and productive capacity in Asia. The current model relies on unsustainable credit growth
This document summarizes a research paper that examines trends in rentier incomes and financial crises in some OECD countries between 1960 and 2000. The paper finds that rentier income shares, which include profits from financial firms and interest income, increased significantly in most countries starting in the early 1980s, coinciding with the rise of neoliberal monetary policies. However, rentier shares declined in some developing countries that experienced financial crises. The paper also finds little evidence that increases in rentier incomes came at the expense of non-financial corporate profits, suggesting no conflict between these groups.
This document introduces the concept of financialization and its implications. It defines financialization as the increasing role of financial motives, markets, actors and institutions in domestic and international economies. Some key points:
1) Since the 1970s/1980s, structural shifts have led to increases in financial transactions, real interest rates, and the profitability and shares of national income going to financial firms and asset holders in countries like the US and France.
2) These trends reflect the phenomenon of financialization in world economies. Financialization has implications for economic stability, growth, income distribution, and political/economic policy.
3) While financialization has detrimental effects, the financial sector benefits from economic crises that hurt many
Fasanara Capital | Investment Outlook
1. The Future Is Wide Open: Avoid The ‘Illusion Of Knowledge’ Trap
The single most dangerous thinking trap / optical illusion for investors today is to look at Trump, Brexit and Italy Referendum as non-events, buried in the past. We believe that 2017 may likely be driven by the same factors that failed to shape 2016. The non-events of 2016 are likely to be the drivers of 2017. Finally, we will get to find out if Brexit means Brexit, if Trump means Trump, if a failed Italian referendum means early elections and a membership of the EMU in jeopardy down the line.
2. Structural Shift: These Are Transformational Times
The macro outlook of the next years will be influenced the most by these structural trends:
› Protectionism, De-Globalization & De-Dollarization. In Pursuit of Inclusive Growth
› End of ‘Pax Americana’. The ascent of China. Geopolitical risks on the rise
› End of ‘Pax QE’. Markets without steroids, but still delusional.
› 4th Industrial Revolution: labor participation rate falling from 63% to 40% in 10 years?
3. Our Baseline Scenario: Bubble Unwind, Equities and Bonds Down
Starting this 2017, our major macro convictions are as follows:
› Global Tapering to progress
› US Dollar to keep grinding higher
› European Political Instability to worsen
› US Equities to weaken
This document provides an introduction to a framework for analyzing how financial factors can contribute to instability in small open economies. The framework presents a dynamic open economy model where a tradeable good is produced using internationally mobile capital and a country-specific factor, and firms face credit constraints determined by their level of financial development. The model suggests that economies at an intermediate level of financial development are most unstable, as shocks have larger and more persistent effects. Financial liberalization may also destabilize these economies by allowing boom-bust cycles driven by capital inflows and outflows. The mechanism involves investment booms raising input costs, squeezing profits, and eventually leading to output collapses.
The document discusses several topics:
1) Taiwan and China signed a trade agreement representing a form of detente between the two entities embroiled in a sovereignty dispute for over 60 years.
2) The agreement opens markets in key sectors like banking, insurance, and movies, reflecting thoughts that the "new normal" is a world of changing risks and opportunities during this global economic transition period.
3) Protecting one's wealth in this epochal transition requires proactive risk assessment and management as debt levels globally are over 4 times annual global GDP and resolving this debt will be deflationary for years to come.
1) The document discusses the demographic challenges facing Eastern Europe as a result of rapidly aging populations and declining birth rates.
2) These demographic shifts contributed to the debt crisis by impacting patterns of saving, borrowing, and global capital flows as countries passed through different stages of the demographic transition.
3) Unless policies are implemented to raise fertility rates and extend working lives, population aging will put significant pressure on sovereign debt and public finances, with some estimates showing debt levels rising to over 300% of GDP by 2050 in developed countries.
This document analyzes the link between domestic debt, financial repression, and external vulnerability in Venezuela from 1984 to 2013. It finds that while financial repression helped reduce the stock of domestic debt, it also accelerated capital flight, weakening Venezuela's net foreign asset position. Financial repression taxes, estimated using different methodologies, were on average similar to levels in OECD countries but the "tax rate" was significantly higher in years with exchange controls and interest rate ceilings. Measures of capital flight, including over-invoicing of imports, increased markedly in periods of exchange controls, indicating a link between domestic imbalances and capital outflows.
This document analyzes the real effects of different types of debt, including government, corporate, and household debt. The authors find that beyond certain thresholds, debt becomes a drag on economic growth. Specifically, their analysis of OECD countries from 1980 to 2010 finds that government debt above 85% of GDP, corporate debt above 90% of GDP, and household debt above 85% of GDP can negatively impact growth. The authors conclude that highly indebted countries need to reduce their debt levels to avoid harming long-term growth, which is made more difficult by aging populations in advanced economies.
Estudo do Impacto da Dívida no Crescimento EconómicoJorge Barbosa
The authors replicate the study by Reinhart and Rogoff (2010a and 2010b) which claimed that countries with public debt over 90% of GDP see average GDP growth rates about 1% lower than countries with lower debt levels. Through their replication, the authors find coding errors, selective exclusion of data, and unconventional weighting methods in the RR study that inaccurately represent the relationship between debt and growth. When properly calculated, the authors find that average GDP growth for countries with debt over 90% of GDP is actually 2.2% rather than the -0.1% claimed by RR, contradicting their key finding. The authors refute the evidence put forward by RR for a debt threshold of 90% above which growth is
Global debt levels are at an all-time high of over $255 trillion as of 2019, up significantly from $200 trillion in 2011. While global growth has slowed, the growth rate of debt continues to rise, mirroring debt levels prior to previous debt crises. High debt levels have historically been correlated with periods of low interest rates and extra debt burdens that leave economies vulnerable to rate increases or declines in output. Current debt levels as a percentage of global GDP are also at their highest since the last crisis in 2008. With debt continuing to outpace economic growth, concerns are rising around the sustainability of high debt levels and the potential for another global debt crisis.
Enterprise Liquidity Risk: Overcoming the challengesCognizant
Given the vastness of today's global financial system and the volume and complexity of data that financial institutions must deal with every day, firms must learn how to proactively manage liquidity risk and avoid the pitfalls that sparked past financial crises. Predictive analytics and advanced risk-monitoring systems are among the tools available to help these institutions overcome the challenges of doing business in an increasingly connected world.
The document discusses the sluggish economic recovery in the US despite massive monetary expansion by the Federal Reserve. It provides the following key points:
1) Most of the money from quantitative easing programs has remained as excess reserves held by banks at the Federal Reserve rather than flowing into the real economy or increasing bank lending.
2) Money supply has grown but credit growth and velocity of money remain low, restraining economic growth.
3) Investment remains subdued due increased uncertainty from issues like the ongoing Eurozone crisis.
4) Infrastructure investment is proposed as an alternative driver of growth and employment given the lagging housing sector recovery.
Rumpelstiltskin at the Fed by Harley Bassman, PIMCO, executive vice presiden...Nigel Mark Dias
Rumpelstiltskin at the Fed by Harley Bassman, PIMCO, executive vice president & portfolio manager
SUMMARY
Has the Federal Reserve reached the bottom of its policy toolkit? Many things are still possible, at least in theory, including negative interest rates (which we believe would be ineffective and potentially harmful) or a “helicopter drop” of money. Another option is to resurrect a successful plan from 83 years ago: Purchase a tremendous amount of gold at a price substantially higher than market levels.
A massive Fed gold purchase program might finally lift the anchor on inflationary expectations and consumers’ spending habits. It would increase the price of a globally recognized store of value. It almost sounds like a fairy tale – but it’s happened before.
Though it seems incredibly farfetched, a massive Fed gold purchase program could echo a Depression-era effort that effectively boosted the U.S. economy.
Warren Buffett famously railed against the shiny yellow metal in 2012 when he noted all the gold in the world could be swapped for the totality of U.S. cropland and seven ExxonMobils with $1 trillion left over for “walking-around money.” His point was that these assets can generate significant returns while owning gold produces no discernable cash flow.
While this observation is certainly true, the rub is that this is not a fair comparison since gold is not an asset; rather, it should be considered an alternate currency. Pundits often describe the five factors that define “money”:
Its supply is controlled or limited,
It is fungible/uniform – this is why diamonds cannot qualify,
It is portable – this is why land cannot qualify,
It is divisible – thus art cannot be money, and
It is liquid – this means people will readily accept it in exchange.
By this definition, gold is certainly a form of money, and to Mr. Buffett’s point, one also earns no cash flow on paper dollars, euros, yen or yuan.
The financial innovations and increased integration of capital markets have made the nature of balance of payments turmoil much more complex, than described by firstgeneration models. The severe financial crises, which erupted in 1990's in many seemingly "invulnerable" economies that in most cases were characterised by a balanced budget and a modest public debt have turned away the attention of analysts and policymakers from fiscal variables towards other determinants. The fiscal factors, nonetheless, still remain among important causes of financial turbulences, especially in emerging markets, what has been manifested by the 1998/1999 crises of FSU (Former Soviet Union) economies.
The purpose of this paper is to re-examine the theoretical and empirical links between fiscal sector and the emergence of financial crises, with an emphasis on transition economies.
Authored by: Joanna Siwinska-Gorzelak
Published in 2000
The document discusses how the financial crisis was deliberately created by breaking natural economic laws regarding debt and interest rates. It argues that decreasing the money supply through bond sales while raising interest rates upset the banking sector and led to consolidation. Companies, individuals, and banks were all negatively impacted as prices fell but interest rates and costs rose. The crisis allowed major banks to consolidate power through bailouts and buyouts of smaller failing banks.
The document discusses the recent turmoil in global financial markets and argues that governments have failed to address the root causes of the economic crisis. It makes three key points:
1) Stock market declines show that the recovery is fragile and a double-dip recession may be on the horizon.
2) Governments have kicked the can down the road rather than fixing underlying problems, and the global economic landscape now has additional constraints making responses more difficult.
3) The US economy in particular remains weak with high unemployment, stagnant GDP, and a large budget deficit, showing similarities to Japan's "lost decade" raising the risk of prolonged low growth in the US.
This paper develops an early-warning system to predict currency crises in emerging markets like Turkey. It uses a speculative pressure index to identify periods of currency crises and calm periods. Then a logistic regression model evaluates how macroeconomic variables like changes in international reserves, inflation, and export growth affect the probability of a crisis. The paper finds these variables played a significant role in Turkey's currency crises from 1980 to 2013.
This document provides an overview and rationale for a research study examining the relationship between municipal funding mechanisms, housing policies, and patterns of urban development in Canada. The study will use case studies of four municipalities to analyze how reliant they are on revenues from the housing industry. It argues that Canada has shifted to a "New Staple Economy" highly dependent on housing construction. However, low interest rates and government interventions have sustained housing growth through monetary policies rather than stable economic conditions. This raises questions about the long-term sustainability of a municipal funding model reliant on continuous urban sprawl and housing price inflation.
1) Global financial assets have grown to $225 trillion but growth has slowed significantly since the financial crisis, increasing at an annual rate of only 1.9% compared to 7.9% pre-crisis.
2) Cross-border capital flows collapsed during the crisis, falling over 60% from their 2007 peak, and remain well below pre-crisis levels as financial integration has reversed in some areas like the Eurozone.
3) The report finds that the financial crisis has stalled the processes of financial deepening and globalization, with lingering effects on the availability of financing for corporations, households, and economic growth. The future path of these trends will influence prospects for recovery.
The document contains summaries of macroeconomic commentary from 11 letters to investors between 2005-2008. Key points include:
1) Unprecedented debt levels in Western economies could greatly exacerbate economic downturns. Slow growth or debt reduction could hurt asset returns while inflation may help commodities.
2) A potential deflationary scenario could emerge if a bear market in inflated assets like housing triggers deleveraging, rising risk premiums, and falling wealth/spending. However, the Fed chairman at the time was seen as able to prevent this.
3) Sustainable growth requires a shift away from consumption and debt towards domestic demand and productive capacity in Asia. The current model relies on unsustainable credit growth
This document summarizes a research paper that examines trends in rentier incomes and financial crises in some OECD countries between 1960 and 2000. The paper finds that rentier income shares, which include profits from financial firms and interest income, increased significantly in most countries starting in the early 1980s, coinciding with the rise of neoliberal monetary policies. However, rentier shares declined in some developing countries that experienced financial crises. The paper also finds little evidence that increases in rentier incomes came at the expense of non-financial corporate profits, suggesting no conflict between these groups.
This document introduces the concept of financialization and its implications. It defines financialization as the increasing role of financial motives, markets, actors and institutions in domestic and international economies. Some key points:
1) Since the 1970s/1980s, structural shifts have led to increases in financial transactions, real interest rates, and the profitability and shares of national income going to financial firms and asset holders in countries like the US and France.
2) These trends reflect the phenomenon of financialization in world economies. Financialization has implications for economic stability, growth, income distribution, and political/economic policy.
3) While financialization has detrimental effects, the financial sector benefits from economic crises that hurt many
Fasanara Capital | Investment Outlook
1. The Future Is Wide Open: Avoid The ‘Illusion Of Knowledge’ Trap
The single most dangerous thinking trap / optical illusion for investors today is to look at Trump, Brexit and Italy Referendum as non-events, buried in the past. We believe that 2017 may likely be driven by the same factors that failed to shape 2016. The non-events of 2016 are likely to be the drivers of 2017. Finally, we will get to find out if Brexit means Brexit, if Trump means Trump, if a failed Italian referendum means early elections and a membership of the EMU in jeopardy down the line.
2. Structural Shift: These Are Transformational Times
The macro outlook of the next years will be influenced the most by these structural trends:
› Protectionism, De-Globalization & De-Dollarization. In Pursuit of Inclusive Growth
› End of ‘Pax Americana’. The ascent of China. Geopolitical risks on the rise
› End of ‘Pax QE’. Markets without steroids, but still delusional.
› 4th Industrial Revolution: labor participation rate falling from 63% to 40% in 10 years?
3. Our Baseline Scenario: Bubble Unwind, Equities and Bonds Down
Starting this 2017, our major macro convictions are as follows:
› Global Tapering to progress
› US Dollar to keep grinding higher
› European Political Instability to worsen
› US Equities to weaken
This document provides an introduction to a framework for analyzing how financial factors can contribute to instability in small open economies. The framework presents a dynamic open economy model where a tradeable good is produced using internationally mobile capital and a country-specific factor, and firms face credit constraints determined by their level of financial development. The model suggests that economies at an intermediate level of financial development are most unstable, as shocks have larger and more persistent effects. Financial liberalization may also destabilize these economies by allowing boom-bust cycles driven by capital inflows and outflows. The mechanism involves investment booms raising input costs, squeezing profits, and eventually leading to output collapses.
The document discusses several topics:
1) Taiwan and China signed a trade agreement representing a form of detente between the two entities embroiled in a sovereignty dispute for over 60 years.
2) The agreement opens markets in key sectors like banking, insurance, and movies, reflecting thoughts that the "new normal" is a world of changing risks and opportunities during this global economic transition period.
3) Protecting one's wealth in this epochal transition requires proactive risk assessment and management as debt levels globally are over 4 times annual global GDP and resolving this debt will be deflationary for years to come.
1) The document discusses the demographic challenges facing Eastern Europe as a result of rapidly aging populations and declining birth rates.
2) These demographic shifts contributed to the debt crisis by impacting patterns of saving, borrowing, and global capital flows as countries passed through different stages of the demographic transition.
3) Unless policies are implemented to raise fertility rates and extend working lives, population aging will put significant pressure on sovereign debt and public finances, with some estimates showing debt levels rising to over 300% of GDP by 2050 in developed countries.
This document analyzes the link between domestic debt, financial repression, and external vulnerability in Venezuela from 1984 to 2013. It finds that while financial repression helped reduce the stock of domestic debt, it also accelerated capital flight, weakening Venezuela's net foreign asset position. Financial repression taxes, estimated using different methodologies, were on average similar to levels in OECD countries but the "tax rate" was significantly higher in years with exchange controls and interest rate ceilings. Measures of capital flight, including over-invoicing of imports, increased markedly in periods of exchange controls, indicating a link between domestic imbalances and capital outflows.
This document analyzes the real effects of different types of debt, including government, corporate, and household debt. The authors find that beyond certain thresholds, debt becomes a drag on economic growth. Specifically, their analysis of OECD countries from 1980 to 2010 finds that government debt above 85% of GDP, corporate debt above 90% of GDP, and household debt above 85% of GDP can negatively impact growth. The authors conclude that highly indebted countries need to reduce their debt levels to avoid harming long-term growth, which is made more difficult by aging populations in advanced economies.
Estudo do Impacto da Dívida no Crescimento EconómicoJorge Barbosa
The authors replicate the study by Reinhart and Rogoff (2010a and 2010b) which claimed that countries with public debt over 90% of GDP see average GDP growth rates about 1% lower than countries with lower debt levels. Through their replication, the authors find coding errors, selective exclusion of data, and unconventional weighting methods in the RR study that inaccurately represent the relationship between debt and growth. When properly calculated, the authors find that average GDP growth for countries with debt over 90% of GDP is actually 2.2% rather than the -0.1% claimed by RR, contradicting their key finding. The authors refute the evidence put forward by RR for a debt threshold of 90% above which growth is
Global debt levels are at an all-time high of over $255 trillion as of 2019, up significantly from $200 trillion in 2011. While global growth has slowed, the growth rate of debt continues to rise, mirroring debt levels prior to previous debt crises. High debt levels have historically been correlated with periods of low interest rates and extra debt burdens that leave economies vulnerable to rate increases or declines in output. Current debt levels as a percentage of global GDP are also at their highest since the last crisis in 2008. With debt continuing to outpace economic growth, concerns are rising around the sustainability of high debt levels and the potential for another global debt crisis.
by
Eduardo Levy-Yeyati*
Ugo Panizza**
Inter-American Development Bank
Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo (BID)
Research Department
Departamento de Investigación
Working Paper #581
Does High Public Debt Consistently Stifle Economic Growth? A Critique a Reinh...Marco Garoffolo
Proprio in questi giorni abbiamo avuto una prova, decisiva, dell'utilità della non-cooperazione con la ragion di Stato. Ne ha riferito Paul Krugman, in un articolo che dichiara defunta, almeno nelle accademie, l'Austerità (Repubblica, 27 aprile). È un dogma cui l'Europa è appesa da anni: se non cresciamo economicamente, è solo perché gli Stati sono troppo indebitati. A sfatare l'assioma: tre economisti non ortodossi dell'università di Massachusetts-Amherst (i professori Michael Ash e Robert Pollin, lo studente di dottorato Thomas Herndon) che hanno scoperto errori di computer (l'errore Excel) commessi nel 2010 dai due economisti di Harvard, Kenneth Rogoff e Carmen Reinhart. Il dogma ("i Paesi che si indebitano oltre il 90 per cento del Pil non possono crescere") è in pezzi. http://www.peri.umass.edu/fileadmin/pdf/working_papers/working_papers_301-350/WP322.pdf
Fiscal multipliers and foreign holdings of public debt - working paperADEMU_Project
This paper explores the relationship between fiscal multipliers and foreign holdings of public debt. Using data from the US postwar period and a panel of 17 advanced economies, the paper finds that fiscal multipliers are larger when a higher share of public debt is held by foreign residents rather than domestic residents. This is because when debt is held by foreigners, fiscal expansions face weaker crowding-out effects on domestic private consumption and investment. The paper develops a model to explain this relationship and employs various empirical methods to estimate fiscal multipliers conditioned on the foreign share of public debt.
This document provides a summary and analysis of policies to address rising global debt levels. It discusses three policy options: debt restructuring, which allows renegotiation of debt terms; inflation, which reduces the real value of debts over time; and fiscal policies, though these are not described. For debt restructuring, the document outlines debates around its impacts and challenges in implementation. Inflation is analyzed as preferable to restructuring but also faces issues in achieving an appropriate rate and avoiding negative economic consequences. Overall the document performs an even-handed evaluation of the benefits and limitations of different debt management strategies.
International Journal of Business and Management Invention (IJBMI)inventionjournals
International Journal of Business and Management Invention (IJBMI) is an international journal intended for professionals and researchers in all fields of Business and Management. IJBMI publishes research articles and reviews within the whole field Business and Management, new teaching methods, assessment, validation and the impact of new technologies and it will continue to provide information on the latest trends and developments in this ever-expanding subject. The publications of papers are selected through double peer reviewed to ensure originality, relevance, and readability. The articles published in our journal can be accessed online
Journal of Banking & Finance 44 (2014) 114–129Contents lists.docxdonnajames55
Journal of Banking & Finance 44 (2014) 114–129
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Journal of Banking & Finance
j o u r n a l h o m e p a g e : w w w . e l s e v i e r . c o m / l o c a t e / j b f
Macro-financial determinants of the great financial crisis: Implications
for financial regulation q
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jbankfin.2014.03.001
0378-4266/� 2014 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
q We would like to thank the Editor, an anonymous referee, Luc Laeven, Ross
Levine, Marco Pagano, Andrea Sironi, Randy Stevenson, Gianfranco Torriero,
Giuseppe Zadra and seminar participants at IFABS Conference and ISTEIN seminar
for helpful comments. This paper’s findings, interpretations, and conclusions are
entirely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the
World Bank and the Italian Banking Association.
⇑ Corresponding author. Tel.: +39 02 58362725.
E-mail addresses: [email protected] (G. Caprio Jr.), [email protected]
(V. D’Apice), [email protected] (G. Ferri), [email protected]
(G.W. Puopolo).
Gerard Caprio Jr. a, Vincenzo D’Apice b,c, Giovanni Ferri d,e, Giovanni Walter Puopolo f,⇑
a Williams College, United States
b Economic Research Department of Italian Banking Association, Italy
c Istituto Einaudi (IstEin), Italy
d LUMSA University of Rome, Italy
e Center for Relationship Banking & Economics – CERBE, Italy
f Bocconi University, CSEF and P. Baffi Center, Italy
a r t i c l e i n f o
Article history:
Received 15 April 2012
Accepted 4 March 2014
Available online 29 March 2014
JEL classification:
G01
G15
G18
G21
Keywords:
Banking crisis
Government intervention
Regulation
a b s t r a c t
We provide a cross-country and cross-bank analysis of the financial determinants of the Great Financial
Crisis using data on 83 countries from the period 1998 to 2006. First, our cross-country results show that
the probability of suffering the crisis in 2008 was larger for countries having higher levels of credit
deposit ratio whereas it was lower for countries characterized by higher levels of: (i) net interest margin,
(ii) concentration in the banking sector, (iii) restrictions to bank activities, (iv) private monitoring. The
bank-level analysis reinforces these results and shows that the latter factors are also key determinants
across banks, thus explaining the probability of bank crisis. Our findings contribute to extend the analyt-
ical toolkit available for macro and micro-prudential regulation.
� 2014 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction ment (BCBS, 2010a), has focused more on the stability of the finan-
As much as it was known that the Great Depression of the 1930s
was the acid test for any reputable macroeconomic theory, the out-
break of the Great Financial crisis in 2008 has shaken not only
financial institutions, but also long-held beliefs and theories on
how the regulation of the financial system should be structured,
with renewed emphasis on macro-prudential supervision and
reforming micro-pr.
This paper investigates the barriers to innovation perceived by Polish manufacturing firms. It refers to the heterogeneity of innovation active firms. We introduce a taxonomy of innovative firms based on the frequency with which they introduce commercialised innovations using data from both CIS4 (for 2002-2004) and CIS5 (2004-2006). Two groups of innovation-active firms are distinguished: those which introduced innovation in both periods covered by both CIS (which we call persistent innovators) and those which introduced innovation either in CIS4 or CIS5 (which we call occasional innovators). We use a four step analysis covering binary correlations, Principal Component Analysis, probit model and correlations of disturbances. Two types of explanatory variables describing firms’ characteristics and innovation inputs used are considered. The paper shows that there are considerable differences in sensitivities to the perception of innovation barriers and in complementarities among barriers between persistent and occasional innovators. In the case of occasional innovators, a kind of innovation barrier chain is observed. This has an impact on differences in the frequency of innovation activities between the two groups of innovators and results in a diversification of innovators.
Authored by: Ewa Balcerowicz, Marek Pęczkowski, Anna Wziatek-Kubiak
Published in 2011
1. The document discusses the failures of development policies like the Washington Consensus and financial globalization due to their reliance on first-best thinking when second-best thinking is required given real-world market and institutional failures.
2. It argues policy should be based on second-best thinking and target "binding constraints" through selective, sequential, and context-specific reforms rather than assuming all distortions can be removed at once.
3. Financial globalization failed because capital markets operate under significant market imperfections that cannot be fully addressed, and capital inflows can cause overvaluation and move exchange rates in ways that hinder development.
This document summarizes the World Development Report 2011. It discusses the challenges of repeated cycles of violence and conflict and their impact on development. The report aims to analyze the nature, causes, and consequences of violent conflict as well as successes and failures in responding to it, to help address the close relationship between politics, security, and development. It covers investing in citizen security, justice, and jobs to reduce violence as well as the need for institutions to change in order to effectively confront this challenge.
The Global Finance Crisis Case StudyIntroductionThe inside job was a.docxcherry686017
The Global Finance Crisis Case StudyIntroductionThe inside job was a 2010 documentary film by Charles Ferguson that clearly demonstrated the 2008 crisis. On the other hand, it comprehensively narrated and revealed its causes, key players as well as its consequences. It goes ahead to explain the systemic corruption by key financial players in the finance industry and effects of such corruption in United States of America. Furthermore it reveals that changes in financial as well as other policies and banking practices contributed to the growth of the crisis casing most Americans to lose their savings, their jobs and hard earned homes.Answer One: The Unintended Consequences of Financial InnovationIt has been ascertained that changes in the policy framework governing the financial industry and the banking practices heavily contributed to the financial crisis. The development of complex trade policies such as the derivatives market allowed for large increases in risk taking that circumvented older regulations that were intended to control systemic risk. These derivatives increased instability since their adoption is resulted in large losses because of the use of borrowing. Investors suffered the risk of losing large amounts of investments or savings if the price of the underlying moved against them significantly. Secondly the collapse of the house boom in 2004 caused by the application of collateralized debt obligations and the global economic meltdown resulted in unimaginable imbalance of the ratio of money borrowed by investment banks and its own assets. This caused the value of securities related to real estate to crash down and damage financial institutions internationally as the market for collateralized debt obligations collapsed.. It is these financial innovations such as securitization that prioritize short-term over long-term value creation that triggered the 2008 financial crisis.Answer two: The unintended consequences of regulationThe deliberate shift from a system of regulation to deregulation of the financial industry encouraged unusual business practices which had adverse effects. Great pressure was exerted by the financial industry on the government to thwart efforts of regulating the industry. The government and central bank which have the responsibility of upholding financial stability through proper regulation of the financial markets and its institutions were split which led to insufficient responsibility. This exposed the industry to greater and more complicated risks since the supervisory and regulatory structure failed to keep up with the evolution of the financial markets. Answer three: Explain how the financial crisis of 2008 occurred—who is to blame?The global financial crisis began in the early 2000s and finally climaxed in 2008 and since then its devastating impact still lingers, worldwide. It began when; the financial sector which had consolidated into a few giant firms introduced the use of high risk derivatives. It i ...
The document analyzes debt levels across various sectors in the US economy following the 2008 financial crisis to determine if conditions are ripe for a sequel to the book and film "The Big Short." It finds that household, financial institution, corporate, and state/local government debt all improved significantly from crisis levels. While federal debt ballooned, interest payments remain a small percentage of spending for now. With debt trends healthier overall, the conditions that caused the crisis are unlikely to reoccur, so a sequel called "The Big Short 2" would lack a true story to be based on.
FDA Website AssignmentGo to FDA website www.fda.gov1. Unde.docxssuser454af01
FDA Website AssignmentGo to FDA website www.fda.gov1. Under “Laws FDA Enforces”, go to the Federal Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act and read Chapter 2, Definitions, particularly the definition of drugs and devices.2. Write a paper, 500 words, describing A. three things that you as a consumer can learn from the web page andB. three things that you as a part of industry can learn from the web page
Background
Following the finish of the common war and the adjustment of the residential cash by the national bank, the principal compensation change process occurred in 1996, and a novel correction in 2008 allowed a singular amount increment of LBP 200,000 every month for both open and private divisions representatives, conveying the lowest pay permitted by law up to LBP 500,000 from LBP 300,000.1 For the following sixteen years, in any case, there were no wage increments despite the fact that swelling continued rising and achieved a hundred percent and the acquiring energy of the Lebanese individuals began to drop significantly.2
In an examination led by the Lebanese Federation of Consumer Protection, Lebanon was positioned first among 14 Arab nations regarding high costs for meat, sugar, tea, and drain, and it positioned second when it came to tomato, potato, and vegetable oil costs. The investigation credited these outcomes to the nearness of ineffectively aggressive buyer markets (restraining infrastructures), and to the non-implementation of controls identified with settling business benefit margins.3 These variables and others have added to a noteworthy abatement in the offer of wages in the Gross Domestic Product, which a few substances claim to have achieved a low of 30%.4
By mid of 2011, speaks began mounting about the low level of wages that is keeping Lebanese laborers from fulfilling their essential needs in light of rising sustenance costs and the cost of fundamental administrations like power and transportation. In fact, the issue of wages modification wound up noticeably one of the best needs on general society scene over a five-month time frame between September 2011 and January 2012. These discussions were at first supported by a "political open door" that was emerged by the arrangement of another administration in July 2011 and which pronounced putting social equity among its priorities.5 They were likewise convenient on account of the drawing closer of the new scholastic year that involves along the weight of rising school and college educational cost charges.
The procedure began with an exchange among different concerned gatherings, including the Presidency of the Council of Ministers, the Ministry of Labor, monetary bodies, and worker's guilds. Notwithstanding, the level headed discussion swelled into a contention that undermined the solidarity of the administration before coming full circle in the selection of the wage alteration announce No. 7426 amid the January 18, 2012 session of the Lebanese Cabinet.
This area condenses ...
FINANCE AND LABOR PERSPECTIVES ONRISK, INEQUALITY, AND DEMO.docxericn8
FINANCE AND LABOR: PERSPECTIVES ON
RISK, INEQUALITY, AND DEMOCRACY
Sanford M. Jacobyt
We live in an era of financial development. Since 1980, capital
markets have expanded around the world; capital shuttles the globe
instantaneously. Shareholder concerns drive executive decision
making and compensation, while the fluctuations of stock markets are
a source of public anxiety. So are the financial scandals that have
regularly occurred since 1980: junk bonds in the late 1980s;
accounting and stock options in the early 2000s; and debt
securitization today.
We also live in an era of rising income inequality and
employment risk. The gaps between top and bottom incomes and
between top and middle incomes have widened since 1980. Greater
risk takes various forms, such as wage and employment volatility and
the shift from employers to employees of responsibility for
occupational pensions.
There is an enormous literature on financial development as
there is on inequality and risk. But relatively few studies consider the
intersection of these phenomena. Standard explanations for rising
inequality--skill-biased technological change and trade--explain only
30% of the variation in aggregate inequality. What else matters? We
argue here that an omitted factor is financial development.1 This
study explores the relationship between financial markets and labor
markets along three dimensions: contemporary, historical, and
comparative. For the world's industrialized nations, we find that
financial development waxes and wanes in line with top income
t Howard Noble Professor of Management, Public Policy, & History, UCLA. Thanks to
J.R. DeShazo, Stanley Engerman, Steve Foresti, Dana Frank, Mark Garmaise, Teresa
Ghilarducci, John Logan, James Livingston, Adair Morse, David Montgomery, Paul Osterman,
Grace Palladino, Peter Rappoport, Hugh Rockoff, Dani Rodrik, Emmanuel Saez, Richard
Sylla, Ryan Utsumi, Fred Whittlesey, Robert Zieger, and various interviewees. The usual
disclaimer applies. I am grateful for support from the Price Center at the UCLA Anderson
School and from the Institute for Technology, Enterprise, and Competitiveness at Doshisha
University. This paper is dedicated to Lloyd Ulman: scholar, teacher, mensch.
1. IMF, WORLD ECONOMIC OUTLOOK: GLOBALIZATION AND INEQUALITY 48
(Washington, D.C. 2007).
17
COMP. LABOR LAW & POL'Y JOURNAL
shares. Since 1980, however, there have been national divergences
between financial development--defined here as the economic
prominence of equity and credit markets-and inequality. In the
United States and United Kingdom, there remains a strong positive
correlation but in other parts of Europe and in Japan the relationship
is weaker.
What accounts for swings in financial development and inequality
and the relationship between them? Economic growth is one factor.
Another is the politics of finance. The model presented here is simple
but consistent with the evidence: Upswings in financial development
are related to politi.
This document summarizes a paper examining the farm land price boom and bust in the United States in the 1920s. The authors find that credit availability likely inflated land prices directly and may have amplified the relationship between perceived improvements in fundamentals and prices. When fundamentals declined, areas with higher prior credit availability experienced greater price falls and higher bank failure rates. Land prices remained depressed for decades in high credit areas, suggesting credit-fueled booms can have persistent effects. The authors analyze how credit availability and commodity price shocks interacted to drive land prices during this period.
2. Debt Overhangs: Past and Present
Carmen M. Reinhart, Vincent R. Reinhart, and Kenneth S. Rogoff
NBER Working Paper No. 18015
April 2012
JEL No. E44,E62,E63,F30,F41,H6,H63,N1
ABSTRACT
We identify the major public debt overhang episodes in the advanced economies since the early 1800s,
characterized by public debt to GDP levels exceeding 90% for at least five years. Consistent with
Reinhart and Rogoff (2010) and other more recent research, we find that public debt overhang episodes
are associated with growth over one percent lower than during other periods. Perhaps the most striking
new finding here is the duration of the average debt overhang episode. Among the 26 episodes we
identify, 20 lasted more than a decade. Five of the six shorter episodes were immediately after World
Wars I and II. Across all 26 cases, the average duration in years is about 23 years. The long duration
belies the view that the correlation is caused mainly by debt buildups during business cycle recessions.
The long duration also implies that cumulative shortfall in output from debt overhang is potentially
massive. We find that growth effects are significant even in the many episodes where debtor countries
were able to secure continual access to capital markets at relatively low real interest rates. That is,
growth-reducing effects of high public debt are apparently not transmitted exclusively through high
real interest rates.
Carmen M. Reinhart Kenneth S. Rogoff
Peterson Institute for International Economics Thomas D Cabot Professor of Public Policy
1750 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Economics Department
Washington, DC 20036-1903 Harvard University
and CEPR Littauer Center 216
and also NBER Cambridge, MA 02138-3001
creinhart@piie.com and NBER
krogoff@harvard.edu
Vincent R. Reinhart
Morgan Stanley
New York, NY
vincent.reinhart@morganstanley.com
3. I. Introduction
Among the legacies of the recent financial crisis across the advanced economies is
a historically high and rising level of public indebtedness. The central policy debate
across Europe, Japan, and the United States now centers on how fast to stabilize soaring
public debt/income ratios given that post-crisis growth remains fragile. Those concerned
about the tentative nature of economic expansion argue that the risks from elevated rich-
country government indebtedness are wildly overblown, except of course for
impecunious borrowers in the Eurozone periphery such as Greece. After all, market real
interest rates for the very largest economies are extraordinarily low. If markets are not
yet worried about long-term insolvency risks, why should policymakers? Shouldn’t
government tolerate even bigger deficits to counterbalance post-crisis private sector
deleveraging?1
The counter to such cyclical concerns is worry about the secular consequences of
high debt loads on economic performance. In this paper, we use recently developed long-
dated cross-country historical data on public debt levels to examine the long-term growth
consequences of prolonged periods of exceptionally high public debt, defined here to be
debt over 90% of GDP.2 In the event, the cumulative effects can be quite dramatic. Over
the twenty-six public debt overhang episodes we consider, encompassing the
preponderance of such episodes in advance economies since 1800, growth averages 1.2%
less than in other periods. That is, debt levels above 90% are associated with an average
growth rate of 2.3% (median 2.1%) versus 3.5% in lower debt periods. Notably, the
average duration of debt overhang episodes was 23 years, implying a massive cumulative
1
Reinhart and Reinhart (2010) employ private debt data to examine deleveraging cycles around financial
crises.
2
Long-dated cross-country public debt data have recently been developed by Reinhart and Rogoff (2009).
2
4. output loss. Indeed, by the end of the median episode, the level of output is nearly a
quarter below that predicted by the trend in lower-debt periods. This long duration also
suggests the association of debt and growth is not just a cyclical phenomenon.
Our work is not the first to use the new debt data to document the association
between high debt and low growth. Reinhart and Rogoff (2010) show periods where debt
is over 90% of GDP are associated with roughly 1% lower growth while at lower debt
thresholds, the correlation with growth is small. Kumar and Woo (2010) and Cecchetti,
Mohanty, and Zampolli (2011) also find statistical support of a similarly sized effect.
In this paper, we go beyond regressions and aggregative statistics to look at more
detailed evidence on each of the individual twenty-six episodes. Previous studies of high
public debt episodes have focused on the very small number of cases where debt data is
readily available, including mainly the post-World-War-II United States and United
Kingdom and contemporary Japan. Our historical approach allows us to more easily
discriminate between cases where high debt resulted from wars and cases where high
debt resulted from peacetime buildups and/or financial crises.
Importantly, this paper provides the first systematic evidence on the association
between high public debt and real interest rates. Contrary to popular perception, we find
that in 11 of the 26 debt overhang cases, real interest rates were either lower or about the
same as during the lower debt/GDP years. Those waiting for financial markets to send
the warning signal through higher interest rates that government policy will be
detrimental to economic performance may be waiting a long time.
The remainder of the paper is organized as follows. The next section provides a
brief tour of the evolution of the concept of debt overhangs in the literature; an appendix
that discusses the findings of individual papers complements this review. We next
3
5. present a snapshot of the various dimensions of the ongoing public and private debt
overhang in the advanced economies in both historical context and relative to
developments in emerging market economies. The topic of debt overhangs will be
relevant for policy discussions in the years ahead. The core analysis of the paper
documenting the features of the 26 debt overhang episodes we identify is presented in
Section III. We then examine links between debt, growth, and interest rates, and return to
summarize our evidence in the concluding section.
II. Preamble: Varieties of Debt Overhangs
Although our focus here is on public debt overhangs, it would be folly to ignore
the other debt burdens present today. These include private debt, external debt (including
both government and private debt owed to foreigners), and the actuarial debt implicit in
underfunded, or simply unfunded, old age pension and medical care programs. Each of
these forms of debt produces distortions that will, in general, slow growth.
High public debt, for example, can slow growth whether the adjustment comes
through higher distorting taxes or through lower government investment. The problem is
compounded if high debt elevates uncertainty about default. Such uncertainty, in turn,
raises interest rates (compounding the problem of distorting taxes) and further
discourages investment activity. Highly indebted consumers will cut back on
expenditures, potentially impacting growth through weaker aggregate demand. If
financial repression, or restrictions on finance designed to lower the real borrowing cost
of the government, is used to deal with a massive public debt overhang problem, as
Reinhart and Sbriancia (2010) argue was very important after World War II, the resulting
distortions will also impede growth. External debt creates a particularly acute overhang
4
6. problem because the country generally has a much narrower range of tools for reducing
the debt, since typically neither inflation nor financial repression is feasible.
In general, the interaction between the different types of debt overhang is
extremely complex and poorly understood. (An annotated bibliography on the literature
on various relevant forms of debt overhang is presented in Appendix I.) For example,
private debt often becomes partly absorbed into public balance sheets during major
financial crises, as for example occurred in Ireland after the recent financial crisis when
the government took on massive quantities of bank debt. We take the topic up of
multiple debt overhangs in more detail in a companion paper, Reinhart, Reinhart and
Rogoff (2012).
We limit ourselves here to presenting a snapshot of the various dimensions of the
ongoing public and private debt overhang in the advanced economies, placed in historical
context.
2.1. Public debt
Figure 1 presents average gross central government debt as a percent of GDP for
70 countries aggregated into advanced and emerging market economies subgroups from
1900 to 2011. The simple arithmetic averages presented for the two groups illustrate the
scale of the debt build-up in recent years among the wealthy economies. As noted in the
previous section, Reinhart and Rogoff (2009) place the threshold at which public debt is
associated with lower contemporaneous growth at about 90 percent for both advanced
and emerging economies; other studies with alternative methodologies and samples have
yielded estimates in that ballpark (Appendix Table 1). The fact that the 22 advanced-
5
7. economy average for 2011 shown in Figure 1 is just above the 90 percent benchmark
already anticipates that numerous countries are experiencing a “public” debt overhang.3
FIGURE 1. Gross Central Government Debt as a Percent of GDP: Advanced and
Emerging Market Economies, 1860-2011
(unweighted averages)
120
Advanced Economies
100
80
Emerging Markets
60
40
20
0
1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Sources: Reinhart and Rogoff (2010) and sources cited therein.
2.2. External debts: Public and Private
Figure 2 traces the trajectory of gross public and private external debt/GDP since
1970 for advanced and emerging market economies. The overlap and interaction is
particularly acute when it comes to external debt. As Reinhart and Rogoff (2009 and
3
It would be desirable to have long-dated measures of general government debt that include states and
municipalities. However, for long dated historical data, the Reinhart-Rogoff (2009) database only contains
central government debt. There is also the issue of net debt versus gross debt, with the main different being
government debt held by government-run old age support trust funds. This distinction has become much
more important recently as the trust funds have massively expanded. Again, net debt data is not available
on a long-dated cross country basis. However, per our arguments in the conclusions, the fact that net public
debt today tends to be significantly lower than gross public debt would do little to reverse our conclusions
since by and large the trust funds are woefully underfunded, and implicit tax liabilities in most pension
systems are hugely positive. These trust funds are hardly sources of future revenues to offset gross
government deficits.
6
8. 2011) note, the record strongly indicated that private external debts are often absorbed by
the sovereign in a debt crisis.
Led by European countries, the surge in external debts since the early 2000s is
unprecedented in history and dwarfs the late 1970s - early 1980s lending boom to
emerging markets (shown in the inset to Figure 2).4 Reinhart and Rogoff (2010)
suggested a 60 percent threshold for emerging markets but did not have the comparable
data to conduct a parallel exercise for the advanced economies.5 We do this in a
companion paper (Reinhart, Reinhart and Rogoff, 2012) and find that the threshold for
advanced country external debt is roughly the same as for public debt—that is, 90 percent
of GDP. For Europe as a whole, public and private external debts are already more than
double the 90 percent threshold and constitute a considerable source of uncertainty.
4
Of course, this is partly because we (and others including the IMF) label debt across euro-zone countries
as external. This is clearly the best first approximation given the weakness of euro-wide institutions, but as
euro institutions are still stronger than many international counterparts, it may also be regarded as an
exaggeration.
5
Reinhart, Rogoff, and Savastano (2003) stress that for countries with a particularly poor credit history the
external debt threshold may be lower than the common 60 percent for the emerging markets as a whole.
7
9. FIGURE 2. Gross Total (Public plus Private) External Debt as a Percent of GDP:
22 Advanced and 25 Emerging Market Economies, 1970-2011
300
250 Advanced Economies
Emerging markets: Boom, crisis,
and debt overhang, 1978-1990
200
75
65
55
45
150
35
1978 1982 1986 1990
100 Emerging Markets
50
0
1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010
Sources: Lane and Milesi-Ferretti (2010), Reinhart and Rogoff (2009) and sources cited therein, Quarterly
External Debt Statistics, Washington D.C.:World Bank, Various years. Global Development Finance.
Washington D.C.: World Bank, Various years.
2. 3. Private Domestic Debt
Figure 3 plots private domestic credit (essentially bank loans). Although this is an
incomplete measure of private credit, particularly for the United States with its highly
sophisticated capital market, this measure is most easily compared across time and
countries. Figure 4 compares two alternative approaches to measuring private leverage.
By either metric, the pre-crisis surge in domestic credit mimics the pattern discussed
earlier for external debt. This should not come as a surprise, as the literature on domestic
credit booms (see Mendoza and Terrones, 2011, for example) links these booms to
capital inflow surges (borrowing from the rest of the world).
8
10. FIGURE 3. Private Domestic Credit as a Percent of GDP: 22 Advanced and 28 Emerging
Market Economies, 1950-2011
180 Emerging markets: Credit boom, crisis
and debt overhang, 1978-1990
160
60
Advanced Economies
55
140
50
120 45
Emerging Markets
40
100 35
1978 1982 1986 1990
80
60
40
20
0
1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010
Sources: International Financial Statistics, and World Economic Outlook, International Monetary Fund,
Washington DC, Various issues and Reinhart (2010) and sources cited therein.
9
11. FIGURE 4. Two Measures of Private Leverage: Bank Assets and Domestic Credit as a
Percent of GDP for 14 Advanced Economies, 1870-2011
The credit boom of the 1920s and bust of the 1930s
250
100
90
200 Bank assets/GDP
80
(Schularick and Taylor, 2012)
70 1870-2008
60
150
1920 1925 1930 1935
100
Domestic credit/GDP
50 (International Monetary Fund)
1950-2011
0
1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Sources: International Financial Statistics, and World Economic Outlook, International Monetary Fund,
Washington DC, various issues, Reinhart (2010) and sources cited therein and Schularick and Taylor (2012)
and sources cited therein.
2. 4. Summary
The scope and magnitude of the debt overhang (public, private, domestic and
external) facing the advanced economies as a group is in many dimensions without
precedent. As such, it seems likely that our historical estimates of the association
between high public debt and slow growth might, if anything, be understated when
applied to projections going forward.
10
12. IV. Features of Episodes of High Debt
While a more encompassing concept of debt overhangs that incorporates private
debt and allows for distinctions between external and domestic debts is the goal, we
confine ourselves to identifying public debt overhangs.6 We define a public debt
overhang as an episode where the gross public debt/ GDP ratio exceeds 90 percent for
five years or more. We identify 26 public debt overhang episodes in 22 advanced
economies since the early1800s. This tally does not yet include the unfolding post-crisis
cases in Belgium, Iceland, Ireland, Portugal, and the United States, where the beginning
of the debt overhang dates to 2008 or later, and does not meet our five-year minimum
criterion. Among the ongoing episodes, our sample does include Greece, Italy and Japan,
where the beginning of the debt overhang (as defined above) dates back to 1993, 1988,
and 1995, respectively.
1. The episodes
Tables 1 and 2 list the episodes that fulfilled the criteria on magnitude and
duration of our definition of debt overhang. Table 2 also lists four shorter spells of high
debt (lasting less than five years) that were largely associated with war or a cyclical
downturn during the Depression of the 1930s.
The first column of Tables 1 and 2 lists the country. As noted, our analysis covers
22 advanced economies. Of these, nine countries have no episodes that meet our criteria
of a public debt overhang: Austria, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Iceland (not until 2009),
Norway, Portugal (not until 2010), Sweden, and Switzerland.7 The remaining 13
countries record one or more debt overhang episodes as shown in Tables 1 and 2. The
6
See Reinhart and Rogoff (2010) and Reinhart, Reinhart and Rogoff (2012).
7
The fact that many countries do not have any history of public debt/GDP above 90 percent helps explain
the finding in Reinhart and Rogoff (2010) that less than 10 percent of the post-WWII annual observations
of public debt/GDP for all advanced economies are above the 90 percent cutoff.
11
13. first row for each country gives the sample coverage (in the second column), which is
determined by data availability and varies by country. The next six columns provide
averages for real GDP growth, real (inflation adjusted) short term interest rates and real
long term interest rates. For each of these three variables, we provide the averages for
debt/GDP below and above 90 percent. Details on the interest rate and other data used
are provided in the Data Appendix. Column (9) provides a calculation of the share of
years in the total sample (shown for each country in column 2) where debt/GDP was
above 90 percent. For example, since 1848 (when the public debt data is available),
Greece sets the record, with 56 percent of the observations of debt/GDP ratios above 90
percent. The last column provides commentary on the debt overhang episodes, which are
listed separately in the rows below the country aggregates.
Table 1 is devoted to episodes lasting more than 10 years. For each country, there
is also a cross reference to Table 2 if the country had other debt overhangs in the 5-9 year
range. The next-to-last column lists the duration (in years) of each individual episode.
The comment entries direct particular attention to whether the debt buildup was
associated with a war or with some other event, such as any variation of a financial crisis
(banking, inflation, exchange rate, and debt) and also economic depression. Where
possible, we indicate peak levels of debt and interest rates and whether there were other
related events or arrangements in financial markets, such as a debt conversion or financial
repression.8
8
Financial repression includes directed lending to the government by captive domestic audiences (such as
pension funds or domestic banks), explicit or implicit caps on interest rates, regulation of cross-border
capital movements, and a tighter connection between government and banks, either explicitly through
public ownership of some of the banks or through heavy “moral suasion”. It is often associated with
relatively high reserve requirements (or liquidity requirements), securities transaction taxes, prohibition of
gold purchases (as in the US from 1933 to 1974), or the placement of significant amounts of government
debt that is nonmarketable. In principle, “macroprudential regulation” need not be the same as financial
repression, but in practice, one can often be a prelude to the other.
12
14. Table 1. Features of Public Debt Overhang Episodes (10 years or longer):
Advanced Economies, 1800-2011
Average real Average real interest rates Share of
GDP growth short-term long-term years of Episode Comments
Country Sample below above below above below above above duration
debt overhang episode 90% 90% 90% 90% 90% 90% 90% (years)
Belgium 1836-2011 2.5 2.7 2.5 2.4 2.9 3.6 20.5 Growth is 2.2% in 1984-2005; lower than
1982-2005 24 the post WWI high-debt boom episode
(see Table 4 for 2 episodes lasting less than a decade) (Table 4). Short and long real interest
Note : Real rate averages exclude 1926, when inflation hit an all-time peak of 40% and real rates average 3.3 and 4.5%,
ex-post rates were about -34%. respectively.
France 1880-2011 3.2 1.9 0.7 2.1 2.1 2.5 28.0 Franco-Prussian War, 1870-1871 legacy of
1880-1905 26 reparations payments to Germany.
1920-1945 26 WWI debt; by 1922 debt is 262%.; by early
1930s WWI debt to US is in default.
Greece 1848-2011 4.7 3.0 -1.8 4.7 -6.0 12.5 56.1 Pre-WWII real long-rates were over 15%.
1848-1883 36 Defaults in 1843-1878 and 1894-1897.
1887-1913 27 Banking crisis in 1931; default 1932-1964
1928-1939 12 WWII hyperinflation; civil war 1944-1949
1993-2012, ongoing 20 Real bond yields ≈ 4% over 1993-2012.
episode; 2008 banking crisis-restructuring
Ireland 1924-2011 3.4 2.5 -0.6 6.1 2.3 6.5 15.5 Real rates on the long bond peak at 10%
1983-1993 11 in 1986; real short-term rates averaged
about 15% during the 1992 ERM crisis.
Italy 1861-2011 3.9 1.1 0.4 4.1 2.2 4.3 48.0 No external default except WWII ,
1881-1904 24 (Table 4). Several severe banking
1917-1936 20 crises (early 1890s, 1921and 1930).
1988-2012, ongoing 25 1920s-domestic debt conversions. Lower
(see Table 4 for an episode lasting less than a decade) rear nterest rates than pre-war episodes;
Lower reliance on external debt.
Japan 1872-2011 4.2 0.8 2.1 0.3 2.7 1.4 12.1 1989 equity market crash, severe banking
1995-2012, ongoing 18 crisis in 1991; large private sector debt
"overhang" by any measure since 1980s.
Netherlands 1816-2011 3.3 2.1 2.4 3.1 3.4 4.3 45.6 Napoleonic War debts;1830s war with
1816-1872 57 Belgium; debt rises to 280% followed by
1886-1898 13 several conversions. Shrunken revenues
1932-1954 25 from Indonesia, added to late 1800s debt
build up. The 1930s depression & WWII.
New Zealand 1861-2011 4.8 3.1 1.9 2.7 2.1 3.0 48.0 Severe banking crisis in 1893. Debt peaks
1881-1951 71 at 226% in 1932 amid collapsing commodity
prices; forcible debt conversion in 1933.
Spain 1850-2011 2.9 2.1 2.18 2.52 2.39 9.05 18.6 1868-1876, Third Carlist Wars. Real bond
1868-1882 15 yields ≈ 25%. Default in 1877-1882.
1896-1909 14 In 1879 external public debt peaks at 52%.
Early 20th century-loss of the last colonies.
United Kingdom1830-2011 2.1 1.8 2.42 2.57 2.74 3.68 45.3 Debt peaks at 260% in 1819-1821 after
(no real GDP data prior to 1830) Napoleonic Wars. Pre WWII real rates--
1830-1863 34 short and long average 4.5%. WWI debts
1917-1964 48 to US go into default. Post WWII debt at
248%; financial repression era; short and
long rates average -1.12% and 0.54%.
Average number of years across episodes 27.3
13
15. Table 2. Features of Shorter (less than 10 years) Episodes of High Public Debt:
Advanced Economies, 1800-2011
Average Average real interest rates Share of
real GDP growth short-term long-term bond years of Episode Comments
Country Sample below above below above below above above duration
debt overhang episode 90% 90% 90% 90% 90% 90% 90% (years)
Australia 1852-2011 4.0 3.5 1.7 -0.4 3.2 1.6 6.1 Debt rose from 55% in the mid 1920s to
1931-1934 Too short to define as a debt overhang episode. 4 ≈ 100% at the height of the depression;
1945-1950 6 1933 debt conversion; too short a period
to define as a debt overhang.
Real rates were negative after WWII.
Austria
1882-1883 Too short to define as a debt overhang episode. 2
Belgium 1835-2011 2.5 2.7 2.5 2.4 2.9 3.6 20.5 Post-WWI debt peaks at 129% in 1922.
1920-1926 7 Belgium defaults on WWI debt to the US
1946-1947 Too short to define as a debt overhang episode. 2
Canada 1871-2011 3.6 3.2 0.6 2.4 2.3 4.5 10.6 Debt peaked at 136% in 1946, Real short
1944-1950 7 and long rates averaged 0.39 and 2.69% in
1992-1999 8 that episode. Real bond rates were as high
as 9% in the debt overhang of the 1990s.
Finland
1943-1945 Too short to define as a debt overhang episode. 3
Italy 1861-2011 3.9 1.1 0.4 4.1 2.2 4.3 48.0 In default during 1940-1946; inflation
1940-1944 5 peaks at 344% in 1944 liquidating debts
by 1947 debt/GDP is at 25%. For longer
episodes, see Table 3.
United States 1791-2011 3.6 -1.0 1.75 -4.45 3.72 -2.73 3.2 Federal gross debt peaks at 1.21% in 1946.
1944-1949 6 Deployment; output falls 11% in 1946.
Era of financial repression (1946-1980)
worldwide under Bretton Woods
agreement; negative real interest rates.
5.0
2. Causes and duration
As the commentary in the tables highlights, many debt overhangs are a direct
product of costly wars. There are distinct clusterings around World War II and, to a
lesser extent, World War I, which then merges with the Depression era debt build up; this
shows up as the three nearly consecutive peaks in the advanced economies’ aggregate
debt ratios shown in Figure 1. Hardly surprising, famously chronic high debt countries,
such as Greece and Italy, are tied for first place in the number of debt overhang episodes
(each has four episodes and the percent of years with an overhang is 56 and 48 percent,
respectively). It is somewhat more surprising that the two previous world powers, the
14
16. Netherlands and the United Kingdom, have so few debt overhang episodes (three and two,
respectively). This, however, is partly because the episodes that did occur lasted so long.
The Napoleonic wars, in particular, left a deep mark on the finances of both of them. In
the days before fiat currency, inflation and/or financial repression were not as prevalent
as after the end of World War II when it was institutionalized on a global basis under the
Bretton Woods system. Thus, the “liquidation” of government debt via a steady stream
of negative real interest rates was not as easily accomplished in the days of the gold
standard and relatively free international capital mobility as in 1945-1979. This meant
that it took a longer time to work down debt ratios in the 19th century. 9 However, while
the “inflation or financial repression tax” was used sparingly by the colonial powers of
the 19th century, other forms of “economic repression” were available. In particular,
there were substantial transfers from the colonies to finance debts and facilitate debt
reduction. During much of the 1800s, the Netherlands, for example, earmarked
Indonesian revenues for deficit reduction (Bos, 2007). There were also “usury laws” that
were the ancestors to the interest-rate ceilings that accompanied financial repression after
World War II (Homer and Sylla, 1996).
The “modern” peacetime episodes in the advanced economies are comprised of
Belgium, Canada, Greece, Ireland, Italy and Japan. Of these six, the shortest were Canada
and Ireland, lasting 8 and 11 years, respectively. Japan’s mounting public debts had their
origins in the systemic banking crisis of 1991 and asset (equity and real estate) collapse
that began somewhat earlier. 10
9
See Reinhart and Sbrancia (2011).
10
It can be conjectured that Greece, Ireland, and Italy’s debt build-ups may have been in part connected to
their efforts to reduce inflation as a prerequisite for joining the euro, as debt financing supplanted inflation
finance.
15
17. 3. Public debt overhang and slow growth, with and without interest rate drama
Other than higher distorting taxes, the standard textbook connection between
public debt and growth emphasizes a risk premia channel. Sufficiently high levels of
debt call into question fiscal sustainability and lead to a higher risk premia and its
associated higher long term real interest rates. As several recent studies indicate (see
Appendix Table 1), the link between debt and growth appears to be nonlinear; similarly
the relationship between debt and alternative measures of risk (see Reinhart, Rogoff and
Savastano, 2003) is also nonlinear. The impact of sharply higher real interest rates, in
turn, has the usual negative implications for investment, consumption of durables and
other interest sensitive sectors, such as housing.
As noted in the introduction, for the countries that have one or more episodes of
public debt overhangs, real GDP growth averages 3.5 percent per annum over the full
period for which debt/GDP is less than 90 percent and data is available.11 The
comparable average for all debt overhang episodes is 2.3 percent (or 1.2 percent lower
than the lower debt periods). Median growth for the debt overhang episodes is 2.1
percent. Three debt overhangs episodes, however, are associated with higher GDP
growth.12
Tables 1 and 2 summarize the difference in growth and interest rates for the high
and lower debt buckets on a country-by- country basis. Diagram 1 and Figure 4 provide
further details on an episode-by-episode basis. Diagram 1 places the individual episodes
in the context of a two-by-two matrix. The rows divide the episodes into those debt
overhang episodes associated with average growth that is higher than the average growth
11
All figures cited exclude World War I and II years from the calculations. Individual country coverage is
detailed in Tables 1 and 2 and the Data Appendix.
12
One of these, an outright boom, is associated with post-WWI rebuilding in Belgium.
16
18. for that country during all years in which debt/GDP was below 90 percent (upper row)
and those episodes where the comparable growth differential is negative (bottom row).
The columns perform a comparable division for episodes where real interest rates (long
bond) were higher (left column) and those where rates were lower. The middle insets
represent the cases where there was little differential in interest rates between the high
and lower debt periods.
As the textbook risk premia channel predicts, higher real interest rates are more
common than not during periods of high debt (15 of 26 episodes). However, as
Diagram 1 illustrates, a non-trivial share of the episodes are characterized by both lower
growth and lower or comparable real interest rates. This is left largely unexplored in
textbooks.
Furthermore, there is little to suggest a systematic mapping between the largest
increases in average interest rates and the largest (negative) differences in growth during
the individual debt overhang episodes. The growth and interest rate differentials for each
episode are plotted side-by-side in the two bar-chart panels of Figure 4. The left panel
plots (in descending order) the episodes by their growth differential; the right panel plots
the comparable real interest rate differential. At the top of Figure 4, Belgium’s post
World War I debt overhang from 1920-1926 is associated with a rebuilding boom that
left average growth 3.7 percent above the long-term growth average of 2.5 percent (for all
years in which debt/GDP is below 90 percent).13 A rare (for Belgium) post-war inflation
spike also produced very negative ex-post real interest rates (minus 8 percent). At the
other end, average post World War II GDP growth during the 6-year debt overhang
(1944-1949) is sharply lower as there was decommissioning of a global war effort and no
13
That is to say average GDP growth during 1920-1926 was 6.2 percent.
17
19. need to rebuild entire cities, as in Europe and Japan. More germane to the current
situation are the considerably longer peacetime debt overhangs (Figure 4) that, with the
exception of the United Kingdom at the height of its colonial powers, are consistently
associated with lower growth (in varying degrees), irrespective of whether real interest
rates rose, declined or remained about the same.
Diagram 1. Growth and Real Interest Rate Outcomes for 26 High-Debt Episodes in
Advanced Economies, 1800-2011
Higher REAL INTEREST RATES Lower REAL INTEREST RATES
Higher
G Belgium, 1920-1926
R Netherlands, 1932-1954
O
W Interest rates about the same
T UK, 1830-1868
H
Australia 1931-1934
Lower Belgium, 1982-2005 Australia, 1945-1950 (-0.1/-7.3)
G Canada, 1992-1999 US, 1944-1949
R France, 1880-1905 France, 1920-1945
O Greece 1848-1883 Japan, 1995-2011
W Greece 1887-1913 Interest rates about the same
T Greece 1928-1939
H Greece 1993-2011 Canada. 1944-1950
Ireland, 1983-1993 Netherlands, 1886-1898
Italy, 1881-1904 New Zealand, 1881-1951
Italy, 1917-1936 UK, 1917-1964
Italy, 1988-2011
Netherlands, 1816-1862
Spain, 1868-1882
Spain, 1896-1909
Sources: Authors’ calculations based on data sources listed in the Data Appendix.
18
20. Figure 4. Differences in Real GDP Growth (left panel) and Real Interest Rates (right
panel) During 26 High-Debt Episodes in Advanced Economies, 1800-2011
7
Difference (in percent) in real rates
-10 0 10 20
Belgium, 1920-1926
Netherlands, 1932-1954
Average growth during UK, 1830-1868 Same calculation as for
that particular debt Australia, 1945-1950 growth for real
overhang episode Belgium, 1982-2005 GDP for the
(debt/GDP >90%) less interest rate on
Canada, 1992-1999
average growth during government bonds
UK, 1917-1964
all years where
Ireland, 1983-1993
debt/GDP < 90% for
that country Canada. 1944-1950
Greece 1928-1939
France, 1920-1945
Spain, 1896-1909
Greece 1848-1883
Australia 1931-1934
France, 1880-1905
Netherlands, 1886-1898
Netherlands, 1816-1862
New Zealand, 1881-1951
Greece 1887-1913
Italy, 1881-1904
Greece 1993-2011
Italy, 1988-2011
Spain, 1868-1882
Italy, 1917-1936
Japan, 1995-2011
US, 1944-1949
-6 -5 -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 Debt overhang episode
Difference (in percent) in real GDP growth
Sources: Authors’ calculations based on data sources listed in the Data Appendix.
19
21. 4. The cumulative effects of debt overhangs
Although it is obvious that a sustained growth shortfall of modest magnitude can
have massive cumulative effects, the point is so important that we feel compelled to
illustrate it with a simple numerical example. In Figure 5, we consider a 23-year window,
which is the average duration of the 26 episodes in our sample. We index base year (year
1) real GDP to equal 100. As the “no debt overhang-debt/GDP below 90 percent”
baseline case we apply a constant growth rate of 3.5 percent per annum (the blue line). At
the end of 23 years, the real GDP index rose from 100 to 221. The debt overhang path
(the red line) applies the 2.3 percent sample average constant annual growth rate over the
same horizon. At the end of 23 years the index rose from 100 to 169; real GDP is 24
percent lower than for the baseline. Even assuming a more modest reduction in growth
from 3.5 to 3 percent (this exercise is not shown in Figure 5), the level of GDP at the end
of 23 years would still be 11 percent lower than otherwise. It is not exactly what T.S.
Eliot had in mind when he wrote “This is the way the world ends, Not with a bang but a
whimper” but the general thrust appears to be applicable to the “debt-without-drama”
damages.14
14
The Hollow Men (1925).
20
22. Figure 5. Real GDP and Debt Overhangs: Basic Calculus of Cumulative Effects
Real GDP
Index (first year =100)
240
220
Baseline growth
200 for debt/GDP < 90%
average=3.5
Cumulative difference
180
after 23 years is 24%
160
140
Baseline growth
120 for debt/GDP > 90%
average minus 1.2%
100
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24
Duration of debt overhang in years
21
23. V. Conclusions
The advanced world has entered an era characterized by massive overhang of
public and private debt. Public debt to GDP levels in advanced countries as a whole
already exceed our critical 90% threshold. Private debt, which in contrast to public debt
shows a marked upward trend over the past few decades, remains near pre-crisis levels.
The problem is exacerbated by the fact that among advanced countries, a record portion
of the debt is owed to external creditors, which in general limits a government’s tools for
forcing its creditors to absorb losses, either quickly or slowly through financial repression.
We identify 26 episodes of public debt overhang–where debt to GDP ratios
exceed 90% of GDP–since 1800.15 We find that in 23 of these 26 episodes, individual
countries experienced lower growth than the average of other years. Across all 26
episodes, growth is lower by an average of 1.2%. If this effect sounds modest, consider
that the average duration of debt overhang episodes was 23 years.
In 11 of the 26 high debt overhang episodes, real interest rates were the same or
lower than in other periods. Yet growth was similarly impaired, as we illustrated in a
side-by-side comparison (Figure 4).
One might argue that financial globalization has made it easier to carry high
public debt burdens, but we see no compelling evidence that this is the case for advanced
countries as a whole. Moreover, do not undercount the sophistication and
interconnection of national markets in the 19th century, half the timespan covered.
We have just noted that in contrast to private debt, there is no marked trend rise in
public debt, unless of course one includes contingent liabilities in old age support
15
The 90% threshold is identified by Reinhart and Rogoff (2010), who point out that a higher threshold
would leave relatively few observations. For example, on a yearly basis post World War II, just over 1% of
all gross central government debt to GDP ratios among advanced countries have exceeded 120%.
22
24. programs. Obviously, it is possible that new developments in technology and
globalization will provide such a remarkable reservoir of growth that today’s record debt
burdens will eventually prove quite manageable. On the other hand, the fact many
countries are facing “quadruple debt overhang problems”—public, private, external, and
pension–suggests the problem could in fact be worse than in the past, a question we do
not tackle here.16 Nor have we paid attention here to the likely possibility of significant
“hidden debts”, especially public sector, which Reinhart and Rogoff (2009) find to be a
significant factor in many debt crises, and as documented in detail in the Reinhart (2010)
chartbook.
Another line of reasoning for dismissing concerns about public debt and growth is
the view the causality mostly runs from growth to debt. The multi-decade long duration
of past public debt overhang episodes suggests that at very least, the association is not
due to recessions at business cycle frequencies. Others dismiss concerns about high debt
by citing the immediate period after World War II for the United States and United
Kingdom, and pointing to the fact that the United Kingdom had extremely high debt after
the Napoleonic Wars. Our analysis, based on these cases and the 23 others we identify,
suggests that the long term risks of high debt are real.
Finally, this paper should not be interpreted as a manifesto for rapid public debt
deleveraging in an environment of extremely weak growth and high unemployment.
However, our read of the evidence certainly casts doubt on the view that soaring
government debt is a non-issue simply because markets are presently happy to absorb it.
16
We take up the question of how debt overhangs interact in Reinhart, Reinhart and Rogoff (2012).
23
25. Appendix Table 1. The Recent Literature on Public, Private, and External Debt and
Growth
Sample, frequency,
Study Methodology/Comments Main conclusions
country, coverage
Arkand, Berges, and A principal result is
Panizza (2011) Cross-section over The empirical exercise in that finance starts
examine whether there 1976-2005 comprised the paper involves testing having a negative effect
is a threshold above of 44 advanced and for nonlinear “threshold on output growth when
which financial emerging market effects” over which credit credit to the private
development economies. to the private sector sector reaches 104 to
no longer has a positive begins to have a negative 110 percent of GDP.
effect on economic impact on growth (5-year The strongest adverse
growth. averages), after effects are for credit
controlling for many of over 160 percent of
the standard determinants. GDP.
Balassoni, Francese There is a strong
and Page (2011) Endogenous growth negative correlation for
model is fitted to the data. Italy over the entire
The link between public General government Alternative estimation sample but the
debt and growth is debt for Italy over strategies to deal with relationship is
examined. The analysis 1861-2010. Various endogeneity and somewhat weaker since
distinguishes between subperiods are heteroskedasticity. 1985. The stronger
the effects of domestic examined. negative effect of debt
and external debt. on growth prior to 1914
is importantly connected
to the larger role played
by external debt.
Cechetti, Mohanti and Correlations and standard The estimated
Zampolli (2011) panel growth regressions thresholds for
are used to examine the government and
It is an attempt to define 18 OECD countries (of debt-growth link. household debt are at 85
empirically debt which none are Working with 5-year percent of GDP,
thresholds beyond emerging markets) growth averages as a although it is less
which growth suffers. It 1980-2010 function of predetermined precisely estimated for
studies government regressors to control for the latter. Corporate
debt, corporate debt, feedback from debt to thresholds are somewhat
and household debt growth. higher and close to 90
separately. percent.
Checherita and Rother Panel with fixed effects There is a nonlinear
(2010) with robust estimation. relationship between
Main estimation strategy debt and growth. Most
Studies effect of gross The 12 countries are: is an equation with per- specifications provide
government debt on per- Austria, Belgium, capita GDP growth as evidence of “turning
capita GDP growth for Finland, France, dependent variable. point” at around 90-
12 euro area countries. Germany, Greece, Among the control 100% of debt/GDP.
Ireland, Italy, variables: government Confidence intervals
Luxembourg, debt (level and squared), suggest that the negative
Netherlands, Portugal, saving/investment rate, growth effect of high
and Spain. Sample population, fiscal debt may start already
period: 1970-2010 indicators, etc. from levels of around
(though most of the Controls for possible 70-80% of GDP
regressions cover the endogeneity of debt They also study
period 1970-2008). variable via instrumental different channels by
variables (lagged debt, which debt may have an
average debt in euro area) impact on growth.
24
26. Appendix Table 1. The Recent Literature on Public, Private, and External Debt
and Growth (continued)
Sample, frequency,
Study Methodology/Comments Main conclusions
country, coverage
Kumar and Woo The results suggest an
(2010) inverse relationship
between initial debt and
Evidence on the impact Panel of 38 advanced The approach follows the subsequent growth,
of initial gross public and emerging market large literature on controlling for other
debt on subsequent economies with endogenous growth determinants of growth:
long-run growth of real populations over 5 models, as such it controls on average, a 10
per capita GDP It thus, million over 1970- for a variety of the percentage point
lends itself to examining 2007. standard determinants of increase in the initial
the debt overhang growth. Robustness debt-to-GDP ratio is
hypothesis. checks allow for different associated with a
estimation strategies, slowdown in annual real
subsamples, and varying per capita GDP growth
degrees of of around 0.2
parsimoniousness in the percentage points per
regressors. Nonlinearities year, with the impact
are examined. being smaller (around
0.15) in advanced
economies. There is
some evidence
of nonlinearity, with
only high (above 90
percent of GDP) levels
of debt having a
significant negative
effect on growth.
Patillo, Poirson and The estimates support a
Ricci (2011) Examines both external hump-shaped nonlinear
debt/GDP as well as relationship between
The focus is on the 93 developing external debt/exports. 3- external debt and
impact of gross external countries representing year and 10-year growth growth. The average
debt (public plus all regions over 1969- averages are used. Robust impact of debt on
private) on growth 1998. GMM estimation growth becomes
addresses potential negative at the 35-40
endogeneity. debt/GDP threshold. For
A distinction is made external debt/exports the
between the average threshold is 160-170
impact of debt and growth percent.
and the marginal impact
(that is, raising debt
further from already high
levels.
25
27. Appendix Table 1. The Recent Literature on Public, Private, and External Debt
and Growth (concluded)
Sample, frequency,
Study Methodology/Comments Main conclusions
country, coverage
Study concludes that
Reinhart and Reinhart The 21-year window The differences in pre- private deleveraging is a
(2010) around 15 post WWII and post-crises frequency protracted process that
severe financial crises. distributions are starts 2-3 years after the
A study of the growth Five of these in compared for the level of crisis and lasts about
performance in the advanced economies GDP, growth, seven years during
decade following severe and the remainder in unemployment, inflation, which GDP growth is
crises associated with middle-high income private debt, and real lower by about one
private debt overhangs. emerging markets. estate prices. Advanced percent per annum. The
and emerging economy magnitude of the
episodes are examined deleveraging is
both jointly and comparable to the debt
individually. build up prior to the
crisis.
Reinhart, Rogoff and
Savastano (2003)
Thresholds for external
debt are influenced by a
country’s repayment
and inflation history.
Reinhart and Rogoff Evidence of
(2009) 44 countries-20 Years (observations) are nonlinearities is
advanced and 24 sorted into 4 buckets, presented. There is no
The contemporaneous emerging. The sample, those with debt/GDP 0-30 systematic link between
link between gross subject to data percent; 30-60; 60-90; and public debt and growth
public debt, growth and availability span as above 90 percent. Basic for debt/GDP below 90
inflation is examined. much as 1790-2009 descriptive statistics are percent but the
External debt (public (depending on the reported for each of the contemporaneous
plus private) for country) and covers four buckets for advanced relationship is negative
emerging markets is 3,700 observations. and emerging economies for higher levels of debt.
also studied. Post- WWII subsample separately and for full and External debt for
is also analyzed. post WWII samples. emerging markets has a
lower threshold of 60
percent.
26
28. References
Arcand, Jean Louis, Enrico Berkes, and Ugo Panizza, “Too Much Finance,” mimeograph,
UNCTAD, March 2011.
Cecchetti, Stephen,M.S. Mohanty, and Fabrizion Zampolli, “The Real Effects of Debt”,
forthcoming in Achieving Maximum Long-Run Growth symposium sponsored by
the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City, Jackson Hole, Wyoming, 25–27 August
2011.
Chancellor, Edward and Chris Wu, “Deleveraging Processes,” Presentation, (March 2009)
Balassone, Fabrizio, Maura Francese and Angelo Pace “ Public Debt and Growth in
Italy,” Quaderni di Storia Economica Banca D’Italia No. 11, October 2011.
Bos, Frits (2007), “The Dutch fiscal framework: History, current practice and the role of
the CPB” CPB Document Number 150, July.
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