The document summarizes a protest march in Mexico City involving tens of thousands of people demonstrating against the disappearance of 43 students in Mexico. It describes the diverse groups involved in the march and notes tensions rising between the government and protesters. It also discusses the arrest of 11 protesters after police dispersed the crowd with violence, beating some of those arrested.
Mexican Women Police Chiefs Urban Latino ArticleLulaine Compere
Women are stepping up to lead police departments in small Mexican towns plagued by drug cartel violence, as few men are willing to take on the dangerous roles. Police Chief Marisol Valles Garcia became chief of Praxedis G. Guerrero at age 20, hoping to spread an anti-fear message. Similarly, Erika Gandara assumed leadership of the police force in Guadalupe with its population of 9,000. These brave women risk their lives to bring safety and justice to their communities against the powerful cartels terrorizing Mexico.
The Associated Press: 2014 From Latin America.maditabalnco
The document contains 20 AP news photos from 2014 documenting various news events around the world, including: self-defense groups fighting drug cartels in Mexico; a funeral being held for a boxer in Puerto Rico; vigilantes fighting drug cartels in Mexico; the capture of drug lord El Chapo; celebrations in Cuba; violence against bus drivers in Honduras; protests in Brazil; clashes between police and protesters in Venezuela; fires in Guatemala and Chile; the death of author Gabriel Garcia Marquez; illegal mining in Peru; soccer in Brazilian favelas; murals in Brazil for the World Cup; a sloth in Brazil; the president of Uruguay; corporal punishment in Peru; fans watching Brazil lose in the World Cup
The document summarizes recent political protests and government response in Venezuela. It describes how peaceful student protests against high inflation, shortages, and crime were met with violence from authorities and pro-government groups, resulting in multiple deaths. It outlines censorship of media reporting on the protests and alleged human rights abuses including arrests, beatings, and possible disappearances of protesters. An arrest warrant was issued for opposition leader Leopoldo Lopez over the protests.
This document summarizes and analyzes a scholarly article about the Mexican experience in the United States during the Great Depression era. It discusses two key topics: 1) How the Mexican community in Los Angeles ("Mexico de Afuera") reacted to increasing anti-Mexican policies and sentiments in the U.S. that encouraged repatriation back to Mexico. 2) How Mexico de Afuera responded to the Mexican government's employment of nationalist rhetoric and empty promises through repatriation programs. The document analyzes articles from the periodical La Opinión to understand how the community navigated these pressures and challenges.
Indigenous Revolts in Chiapas and the Andean HighlandsMarcos Luk'aña
This document summarizes an academic seminar that took place in 1994 to discuss historical precedents of indigenous rebellions in Chiapas, Mexico and comparable movements in the Andes region of South America. The seminar aimed to examine specific cases of revolt in their historical contexts in order to move beyond conventional paradigms for understanding indigenous resistance. Papers presented spanned over 470 years of history in Chiapas and the Andean countries. They highlighted the idiosyncrasies of different revolts and challenged popular perceptions. The diversity of experiences raised analytical challenges to generalizing about indigenous resistance. The volume provided comparative perspectives on the forms and causes of indigenous rebellions across time and regions in Latin America.
An IAPA mission visited Guatemala in February 2019 and met with President Otto Pérez Molina and other officials to express concern about increased violence against journalists and the climate of impunity. The mission called for greater efforts to implement journalist protection programs and solve the murders of four journalists in 2018. During the past six months, six journalists were murdered in the Americas, and the IAPA is investigating whether their deaths were related to their work. The IAPA continues to monitor unresolved cases of violence against journalists and press freedom violations in the region.
Venezuela's 100 Days of Violent Protests in Powerful Photosmaditabalnco
Anti-government protests in Venezuela have lasted over 100 consecutive days, resulting in over 90 deaths and hundreds injured. The protests began in early April 2017 and continue, with demonstrators calling for electoral reforms and demanding President Nicolas Maduro step down. Security forces have used tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse protesters, and some protesters have also engaged in violent clashes and property damage. The political and economic crisis in Venezuela continues with no resolution in sight.
Tuesday, March 18, 2008
Chronology of the 4th Generation War Against Venezuela
The US Government is waging war on Venezuela - not your typical, traditional war, but a modern, asymmetric - 4th Generation War - against President Chávez and the Bolivarian Revolution. Below is a presentation I created regarding the pattern and escalation of US Government aggression against Venezuela, with clear quotes and cites as evidence to back up this claim.
OBJECTIVE
Relate Chávez with:
*Drug trafficking
*Terrorism
*A Dictatorship
*An Arms Race
*Money Laundering
*A Threat Against Regional Security
Actions
2002-2006
*The coup d’etat against Chávez in 2002
*The “lockout” and economic sabotage from December 2002 to February 2003
*The “guarimbas” of 2004
*The Recall Referendum of 2004
*Electoral Intervention in 2005 and 2006
*An increase in US military presence in the region during 2006-2007
Change in Strategy
-After the victory of President Chávez in the recall referendum of 2004, the US toughened its position towards Venezuela increased its public hostility and aggression against the Venezuelan government.
-January 2005: “Hugo Chávez is a negative force in the region.” -Condoleezza Rice
-March 2005: “Venezuela is one of the most unstable and dangerous ‘hot spots’ in Latin America.” -Porter Goss, ex-Director of the CIA
-March 2005: “Venezuela is starting a dangerous arms race that threatens regional security.” -Donald Rumsfeld, ex-Secretary of Defense
-March 2005: “I am concerned about Venezuela’s influence in the area of responsibility...SOUTHCOM supports the position of the Joint Chiefs to maintain ‘military to military’ contact with the Venezuelan military…we need an inter-agency focus to deal with Venezuela.” -General Bantz Craddock, ex-Commander of SOUTHCOM
-July 2005: “Cuba and Venezuela are promoting instability in Latin America…There is no doubt that President Chávez is funding radical forces in Bolivia.” -Rogelio Pardo-Maurer, Assistant Sub-Secretary of Defense for the Western Hemisphere
-July 2005: “Venezuela and Cuba are promoting radicalism in the region...Venezuela is trying to undermine the democratic governments in the region to impede CAFTA.” -Donald Rumsfeld, ex-Secretary of Defense
-August 2005: “Venezuelan territory is a safe haven for Colombian terrorists.” -Tom Casey, spokesperson for the Department of State
-September 2005: “The problem of working with President Chávez is serious and continuous, as it is in other parts of the relationship.” -John Walters, Director of the National Policy Office for Drug Control.
-November 2005: “The assault on democratic institutions in Venezuela continues and the system is in serious danger.” -Thomas Shannon, Sub-secretary of State
Escalation in Aggression 2006
The War Machine
-2 February 2006: “Presidente Chávez continues to use his control to repress the opposition, reduce freedom of the press and restrict democracy….it’s a threat.” -John Negroponte, ex-Director of National Intelligence
-2 February 2006: “We have Chávez in Venezuela with a lot of money from oil. He is a person who was elected legally, just like Adolf Hitler...” - Donald Rumsfeld, ex-Secretary of Defense
Connection with Terrorism
-16 March 2006: “In Venezuela, a demogoge full of oil money is undermining democracy and trying to destabilize the region.” -George W. Bush
-June 2006: “Venezuela’s cooperation in the international campaign against terrorism continues to be insignificant...It’s not clear to what point the Venezuelan government offered material support to Colombian terrorists.” - Annual Report on Terrorism, Department of State
Increase in Military Presence
-March-July 2006: The US military engages in four major exercises off the coast of Venezuela in the Caribbean Sea, with support from NATO, and based at the US air force base in Curaça
Mexican Women Police Chiefs Urban Latino ArticleLulaine Compere
Women are stepping up to lead police departments in small Mexican towns plagued by drug cartel violence, as few men are willing to take on the dangerous roles. Police Chief Marisol Valles Garcia became chief of Praxedis G. Guerrero at age 20, hoping to spread an anti-fear message. Similarly, Erika Gandara assumed leadership of the police force in Guadalupe with its population of 9,000. These brave women risk their lives to bring safety and justice to their communities against the powerful cartels terrorizing Mexico.
The Associated Press: 2014 From Latin America.maditabalnco
The document contains 20 AP news photos from 2014 documenting various news events around the world, including: self-defense groups fighting drug cartels in Mexico; a funeral being held for a boxer in Puerto Rico; vigilantes fighting drug cartels in Mexico; the capture of drug lord El Chapo; celebrations in Cuba; violence against bus drivers in Honduras; protests in Brazil; clashes between police and protesters in Venezuela; fires in Guatemala and Chile; the death of author Gabriel Garcia Marquez; illegal mining in Peru; soccer in Brazilian favelas; murals in Brazil for the World Cup; a sloth in Brazil; the president of Uruguay; corporal punishment in Peru; fans watching Brazil lose in the World Cup
The document summarizes recent political protests and government response in Venezuela. It describes how peaceful student protests against high inflation, shortages, and crime were met with violence from authorities and pro-government groups, resulting in multiple deaths. It outlines censorship of media reporting on the protests and alleged human rights abuses including arrests, beatings, and possible disappearances of protesters. An arrest warrant was issued for opposition leader Leopoldo Lopez over the protests.
This document summarizes and analyzes a scholarly article about the Mexican experience in the United States during the Great Depression era. It discusses two key topics: 1) How the Mexican community in Los Angeles ("Mexico de Afuera") reacted to increasing anti-Mexican policies and sentiments in the U.S. that encouraged repatriation back to Mexico. 2) How Mexico de Afuera responded to the Mexican government's employment of nationalist rhetoric and empty promises through repatriation programs. The document analyzes articles from the periodical La Opinión to understand how the community navigated these pressures and challenges.
Indigenous Revolts in Chiapas and the Andean HighlandsMarcos Luk'aña
This document summarizes an academic seminar that took place in 1994 to discuss historical precedents of indigenous rebellions in Chiapas, Mexico and comparable movements in the Andes region of South America. The seminar aimed to examine specific cases of revolt in their historical contexts in order to move beyond conventional paradigms for understanding indigenous resistance. Papers presented spanned over 470 years of history in Chiapas and the Andean countries. They highlighted the idiosyncrasies of different revolts and challenged popular perceptions. The diversity of experiences raised analytical challenges to generalizing about indigenous resistance. The volume provided comparative perspectives on the forms and causes of indigenous rebellions across time and regions in Latin America.
An IAPA mission visited Guatemala in February 2019 and met with President Otto Pérez Molina and other officials to express concern about increased violence against journalists and the climate of impunity. The mission called for greater efforts to implement journalist protection programs and solve the murders of four journalists in 2018. During the past six months, six journalists were murdered in the Americas, and the IAPA is investigating whether their deaths were related to their work. The IAPA continues to monitor unresolved cases of violence against journalists and press freedom violations in the region.
Venezuela's 100 Days of Violent Protests in Powerful Photosmaditabalnco
Anti-government protests in Venezuela have lasted over 100 consecutive days, resulting in over 90 deaths and hundreds injured. The protests began in early April 2017 and continue, with demonstrators calling for electoral reforms and demanding President Nicolas Maduro step down. Security forces have used tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse protesters, and some protesters have also engaged in violent clashes and property damage. The political and economic crisis in Venezuela continues with no resolution in sight.
Tuesday, March 18, 2008
Chronology of the 4th Generation War Against Venezuela
The US Government is waging war on Venezuela - not your typical, traditional war, but a modern, asymmetric - 4th Generation War - against President Chávez and the Bolivarian Revolution. Below is a presentation I created regarding the pattern and escalation of US Government aggression against Venezuela, with clear quotes and cites as evidence to back up this claim.
OBJECTIVE
Relate Chávez with:
*Drug trafficking
*Terrorism
*A Dictatorship
*An Arms Race
*Money Laundering
*A Threat Against Regional Security
Actions
2002-2006
*The coup d’etat against Chávez in 2002
*The “lockout” and economic sabotage from December 2002 to February 2003
*The “guarimbas” of 2004
*The Recall Referendum of 2004
*Electoral Intervention in 2005 and 2006
*An increase in US military presence in the region during 2006-2007
Change in Strategy
-After the victory of President Chávez in the recall referendum of 2004, the US toughened its position towards Venezuela increased its public hostility and aggression against the Venezuelan government.
-January 2005: “Hugo Chávez is a negative force in the region.” -Condoleezza Rice
-March 2005: “Venezuela is one of the most unstable and dangerous ‘hot spots’ in Latin America.” -Porter Goss, ex-Director of the CIA
-March 2005: “Venezuela is starting a dangerous arms race that threatens regional security.” -Donald Rumsfeld, ex-Secretary of Defense
-March 2005: “I am concerned about Venezuela’s influence in the area of responsibility...SOUTHCOM supports the position of the Joint Chiefs to maintain ‘military to military’ contact with the Venezuelan military…we need an inter-agency focus to deal with Venezuela.” -General Bantz Craddock, ex-Commander of SOUTHCOM
-July 2005: “Cuba and Venezuela are promoting instability in Latin America…There is no doubt that President Chávez is funding radical forces in Bolivia.” -Rogelio Pardo-Maurer, Assistant Sub-Secretary of Defense for the Western Hemisphere
-July 2005: “Venezuela and Cuba are promoting radicalism in the region...Venezuela is trying to undermine the democratic governments in the region to impede CAFTA.” -Donald Rumsfeld, ex-Secretary of Defense
-August 2005: “Venezuelan territory is a safe haven for Colombian terrorists.” -Tom Casey, spokesperson for the Department of State
-September 2005: “The problem of working with President Chávez is serious and continuous, as it is in other parts of the relationship.” -John Walters, Director of the National Policy Office for Drug Control.
-November 2005: “The assault on democratic institutions in Venezuela continues and the system is in serious danger.” -Thomas Shannon, Sub-secretary of State
Escalation in Aggression 2006
The War Machine
-2 February 2006: “Presidente Chávez continues to use his control to repress the opposition, reduce freedom of the press and restrict democracy….it’s a threat.” -John Negroponte, ex-Director of National Intelligence
-2 February 2006: “We have Chávez in Venezuela with a lot of money from oil. He is a person who was elected legally, just like Adolf Hitler...” - Donald Rumsfeld, ex-Secretary of Defense
Connection with Terrorism
-16 March 2006: “In Venezuela, a demogoge full of oil money is undermining democracy and trying to destabilize the region.” -George W. Bush
-June 2006: “Venezuela’s cooperation in the international campaign against terrorism continues to be insignificant...It’s not clear to what point the Venezuelan government offered material support to Colombian terrorists.” - Annual Report on Terrorism, Department of State
Increase in Military Presence
-March-July 2006: The US military engages in four major exercises off the coast of Venezuela in the Caribbean Sea, with support from NATO, and based at the US air force base in Curaça
The document provides a summary of news events in Latin America from February to May 2014. Some of the key political topics discussed include elections in El Salvador and Colombia, as well as the ongoing political crisis in Venezuela with protests against the government. Social and criminal justice-related news included a mass murder in Honduras and Uruguay's decision to accept detainees from Guantanamo Bay prison. Cultural events summarized were protests against the 2014 World Cup in Brazil and the death of author Gabriel Garcia Marquez. Environmental news recapped an earthquake that struck southern Mexico.
This document provides an introduction and literature review for a research paper that will examine inherent prejudices in refugee crises and policies using case studies of the current Syrian refugee crisis and World War II. The introduction outlines how the size and forced nature of recent migration flows have challenged global responses. The literature review discusses previous research on topics like state responsibility towards refugees, the role of international relations and institutions, and how examining past crises can inform understanding of current issues. The research will analyze primary and secondary sources to compare how Jewish refugees were treated in 1939 during World War II versus the post-war 1940s, focusing on responses from the US and UK.
The document provides a history of Côte d'Ivoire, from its origins as a French colony to its current civil war. It was once seen as a success story due to economic growth and ethnic inclusivity under its first president, but identity politics centered on Ivoirité led to conflict after his death in 1993. Subsequent coups and elections deepened divisions. The civil war that began in 2002 was rooted in politics but used ethnicity, pitting northern Muslims against southern Christians/Animists. The document examines Ivoirité's role in the conflict and considers options for lasting peace, such as transitional governance and identity reconstruction through civic nationalism.
This document provides an overview of a paper analyzing the Bracero Program from 1942-1964 through primary sources. The paper examines the working and living conditions of Mexican migrant workers in the program, who were excluded from New Deal labor protections. It also explores how the workers exhibited agency and their impact on Mexican-American immigration patterns. The document discusses the strengths and limitations of oral histories and documents from the Bracero History Archive that will be analyzed to address these topics. It also reviews the existing historiography on how Braceros have been portrayed and how this paper aims to take a balanced approach.
Presentation1- Application wk 1- Tortilla Soup as Cultural Tourism mfmagfrancisco
The document summarizes Lindenfeld's (2007) analysis of the film Tortilla Soup and how it depicts Latino stereotypes. Lindenfeld argues that the film presents a false view of Latino culture by exoticizing ethnicity and encouraging audiences to consume Latino culture as a commodity without understanding real issues of race. This erases individuality and promotes assimilation to white, mainstream values. The implications are that media portrayals like this normalize stereotypes which can lead to real discrimination.
The Dialectics of Black Revolution, by Chairman Omali YeshitelaRBG Communiversity
"The Dialectics of Black Revolution: The Struggle to Defeat the Counterinsurgency in the U.S." by Omali Yeshitela, Chairman of the African People s Socialist Party,
Gobierno de Maduro Gran Empresa CriminalAngel Monagas
Douglas Farah testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee about the deepening political and economic crisis in Venezuela and its implications. He made three key points:
1) Venezuela, under Hugo Chavez and now Nicolas Maduro, has formed an alliance with countries like Iran, Russia, Ecuador and Bolivia to oppose US influence in Latin America. This alliance has brought rising corruption, violence, and a breakdown of democratic norms.
2) Venezuela has become a gateway for Iran's expanding political and military activities in Latin America, in violation of international sanctions, and helped Iran pursue nuclear technology in Argentina. It has also expanded Russia's growing presence in the region.
3) The Bolivarian alliance poses a
Laura Linderfield examines the 2000 film "Tortilla Soup" to analyze how ethnic food films represent other cultures. Using critical textual analysis, she finds that the film portrays Mexican and Mexican American culture in superficial and stereotypical ways that comfort white audiences but do not further cultural understanding. Specifically, the film depicts the food, women, and Mexican American characters in ways that make whites comfortable while obscuring issues of racism and inequality. Linderfield argues this type of representation reduces other cultures to commodities for white consumption.
This document provides a summary of the challenges faced by migrant communities and students in the United States. It discusses the historical context of migrant worker programs such as the Bracero Program and current H-2A programs. It also examines challenges migrant students face such as academic and parental involvement barriers. The document concludes by outlining support programs that aim to help migrant students, including High School Equivalency Programs and the College Assistance Migrant Program.
International Viewpoint Iv405 October 2008international
This document is an issue of the International Viewpoint newsletter from October 2008. It contains several articles on international news and politics. The main article discusses Hugo Blanco, a Peruvian social activist who was arrested for supporting indigenous farmers in their land struggle against a wealthy landowner. His arrest sparked international protests and he was soon released. The article provides background on Blanco and the land dispute, and reports on the media and political reactions to his arrest.
The document summarizes the conflict in the Catatumbo region of Colombia stemming from the 2016 peace accord between the government and the FARC rebel group. As stipulated in the accord, the FARC disarmed in the region but the new right-wing president failed to support alternative crop programs or regional development as promised. As a result, some farmers resumed cocoa production and joined other active rebel groups like the ELN, EPL, and Los Rastrojos fighting over control of the lucrative cocoa fields and trafficking routes.
This document provides a summary of the historical context of migrant communities and education in the United States. It discusses programs that brought migrant workers to the US such as the Bracero Program from 1942-1964 which brought over 4.6 million Mexican workers. It also discusses challenges migrant students face such as academic and parental involvement challenges. The document concludes by discussing support programs for migrants including the High School Equivalency Program and College Assistance Migrant Program.
The document analyzes the 2001 film "Tortilla Soup" using ideological criticism. It discusses how the film portrays a Mexican-American family as middle-class, educated, English-speaking, and "legal" in order to make white American viewers feel comfortable experiencing Mexican culture without threatening stereotypes. By presenting a lighter-skinned, assimilated family, the film allows viewers to experience ethnicity from a safe distance without confronting actual racial diversity.
This document summarizes key points from The Harvest of Empire about the mistreatment of Latin Americans during the building of the American empire through manifest destiny. It discusses how white colonists viewed Latin Americans as inferior and used technology and religion to justify conquering their lands. This led to the annexation of Mexican territory after the Mexican-American War and a large influx of Latino immigrants. Over time, Latinos have become more educated and politically influential. However, anti-immigration legislation in the 2000s threatened to undermine the growing Latino community in the US. Latinos organized large protests in response, demonstrating their power as agents of change against oppression.
The Venezuelan government took several actions to control coverage of protests against President Maduro and the effort to remove him from office through a recall referendum. This included banning drone footage, expelling foreign journalists, arresting a reporter who shared a video of Maduro being heckled, and having a government official share an old photo on Twitter claiming it showed government supporters at a protest. An expert interviewed said these tactics went beyond the government's usual subtle censorship and showed they felt threatened by the large opposition protest.
The document discusses regular and irregular verb forms in English. It notes that regular verbs follow consistent patterns in their formations of different tenses, while irregular verbs do not. The document states that irregular verbs must be memorized individually due to variations in their forms across tenses, as opposed to regular verbs which can be formed systematically. It emphasizes the importance of being familiar with both regular and irregular verb conjugations in English.
Dokumen tersebut membahas tentang pandangan pengguna iOS terhadap jailbreak dan Cydia. Secara ringkas, dokumen menyatakan bahwa jailbreak dan Cydia tidak semata-mata digunakan untuk pembajakan, melainkan untuk memperluas fitur dan kustomisasi iOS sesuai keinginan pengguna.
La Unión Europea ha acordado un paquete de sanciones contra Rusia por su invasión de Ucrania. Las sanciones incluyen restricciones a las importaciones de productos rusos de alta tecnología y a las exportaciones de bienes de lujo a Rusia. Además, se congelarán los activos de varios oligarcas rusos y se prohibirá el acceso de los bancos rusos a los mercados financieros de la UE.
The document discusses the benefits of exercise for mental health. Regular physical activity can help reduce anxiety and depression and improve mood and cognitive functioning. Exercise causes chemical changes in the brain that may help boost feelings of calmness, happiness and focus.
This document defines functions for displaying numeric values on a 7-segment display using an Arduino. It sets latch, clock, and data pins as outputs to control the display. The disNum() function takes in a numeric value, position, and decimal flag and outputs the corresponding 7-segment display value. The showNum() function takes a double value, converts it to long, extracts each digit, and calls disNum() to display the number on the 7-segment display one position at a time.
The document provides a summary of news events in Latin America from February to May 2014. Some of the key political topics discussed include elections in El Salvador and Colombia, as well as the ongoing political crisis in Venezuela with protests against the government. Social and criminal justice-related news included a mass murder in Honduras and Uruguay's decision to accept detainees from Guantanamo Bay prison. Cultural events summarized were protests against the 2014 World Cup in Brazil and the death of author Gabriel Garcia Marquez. Environmental news recapped an earthquake that struck southern Mexico.
This document provides an introduction and literature review for a research paper that will examine inherent prejudices in refugee crises and policies using case studies of the current Syrian refugee crisis and World War II. The introduction outlines how the size and forced nature of recent migration flows have challenged global responses. The literature review discusses previous research on topics like state responsibility towards refugees, the role of international relations and institutions, and how examining past crises can inform understanding of current issues. The research will analyze primary and secondary sources to compare how Jewish refugees were treated in 1939 during World War II versus the post-war 1940s, focusing on responses from the US and UK.
The document provides a history of Côte d'Ivoire, from its origins as a French colony to its current civil war. It was once seen as a success story due to economic growth and ethnic inclusivity under its first president, but identity politics centered on Ivoirité led to conflict after his death in 1993. Subsequent coups and elections deepened divisions. The civil war that began in 2002 was rooted in politics but used ethnicity, pitting northern Muslims against southern Christians/Animists. The document examines Ivoirité's role in the conflict and considers options for lasting peace, such as transitional governance and identity reconstruction through civic nationalism.
This document provides an overview of a paper analyzing the Bracero Program from 1942-1964 through primary sources. The paper examines the working and living conditions of Mexican migrant workers in the program, who were excluded from New Deal labor protections. It also explores how the workers exhibited agency and their impact on Mexican-American immigration patterns. The document discusses the strengths and limitations of oral histories and documents from the Bracero History Archive that will be analyzed to address these topics. It also reviews the existing historiography on how Braceros have been portrayed and how this paper aims to take a balanced approach.
Presentation1- Application wk 1- Tortilla Soup as Cultural Tourism mfmagfrancisco
The document summarizes Lindenfeld's (2007) analysis of the film Tortilla Soup and how it depicts Latino stereotypes. Lindenfeld argues that the film presents a false view of Latino culture by exoticizing ethnicity and encouraging audiences to consume Latino culture as a commodity without understanding real issues of race. This erases individuality and promotes assimilation to white, mainstream values. The implications are that media portrayals like this normalize stereotypes which can lead to real discrimination.
The Dialectics of Black Revolution, by Chairman Omali YeshitelaRBG Communiversity
"The Dialectics of Black Revolution: The Struggle to Defeat the Counterinsurgency in the U.S." by Omali Yeshitela, Chairman of the African People s Socialist Party,
Gobierno de Maduro Gran Empresa CriminalAngel Monagas
Douglas Farah testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee about the deepening political and economic crisis in Venezuela and its implications. He made three key points:
1) Venezuela, under Hugo Chavez and now Nicolas Maduro, has formed an alliance with countries like Iran, Russia, Ecuador and Bolivia to oppose US influence in Latin America. This alliance has brought rising corruption, violence, and a breakdown of democratic norms.
2) Venezuela has become a gateway for Iran's expanding political and military activities in Latin America, in violation of international sanctions, and helped Iran pursue nuclear technology in Argentina. It has also expanded Russia's growing presence in the region.
3) The Bolivarian alliance poses a
Laura Linderfield examines the 2000 film "Tortilla Soup" to analyze how ethnic food films represent other cultures. Using critical textual analysis, she finds that the film portrays Mexican and Mexican American culture in superficial and stereotypical ways that comfort white audiences but do not further cultural understanding. Specifically, the film depicts the food, women, and Mexican American characters in ways that make whites comfortable while obscuring issues of racism and inequality. Linderfield argues this type of representation reduces other cultures to commodities for white consumption.
This document provides a summary of the challenges faced by migrant communities and students in the United States. It discusses the historical context of migrant worker programs such as the Bracero Program and current H-2A programs. It also examines challenges migrant students face such as academic and parental involvement barriers. The document concludes by outlining support programs that aim to help migrant students, including High School Equivalency Programs and the College Assistance Migrant Program.
International Viewpoint Iv405 October 2008international
This document is an issue of the International Viewpoint newsletter from October 2008. It contains several articles on international news and politics. The main article discusses Hugo Blanco, a Peruvian social activist who was arrested for supporting indigenous farmers in their land struggle against a wealthy landowner. His arrest sparked international protests and he was soon released. The article provides background on Blanco and the land dispute, and reports on the media and political reactions to his arrest.
The document summarizes the conflict in the Catatumbo region of Colombia stemming from the 2016 peace accord between the government and the FARC rebel group. As stipulated in the accord, the FARC disarmed in the region but the new right-wing president failed to support alternative crop programs or regional development as promised. As a result, some farmers resumed cocoa production and joined other active rebel groups like the ELN, EPL, and Los Rastrojos fighting over control of the lucrative cocoa fields and trafficking routes.
This document provides a summary of the historical context of migrant communities and education in the United States. It discusses programs that brought migrant workers to the US such as the Bracero Program from 1942-1964 which brought over 4.6 million Mexican workers. It also discusses challenges migrant students face such as academic and parental involvement challenges. The document concludes by discussing support programs for migrants including the High School Equivalency Program and College Assistance Migrant Program.
The document analyzes the 2001 film "Tortilla Soup" using ideological criticism. It discusses how the film portrays a Mexican-American family as middle-class, educated, English-speaking, and "legal" in order to make white American viewers feel comfortable experiencing Mexican culture without threatening stereotypes. By presenting a lighter-skinned, assimilated family, the film allows viewers to experience ethnicity from a safe distance without confronting actual racial diversity.
This document summarizes key points from The Harvest of Empire about the mistreatment of Latin Americans during the building of the American empire through manifest destiny. It discusses how white colonists viewed Latin Americans as inferior and used technology and religion to justify conquering their lands. This led to the annexation of Mexican territory after the Mexican-American War and a large influx of Latino immigrants. Over time, Latinos have become more educated and politically influential. However, anti-immigration legislation in the 2000s threatened to undermine the growing Latino community in the US. Latinos organized large protests in response, demonstrating their power as agents of change against oppression.
The Venezuelan government took several actions to control coverage of protests against President Maduro and the effort to remove him from office through a recall referendum. This included banning drone footage, expelling foreign journalists, arresting a reporter who shared a video of Maduro being heckled, and having a government official share an old photo on Twitter claiming it showed government supporters at a protest. An expert interviewed said these tactics went beyond the government's usual subtle censorship and showed they felt threatened by the large opposition protest.
The document discusses regular and irregular verb forms in English. It notes that regular verbs follow consistent patterns in their formations of different tenses, while irregular verbs do not. The document states that irregular verbs must be memorized individually due to variations in their forms across tenses, as opposed to regular verbs which can be formed systematically. It emphasizes the importance of being familiar with both regular and irregular verb conjugations in English.
Dokumen tersebut membahas tentang pandangan pengguna iOS terhadap jailbreak dan Cydia. Secara ringkas, dokumen menyatakan bahwa jailbreak dan Cydia tidak semata-mata digunakan untuk pembajakan, melainkan untuk memperluas fitur dan kustomisasi iOS sesuai keinginan pengguna.
La Unión Europea ha acordado un paquete de sanciones contra Rusia por su invasión de Ucrania. Las sanciones incluyen restricciones a las importaciones de productos rusos de alta tecnología y a las exportaciones de bienes de lujo a Rusia. Además, se congelarán los activos de varios oligarcas rusos y se prohibirá el acceso de los bancos rusos a los mercados financieros de la UE.
The document discusses the benefits of exercise for mental health. Regular physical activity can help reduce anxiety and depression and improve mood and cognitive functioning. Exercise causes chemical changes in the brain that may help boost feelings of calmness, happiness and focus.
This document defines functions for displaying numeric values on a 7-segment display using an Arduino. It sets latch, clock, and data pins as outputs to control the display. The disNum() function takes in a numeric value, position, and decimal flag and outputs the corresponding 7-segment display value. The showNum() function takes a double value, converts it to long, extracts each digit, and calls disNum() to display the number on the 7-segment display one position at a time.
ICT Innovaatioturnaus 2014 ehdotukset "Elisa Tunnistus" lisätiedot. Huom! Tämä ei ole esitys Elisan omasta olemassa olevasta tai tulevasta palvelusta, eikä kuvaa Elisan tarjoamaa palvelua millään tavoin. Kyseessä on kuvaus, miten Elisa Mobiilivarmenne voisi nivoutua suurempaan kokonaisuuteen ja on osa ICT Innovaatioturnaus 2014 kilpailuehdotelmaa.
The document is the user manual for the LCR-800 precision LCR meter. It describes safety instructions and provides an overview of the instrument's main features, front and rear panel layouts, power up sequence, fixture connections, and basic measurement functions. The manual contains information to help users safely operate and make measurements with the LCR-800.
Research study on dyslexia provision in the European workplaceJan Halfpenny MEd
In 2013 Halfpenny Development Ltd conducted pioneering research on dyslexia awareness in SMEs across Europe with the Employment Research Institute at Edinburgh Napier University. This presentation shows the survey results on workplace dyslexia provision in SMEs and
a summary of research findings from the ERI.
Dyslexia Plus - 3 common processing differences that commonly occur with dysl...Jan Halfpenny MEd
This short presentation looks at 3 commonly occurring processing differences present alongside dyslexia. Dyspraxia, ADHD and Meares-Irlen Syndrome are often part of the make-up of a dyslexic person but often missed by education professionals. The presentation looks briefly at the main behaviour associated and the difficulties they present.
UNITED AQUAFARM VENTURES INCORPORATED is a corporation duly registered with the Securities and Exchange Commission. The main line of business of this company is aquaculture mainly engaged in fish trading, food processing, buying and leasing areas for fish pond and fish cage construction. It also conducts seminars related to fish farming and aquaculture.
REWITE AN ESSAY FOR ME FOR 10$ DO NOT COPY AND PSTE BECAUSE I WILL U.docxcheryllwashburn
rewite an essay for me for 10$ do not copy and pste because i will use it on turnitin.com. it must not be plagerised
rewrite this
In the current essay we will analyze the case and identities though a social/political lens, describe a history of Latino ethnic labels in the US, and -Identify how this still relates to current socio-political issues affecting Latinos in the US, according to Suzanne Oboler (1995). “During June and July of 1942 the Los Angeles press began to build a “crime wave” among Mexican-American youth which was unsubstantiated by any official records. Stories of arrests were played up on the front pages. No mention was made of subsequent release for lack of any charge.”, according to Pagan, Eduardo O. (2000).
The Zoot Suit Riots were a series of riots in Los Angeles, USA in 1943. They inflamed during the Second World War between soldiers stationed in the city and Mexican-American youth gangs, led by so-called Pachucos, because of the Zoot Suits wore them, were known. On 3 June 1943, a group of soldiers complained that they had been assaulted during their shore leave from a pachuco gang. In response, gathered soldiers and went to downtown and to East LA, the center of the Mexican population. Upon their arrival they attacked all the men in Zoot suits, they found their way through these neighborhoods and destroyed many of you, the suits at bay in order to then burn them on the street. The police arrested the beat Americans of Mexican descent in several cases, for disturbing the peace, according to Ed Duran Ayres (1941).
Pachuco is the name of the stereotype that defined a young Mexican American (Chicano) that emerged in the mid 20’s who wore flashy clothes, which consisted of a suit with pants too loose, but tight in the waist and ankles, a long coat with wide lapels and broad shoulders, padded, called Zoot Suit, dressed in a hat decorated Italian style at times with a pen, wearing trousers with suspenders and adorned with long strings to one side, and was used with French-style shoes usually black and white bicolor. Some U.S. Hispanic gangs adopted the pachuco style, and most whites assumed that if someone dressed in that style was a member of that gang, according to Del Castillo, Richard Griswold “The Los Angeles “Zoot Suit Riots” revisited: Mexican and Latin American Perspectives” (2000). Several hundred Pachucos and nine soldiers were a result of the riots that took place during the following days incarcerated. Of the nine soldiers arrested eight dismissed without penalty – one of them had to pay a small fine. The Mexican-Americans fared worse, some died in custody since their injuries were not treated, others were convicted of crimes that could not be clearly demonstrated.
Finally, the government took on 7 June, one and stated that Los Angeles was closed effectively and immediately for all military personnel. In response to the riots Eleanor Roosevelt wrote in her weekly column about the problems facing .
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10. Internal Exiles: The Interventionist Public
and Performance Art of Asco
C. Ondine Chavoya
Asco (NAUSEA):
1, a feeling of sickness at the stomach, with an impulse to vomit
2, disgust; loathing
3. Gronk, Patssi, Gamboa, Herron
4. Collaborations 1972 thru 1976
-Harry Gamboa Jr. and Gronk in "Interview: Gronk and Gamboa"
Formed in the early 1970S by four Chicano artists from East Los Angeles, Asco set out ro
test the limits of art-its production, distribution, reception, and exhibition. As a col
laborative creative corps, the original members of Asco, Harry Gamboa Jr., Gronk,
Willie Herr6n, and Patssi Valdez,l engaged in performance, public art, and conceptual
multimedia art. The artists merged activism with performance in response ro this turbu
lent social and political period in Los Angeles and within the larger international con
text of alternative youth cultures and radical politics of the late 1960s and early 1970s.
Asco created art by any means necessary, often using their bodies and guerrilla, or
hit-and-run, tactics. The artists banded together through their shared sense of dis
placement and as an alternative to gangs, violence, and other negative elements affect
ing the community. Manifesting their ideas in the public arena of the streets, the
artists recognized the power ofpublic representation and documentation and expertly
learned to circumvent traditional institutions by creating alternative methods of ac
cess and distribution. Their work critically satirized and challenged the conventions of
modernist "high" art as well as those of "ethnic" or community-based art. The conno
tations of their self-adopted name, Asco, testifies to the initial effect of the group. Asco
189
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190 C. Ondine Chavoya
is Spanish for nausea or repulsion with the impulse to vomit. The name acknowledges
the response that their street and gallery work provoked, particularly from within the
Chicano art movement. Throughout the 1970S and into the 1980s, the Asco group ini
tiated urban street actions that critically interrogated the social space of Los Angeles.
Formed in the early 1970S by four Chicano artists from East Los Angeles, Asco set out
to explore and exploit the unlim ...
rewrite paper for 15$ 2-3 pages rewrite the following can not be pla.docxcheryllwashburn
rewrite paper for 15$ 2-3 pages rewrite the following can not be plagerised
In the current essay we will analyze the case and identities though a social/political lens, describe a history of Latino ethnic labels in the US, and -Identify how this still relates to current socio-political issues affecting Latinos in the US, according to Suzanne Oboler (1995). “During June and July of 1942 the Los Angeles press began to build a “crime wave” among Mexican-American youth which was unsubstantiated by any official records. Stories of arrests were played up on the front pages. No mention was made of subsequent release for lack of any charge.”, according to Pagan, Eduardo O. (2000).
The Zoot Suit Riots were a series of riots in Los Angeles, USA in 1943. They inflamed during the Second World War between soldiers stationed in the city and Mexican-American youth gangs, led by so-called Pachucos, because of the Zoot Suits wore them, were known. On 3 June 1943, a group of soldiers complained that they had been assaulted during their shore leave from a pachuco gang. In response, gathered soldiers and went to downtown and to East LA, the center of the Mexican population. Upon their arrival they attacked all the men in Zoot suits, they found their way through these neighborhoods and destroyed many of you, the suits at bay in order to then burn them on the street. The police arrested the beat Americans of Mexican descent in several cases, for disturbing the peace, according to Ed Duran Ayres (1941).
Pachuco is the name of the stereotype that defined a young Mexican American (Chicano) that emerged in the mid 20’s who wore flashy clothes, which consisted of a suit with pants too loose, but tight in the waist and ankles, a long coat with wide lapels and broad shoulders, padded, called Zoot Suit, dressed in a hat decorated Italian style at times with a pen, wearing trousers with suspenders and adorned with long strings to one side, and was used with French-style shoes usually black and white bicolor. Some U.S. Hispanic gangs adopted the pachuco style, and most whites assumed that if someone dressed in that style was a member of that gang, according to Del Castillo, Richard Griswold “The Los Angeles “Zoot Suit Riots” revisited: Mexican and Latin American Perspectives” (2000). Several hundred Pachucos and nine soldiers were a result of the riots that took place during the following days incarcerated. Of the nine soldiers arrested eight dismissed without penalty – one of them had to pay a small fine. The Mexican-Americans fared worse, some died in custody since their injuries were not treated, others were convicted of crimes that could not be clearly demonstrated.
Finally, the government took on 7 June, one and stated that Los Angeles was closed effectively and immediately for all military personnel. In response to the riots Eleanor Roosevelt wrote in her weekly column about the problems facing the Mexican-American community because of racism in the Unit.
WST . Chapter # 3.rtfdTXT.rtfThe Gendering of Human Rights.docxodiliagilby
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The Gendering of Human Rights
Chapter Goals
To understand the heroic actions of women in Latin America fighting for human rights in a period of time (1960-1980) when men and women were kidnapped, murdered, tortured, and disappeared in the hands of death squads and military dictatorships.
To contextualize Latin American women’s actions within the Cold War and the United States policy to stop the spread of communism in Latin America after the triumph of the Cuban Revolution.
To analyze how women’s action impacted Latin America democratization
To see how women’s actions impacted women’s lives and expanded the notion of feminism
To understand why more women than men joined the struggle in what is called “The Gendering of Human Rights.”
Introduction
See a picture of an indigenous woman from Andean Peru, holding a tiny photograph of a man in her hands, then she talks in Qechua with tears in her eyes but with a firm voice. She is a symbol for the tragedy of the “desaparecidos” (disappeared) in Latin America and the monumental women’s human rights movement confronting dictatorships and the danger of civil wars during the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Insert here
Definition of “Desaparecidos”
What is a “Desaparecido”
“Desaparecido” (disappeared) is an euphemism for death and implies the forced disappearance of an individual on ideological grounds by a government, military, or/and paramilitar forces. But it is also a heartbreaking uncertainty about the whereabouts of a loved one. Entire communities in Latin America lived that uncertainty and were never allowed to find closure. Ruben Blades, a Panamanian singer and songwriter popularized his song “Los Desaparecidos” as a homage to the hundred of thousands disappeared in Latin America. He says: “where does the disappeared go? Search in the waters and the wilderness. When does the disappeared come back? Every time the memory brings him/her back. And how does one talk to the disappeared? With emotions killing you inside.” (My translation from Spanish).
End box Here
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These were years of terror during which thousands of women and men were assassinated and thrown into mass graves, rivers, and oceans thus disappearing without trace. Dictators were strong, repressive, and immoral regimes supported by the United States in the context of the Cold War and aimed at crushing the political effervescent around the world and particularly in Latin America after the triumph of the Cuban Revolution.
Open Box Here
Cold War in Latin America
Operation Condor
After the Cuban Revolution, Latin America became an important theater of the Cold War and in the context of the United States back “Operation Condor” in South America. Operation Condor was cond ...
Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzales, a prominent Chicano civil rights activist, died at age 76 in his home in Denver, Colorado. As a leader in the Chicano movement starting in the 1960s, he founded the Crusade for Justice to advocate for Chicano nationalism and organized demonstrations against police brutality and the Vietnam War. He is perhaps best known for writing the epic poem "I am Joaquin" in 1965, which tells of the struggles faced by Mexican Americans and became an important work of the Chicano movement.
REWRITE THE FOLLOWING 3-4 PAGES CAN NOT BE PLAGERIZEDIn the cu.docxcheryllwashburn
REWRITE THE FOLLOWING 3-4 PAGES CAN NOT BE PLAGERIZED
In the current essay we will analyze the case and identities though a social/political lens, describe a history of Latino ethnic labels in the US, and -Identify how this still relates to current socio-political issues affecting Latinos in the US, according to Suzanne Oboler (1995). “During June and July of 1942 the Los Angeles press began to build a “crime wave” among Mexican-American youth which was unsubstantiated by any official records. Stories of arrests were played up on the front pages. No mention was made of subsequent release for lack of any charge.”, according to Pagan, Eduardo O. (2000).
The Zoot Suit Riots were a series of riots in Los Angeles, USA in 1943. They inflamed during the Second World War between soldiers stationed in the city and Mexican-American youth gangs, led by so-called Pachucos, because of the Zoot Suits wore them, were known. On 3 June 1943, a group of soldiers complained that they had been assaulted during their shore leave from a pachuco gang. In response, gathered soldiers and went to downtown and to East LA, the center of the Mexican population. Upon their arrival they attacked all the men in Zoot suits, they found their way through these neighborhoods and destroyed many of you, the suits at bay in order to then burn them on the street. The police arrested the beat Americans of Mexican descent in several cases, for disturbing the peace, according to Ed Duran Ayres (1941).
Pachuco is the name of the stereotype that defined a young Mexican American (Chicano) that emerged in the mid 20’s who wore flashy clothes, which consisted of a suit with pants too loose, but tight in the waist and ankles, a long coat with wide lapels and broad shoulders, padded, called Zoot Suit, dressed in a hat decorated Italian style at times with a pen, wearing trousers with suspenders and adorned with long strings to one side, and was used with French-style shoes usually black and white bicolor. Some U.S. Hispanic gangs adopted the pachuco style, and most whites assumed that if someone dressed in that style was a member of that gang, according to Del Castillo, Richard Griswold “The Los Angeles “Zoot Suit Riots” revisited: Mexican and Latin American Perspectives” (2000). Several hundred Pachucos and nine soldiers were a result of the riots that took place during the following days incarcerated. Of the nine soldiers arrested eight dismissed without penalty – one of them had to pay a small fine. The Mexican-Americans fared worse, some died in custody since their injuries were not treated, others were convicted of crimes that could not be clearly demonstrated.
Finally, the government took on 7 June, one and stated that Los Angeles was closed effectively and immediately for all military personnel. In response to the riots Eleanor Roosevelt wrote in her weekly column about the problems facing the Mexican-American community because of racism in the United States. There was.
Civil resistance movements in several countries successfully overthrew dictatorships in nonviolent ways. In Portugal in 1974, a nonviolent popular uprising and general strike supported by the army overthrew the authoritarian regime. In Uruguay from 1983-1984, a small nonviolent human rights group organized strikes and demonstrations that eventually led to free elections and the end of the dictatorship. In Tunisia in 2010-2011, mass nonviolent protests in response to economic and political issues grew large enough that the army eventually refused to support the regime, leading the dictator to flee and free elections.
Gestion de proyectos Actividades No LucrativasAlex Vogager
Este documento discute cómo mejorar la eficacia en la gestión de proyectos en las fundaciones. Explica que la gestión por proyectos es una forma efectiva de implementar cambios organizativos. También describe las características de los proyectos, la importancia de distinguirlos de los procesos, y ofrece consejos prácticos como definir objetivos claros, planificar de manera realista, liderar y motivar al equipo, y satisfacer a los destinatarios. Además, explica las etapas del ciclo de vida de un proyecto
HTML5 (HyperText Markup Language, versión 5) es la quinta revisión importante del lenguaje básico de la World Wide Web, HTML. HTML5 especifica dos variantes de sintaxis para HTML: una «clásica», HTML (text/html), conocida como HTML5, y una variante XHTML conocida como sintaxis XHTML5 que deberá servirse con sintaxis XML (application/xhtml+xml).
Este documento presenta un seminario-taller sobre la elaboración de planes de negocio. En la primera parte, se discute sobre el emprendedor, incluyendo las razones para emprender, las características de un emprendedor y los tipos de emprendedores. La segunda parte trata sobre el plan de negocio, su estructura e importancia. La tercera parte detalla la estructura de un plan de negocio, incluyendo el resumen ejecutivo, análisis del entorno, plan estratégico, plan de marketing y plan financiero. El document
Regalos obscenos: lo que no pudo esconder el Pacto contra MéxicoAlex Vogager
Este libro cumple así una doble función: es un proyecto editorial que rompe la escasa tradición del Congreso mexicano de dejar testimonio escrito de los temas relevantes que formaron parte de su agenda legislativa; pero también es un informe de trabajo que da cuenta de un empeño: que la Cámara de Diputados fiscalizara el conflicto de interés en que –según todas las evidencias– incurrió el presidente de la República, cuando un empresario de la construcción, beneficiario de grandes contratos de obra pública, vendió a la esposa del presidente la Casa Blanca de las Lomas de Chapultepec.
Ésta es una publicación gratuita y es cortesía de La Cámara de Diputados LXII Legislatura y Para Leer en Libertad AC.
Este documento presenta el prólogo de la primera edición del Libro Azul de Alcohólicos Anónimos de 1939. Explica que más de 100 hombres y mujeres que sufrían de alcoholismo lograron recuperarse siguiendo el método descrito en el libro. El propósito del libro es informar a otros alcohólicos cómo lograron recuperarse. También incluye una carta de un médico prestigioso que respalda los resultados obtenidos por los miembros de Alcohólicos Anónimos.
Presupuesto de Egresos Mexico 2015 Diario OficialAlex Vogager
Diario Oficial del 3 de Diciembre 2014 Presupuesto de Egresos (Gastos) Multimillonarios de el Gobierno de Enrique Peña Nieto lo más sobresaliente de este documento es la autorización de los mejores sueldos en todo el mundo a Jueces de SCJN Judicatura Magistrados tan solo una demostración de como los servidores públicos en México bajo el amparo de la Ley tienen sumido al ciudadano en pobreza extrema mientras ellos cobran como magnates, en el art 2 se puede observar que no les importa el deficit presupuestario jamas se bajaran un peso de su sueldo estos gobernantes del PRI PAN PVEM
Revista Proceso 1987 Proyecto en Picada dos años de el Gobierno Corrupto de Enrique Peña Nieto demuestran que es un tipo cínico y despiadado que Gobierna a México como un Negocio de el y sus amigos Empresarios de Televisa TV Azteca OHL etc.
La Unión Europea ha propuesto un nuevo paquete de sanciones contra Rusia que incluye un embargo al petróleo. El embargo se aplicaría gradualmente durante seis meses para el crudo y ocho meses para los productos refinados. Además, se desconectará a más bancos rusos del sistema SWIFT y se sancionará a más individuos.
La Unión Europea ha anunciado nuevas sanciones contra Rusia por su invasión de Ucrania. Las sanciones incluyen prohibiciones de viaje y congelamiento de activos para más funcionarios rusos, así como restricciones a las importaciones de productos rusos de acero y tecnología. Los líderes de la UE esperan que estas medidas adicionales aumenten la presión económica sobre Rusia y la disuadan de continuar su guerra contra Ucrania.
Senado Avalan en lo general la Ley de Ingresos para 2015Alex Vogager
Con 86 votos en pro, 25 en contra y dos abstenciones el Pleno del Senado avaló en lo general y en los artículos no reservados, el dictamen que expide la Ley de Ingresos para el Ejercicio Fiscal de 2015, que prevé recaudar 4 billones 694 mil 677.4 millones de pesos (mdp), de los cuales 2 billones 904 mil 011.8 mdp corresponden a ingresos del Gobierno Federal; 1 billón 118 mil 070.6 mdp a ingresos de organismos y empresas, y 672 mil 595.0 mdp a financiamientos.
Consulta el dictamen completo por el que se Expide la Ley de Ingresos de la Federación para el Ejercicio Fiscal 2015
De la minuta de la Cámara de Diputados, se conserva el monto autorizado de endeudamiento interno de hasta 595 mil mdp y se autoriza un monto de endeudamiento neto externo de 6 mil millones de dólares, permitiendo que el Ejecutivo Federal pueda contratar más deuda externa por encima de los techos autorizados para el endeudamiento interno y externo, pero manteniendo el endeudamiento global.
Acuerdos Ayotzinapa Mensaje de EPN 29 Octubre 2014Alex Vogager
ENRIQUE PEÑA NIETO PRESIDENTE DE LOS ESTADOS UNIDOS MEXICANOS. MIGUEL ÁNGEL OSORIO CHONG, SECRETARIO DE GOBERNACIÓN. JESÚS MURILLO KARAM, PROCURADOR GENERAL DE LA REPÚBLICA. LICENCIADO HUMBERTO CASTILLEJOS CERVANTES, CONSEJERO JURÍDICO DEL EJECUTIVO FEDERAL. MAESTRO AURELIO NUÑO MAYER, JEFE DE LA OFICINA DE LA PRESIDENCIA DE LA REPÚBLICA.
POR LA COMISIÓN DE LAS 43 FAMILIAS MELITÓN ORTEGA CARLOS JOSÉ ALFREDO GALINDREZ ARAUJO
BERNABÉ ABRAJÁN GASPAR FELIPE DE LA CRUZ SANDOVAL
EPIFANIO ÁLVAREZ CARBAJAL BLANCA LUZ NAVA VÉLEZ MARIO CÉSAR GONZÁLEZ CONTRERAS HILDA HERNÁNDEZ RIVERAPOR EL COMITÉ ESTUDIANTIL DE AYOTZINAPA GUERRERO DAVID FLORES MALDONADO AGUSTÍN CHOCOLATE SALAZARMANUEL VÁZQUEZ ARELLANO
El Terror en Ayotzinapa Guerrero México IgualaAlex Vogager
La Unión Europea ha acordado un paquete de sanciones contra Rusia por su invasión de Ucrania. Las sanciones incluyen restricciones a las transacciones con bancos rusos clave y la prohibición de la venta de aviones y equipos a Rusia. Los líderes de la UE esperan que las sanciones aumenten la presión económica sobre Rusia y la disuadan de continuar su agresión contra Ucrania.
México Carta a Miguel Angel Osorio Chong sobre desapariciones hrw.orgAlex Vogager
El documento describe una carta de Human Rights Watch al Secretario de Gobernación de México expresando preocupación por la falta de progreso del gobierno en abordar las desapariciones forzadas. Señala que el gobierno ha dado cifras contradictorias sobre el número de personas desaparecidas y que su base de datos sobre casos no provee suficiente información. Además, critica que los esfuerzos del gobierno para encontrar personas desaparecidas han tenido resultados limitados a pesar de algunas iniciativas prometedoras.
Este documento presenta una lista de 175 métodos de acción no violenta organizados en 6 categorías: A) Métodos de protesta y persuasión, B) Métodos de no cooperación social, C) Métodos de no cooperación económica, D) Huelgas, E) Métodos de no cooperación política y F) Métodos de intervención no violenta. Describe brevemente cada método, que incluyen declaraciones, comunicaciones, gestiones colectivas, actos simbólicos, boicots, huelgas, desobediencia civil y ocupaciones pacíficas. El document
Libertad de Expresión UNESCO Caja de HerramentasAlex Vogager
El documento habla sobre los desafíos que enfrentan las empresas para implementar sistemas de inteligencia artificial éticos y justos. Menciona que es difícil crear modelos de IA que sean completamente imparciales y que traten a todas las personas de manera igualitaria, debido a los sesgos presentes en los datos de entrenamiento. También señala la necesidad de que las compañías realicen auditorías regulares para identificar y corregir cualquier sesgo o discriminación en sus sistemas de IA.
04062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
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Here is Gabe Whitley's response to my defamation lawsuit for him calling me a rapist and perjurer in court documents.
You have to read it to believe it, but after you read it, you won't believe it. And I included eight examples of defamatory statements/
Essential Tools for Modern PR Business .pptxPragencyuk
Discover the essential tools and strategies for modern PR business success. Learn how to craft compelling news releases, leverage press release sites and news wires, stay updated with PR news, and integrate effective PR practices to enhance your brand's visibility and credibility. Elevate your PR efforts with our comprehensive guide.
El Puerto de Algeciras continúa un año más como el más eficiente del continente europeo y vuelve a situarse en el “top ten” mundial, según el informe The Container Port Performance Index 2023 (CPPI), elaborado por el Banco Mundial y la consultora S&P Global.
El informe CPPI utiliza dos enfoques metodológicos diferentes para calcular la clasificación del índice: uno administrativo o técnico y otro estadístico, basado en análisis factorial (FA). Según los autores, esta dualidad pretende asegurar una clasificación que refleje con precisión el rendimiento real del puerto, a la vez que sea estadísticamente sólida. En esta edición del informe CPPI 2023, se han empleado los mismos enfoques metodológicos y se ha aplicado un método de agregación de clasificaciones para combinar los resultados de ambos enfoques y obtener una clasificación agregada.
An astonishing, first-of-its-kind, report by the NYT assessing damage in Ukraine. Even if the war ends tomorrow, in many places there will be nothing to go back to.
Acolyte Episodes review (TV series) The Acolyte. Learn about the influence of the program on the Star Wars world, as well as new characters and story twists.
Crisis in mexico Enrique Peña Nieto, and mexico's infrarrealistas
1. Save paper and follow @newyorker on Twitter
NEWS DESK
DECEMBER 4, 2014
Crisis in Mexico: An Infrarrealista
Revolution
BY FRANCISCO GOLDMAN
The informal nationwide civic movement that has emerged in Mexico in response to the
disappearance of forty-three students is propelled by people and groups with all kinds of
agendas and ambitions.
PHOTOGRAPH BY ALEJANDRO ACOSTA / REUTERS
This is the fourth part in Francisco Goldman’s series on the recent upheaval
in Mexico. He has also written “The Disappearance of the Forty Three
(http://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/crisis-mexico-disappearance-
I
forty-three),” “Could Mexico’s Missing Students Spark a
Revolution (http://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/crisis-mexico-forty-
three-missing-students-spark-revolution)?,” and “The Protests for
the Missing Forty Three (http://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/
crisis-mexico-protests-missing-forty-three).”
n mid November, three caravans converged on Mexico City, led by
family members of the forty-three students from the Ayotzinapa
Normal School whose abduction, in late September, has led to
nationwide protests. One caravan was coming directly from Guerrero
State, where the students disappeared, another from the state of
2. Chiapas, and another from the city of Atenco, in Mexico State, the
site of the most notorious act of violent government repression
committed by Enrique Peña Nieto, Mexico’s current President, in
2006, when he was governor there. The plan was for the caravans to
come together and for the travellers to lead a giant march on
November 20th.
The kidnapping is now known to have been carried about by the
municipal police of Iguala, Guerrero, on orders from the city’s mayor.
According to the government, the police handed the students over to
a local narco gang, which murdered them and burned their remains in
the Cocula municipal dump. This scenario is still awaiting forensic
confirmation, and the families of the missing students, and many
others, do not accept it. “They were taken alive, we want them back
alive!’ remains one of the most common chants at the marches. “It was
the state!” and “Peña Out!” are also staple slogans.
As the caravans approached Mexico City, President Peña Nieto, along
with members and supporters of his PRI government, began issuing
statements and warnings that seemed to signal an aggressive new
strategy to counter the protests. On November seventeenth, Beatriz
Pagés Rebollar, the country’s Secretary of Culture, published an
editorial on the PRI’s official website. “The chain of protests and acts
of vandalism—perfectly well orchestrated—replicated in various parts
of the country, demonstrate that the disappearances and probable
extermination of the 43 normal-school students were part of a
strategic trap aimed at Mexico,” she wrote. “All these activists and
propagandists have the same modus operandi.” Pagés included
opposition media on her list of these activists and propagandists,
accusing them of fraudulently confusing Mexicans into believing that
the students’ disappearance “was a crime of state, as if the Mexican
government gave the order to exterminate them.”
Two days later, Carlos Alazraki, a veteran PRI insider and an
3. Two days later, Carlos Alazraki, a veteran PRI insider and an
advertising executive who has worked on the election campaigns of
several of the party’s Presidential candidates, published an editorial
(http://razon.com.mx/spip.php?
page=columnista&id_article=236454) entitled “Open Letter to All
Normal Mexicans (Like You)” in the newspaper La Razón. “46 days
ago, two bands, students and Iguala narcos, got into a brawl,” he
wrote. “There are varying versions of what happened. . . . That one
[band] were guerrillas, the other narcos. One or the other wanted to
run the whole region.” Since the start of the “narco war,” in 2006,
equating victims’ criminality with that of narcos has been a routine
pro-government strategy. Such insinuations characterized many of
PRI supporters’ early responses to the crime in Iguala. Alazraki
closed, “Dear comemierdas. I curse the hour in which you were born.
You’re murderers. You hate Mexico. And to finish, let me remind you
that violence generates violence. Don’t be shocked if the federal
government responds.”
The day before, in Mexico State, President Peña Nieto said in a
speech, “There are protests that are not clear in their objectives. They
appear to respond to an interest in causing destabilization, generating
social disorder and, above all, in attacking the national project that
we’ve been constructing.” Just a few days before that, he’d warned
(http://revoluciontrespuntocero.com/el-estado-esta-legitimamente-facultado-
de-hacer-uso-de-la-fuerza-advierte-pena-audio/) that the
state is legitimately empowered to employ force to impose order.
Peña Nieto often speaks like an actor playing a stereotypical President
on a television show: talking about the legitimate use of force as
though phrases like that have a magical power to insulate him from
the squalid realities of authoritarian power brutally and lawlessly
wielded, and of a government hopelessly compromised. (Jon Lee
Anderson recently wrote about Peña Nieto
(http://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/murder-moment-
4. change-mexico).) When a President like that speaks of the legitimate
use of power and describes protesters as threats to a “national project,”
what people hear are threats to wield that power violently and
arbitrarily.
I
n the late afternoon hours of November 20th, people began to
gather at various spots in Mexico City to meet the three
Ayotzinapa caravans for the march that would converge in the
Zócalo, the main plaza of Mexico City. That night, I went to the
march with some friends and neighbors. By the monument El Ángel,
I saw an elderly woman holding a hand-drawn sign that read, “Yes,
I’m afraid! I tremble, sweat, turn pale, but I march! For Ayotzi, for me,
for you, for Mexico.” As Ayotzinapa family members and students
and other members of the Guerrero caravan were led to the front of
the march, people chanted, “You’re not alone.” In the Ayotzinapa
group was a young woman who held a swaddled baby and sobbing as
she walked forward. There were machete-wielding peasant farmers
from Atenco mounted on horseback. I saw many middle-class
families, including children. Raucous contingents of university
students joined too, of course. It seemed as if every imaginable group
and sub-group, large and tiny, that exists in Mexico City was present.
For a while, we marched between a contingent from a capoeira school
and a marijuana-legalization group. I saw a nearly seven-foot-tall
young man with long, blond hair, marching in the nude and holding
up a sign that read “Sweden is Watching.” Many protesters shouted
counts up to forty-three, followed by “Justicia!” “#YaMeCansé” was
scrawled on countless signs, followed by whatever that marcher had
“had enough” of. For instance, “#YaMeCansé of the war against those
of us raising our voices. The criminals are the politicians!” Many
chants were inventive or cheerfully obscene or sexual. The larger
contingents, from universities and secondary schools, used rope
barriers to cordon themselves off from infiltrators. People shouted at
marchers wearing masks to uncover their faces. The masked marchers
5. were presumed to be possible members of anarchist groups, or even
provocateurs who would provide the police with a justification for
responding with violence.
Usually, the main significance of a march is simply that it took place:
that people took the time to walk in protest or support of something,
because it felt like the right outlet for their indignation or approval.
But sometimes a march makes concrete a moment of collective
cultural expression that can be harder to put into words. This march
was an expression of Mexico City—of a way its residents like to think
of themselves—in full flower. But it was also a manifestation of a
discernible change that seems to be taking place throughout Mexico.
When a friend said that he “could feel Mexico on the move” at
the march (http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2014-11-
21/thousands-protest-in-mexico-city-s-streets-for-missing-students.
html), he didn’t seem, to me, to be exaggerating. We didn’t
reach the Zócalo until about three hours after the first marchers. By
then, the podium where the Ayotzinapa family members had
addressed the rally was dark and empty, and I saw no sign of the giant
effigy of Peña Nieto that had been set aflame
(http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2014/11/20/247619/protesters-firebomb-
police-try.html), photos of which were featured, the next
day, in media reports all around the world.
As had occurred at the end of the previous march, a small group of
anarchists (or perhaps government provocateurs) clustered in front of
one door of the National Palace, apparently battling a line of armored
riot police. From the distant, opposite end of the vast plaza, we could
hear and see explosions and flashes, presumably from Molotov
cocktails, perhaps also from tear-gas canisters fired by police. A dark
mass of thousands still mulled in the Zócalo, many slowly moving
toward the streets exiting the plaza. The reporter in me wanted to get
a closer look at the conflagration, but the people I was with didn’t
want to go any nearer. I left them waiting, and I’d walked perhaps
6. fifty yards when I suddenly heard loud bangs and screams and sensed
panic surging through the crowd. I turned around and walking back,
as swiftly as I could, to where I’d left my group. When I reached
them, Nayeli, a twelve-year-old girl who is our upstairs neighbor,
grabbed my hand. All around us, people were now running out of the
plaza, faster and with growing panic. The situation was rife with all
the danger of becoming a stampede
(http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2011/02/07/crush-point). We
made our way through the darkened streets, navigating down the
blocks that seemed emptiest, until we finally found a taxi.
It wasn’t until the next morning that I began learning about what had
happened that night in the Zócalo and the surrounding streets,
including those we’d fled through. A large number of Mexico City
police had suddenly emerged from the shadows on the Cathedral side
of the Zócalo and charged the protesters. All around the plaza, they
blocked off streets, trapping thousands inside a circle that, it turned
out, we’d just escaped. Eventually, eleven protesters were arrested, but
many more were beaten, clubbed, and kicked. It seems that none of
the eleven who were arrested were among those who’d been attacking
the palace, hurling Molotovs, or otherwise battling the police. Some
were arrested while fleeing the plaza, and others in the streets around
it. Witnesses used smart phones to film some of the arrests. Most of
the arrested were university students. Most had begun to run from the
Zócalo, like so many others in the crowd, swept up in the panic. A
thirty-one-year-old named Liliana Garduño Ortega, who had been
photographing the protest, fell down in the stampede. The next
moment, police began clubbing her and kicking her in the head, and
then arrested her. Hillary Analí González Olguín, a twenty-two-year-old
university student at the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de
México (UNAM), was also beaten and arrested after falling down. An
art student named Atzín Andrade, twenty-nine, had become
separated from his friends and was waiting for them by a flagpole
when police grabbed him. Luis Carlos Pichardo, a fifty-five-year-old
7. filmmaker, and Laurence Maxwell Ilaboca, forty-seven, a Chilean
doing postgraduate studies in the Department of Philosophy and
Letters at UNAM, were among the arrested. None of the eleven had
any previous record.
The Mexico City police turned them over to federal authorities, and
they were formally accused of attempted homicide, criminal
association, and rioting. They were then transferred to federal prisons
in Veracruz and Nayarít. According to their lawyers and human-rights
A
groups, the eleven were beaten, tortured, and denied due
process. José Alberto, a twenty-one-year-old merchant, didn’t even
know (http://www.animalpolitico.com/2014/11/20novmx-era-manifestante-
pero-la-policia-lo-detuvo-golpeo-y-abandono-inconsciente-
en-la-calle/) that there were going to be protests in the
Zócalo that night when he arranged to meet his wife, Tamara, there.
They became caught in the crowd that was charged by police. Both
were beaten (his beating was especially bad) by at least ten police; he
was taken to a police bus, beaten some more, and received ten or
fifteen shocks, he said, from an electric prod, after which he lost
consciousness. He was found lying unconscious in Corregidora Street
in the early morning hours, and was then taken to a hospital.
The day after the march, President Peña Nieto thanked Mexico City’s
mayor, Miguel Ánhel Mancera, and his police for their coöperation
with federal authorities in upholding order in the Zócalo.
few days later, an old friend of mine, Paloma Díaz, contacted me
because one of the eleven, Atzín Andrade, is one of her students
at La Esmeralda, the public national arts university. She drove me out
to the campus, south of the city. Paloma and the school’s director,
Carla Rippey, whom I’d never met, were close to the Chilean writer
Roberto Bolaño during the years he spent in Mexico City in his
youth; probably there is nobody now living in the city who knew him
better. Bolaño wrote infatuated infrarrealista poems for a teen-aged
8. Paloma; in “Savage Detectives
(http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2007/03/26/vagabonds),”
Rippey is the inspiration for the character Catalina O’Hara, a
beautiful United States-born artist living in Mexico.
Bolaño was a leftist who disdained the established left, its
orthodoxies, politicians, and political parties. In the early nineteen-seventies,
he led a group of poets who believed that life in Mexico and
in the rest of Latin America was so violent and absurd that poets
needed to subvert reality and realism—as well as élitist literary
hierarchies—even more than the surrealists had. That attitude has
been very much in the air since the Ayotzinapa incident. Indeed,
in Reforma
(http://www.reforma.com/aplicacioneslibre/preacceso/articulo/default.aspx?
id=51174&urlredirect=http://www.reforma.com/aplicaciones/editoriales/editorial.aspx?
id=51174) earlier this week, the anthropologist and writer Roger
Bartra, who is relatively conservative among Mexico’s most prominent
public intellectuals, christened “the heterogeneous and radical protest
movement that has unleashed massive marches in Mexico City” as
“the infrarrealista left.” He chose that name, he writes, “not
pejoratively,” but “because this left seems to flow beneath political
realities, carving tunnels to topple the government and undermining
the cement of a system it considers corrupt and repressive,” just as, he
writes, Bolaño and his compatriots sought to “subvert a literary order
they considered oppressive.” Mexico’s most lauded group of young
journalist-writers—a group (nominally led by Diego Osorno
(http://www.diegoeosorno.com/)) who have stripped away the
reportorial clichés of the narco war and brought its previously hidden
human realities to readers—also refer to themselves
as infrarrealista journalists.
The protests over the missing Ayotzinapa students, Paloma told me,
were the first in recent memory in which students of the highly
selective Esmeralda had fully participated. In the past, she said,
9. postmodern ironies and theorizing have engaged them far more than
political involvement. She added that it was amusing to see art
students who have devoted their nascent careers to conceptual
performance and technological videos struggle to paint posters and
banners, many of them reading “43 + 11.” Rippey said that the arrest
of the easy-going Atzín Andrade—who had been attending his first-ever
protest march and who was being held in a federal prison on
charges of “attempted homicide”—had driven home to the students
that what had happened to him could happen to any of them. Rippey
said that it was important, too, to temper her students’ passions. “This
is a free public university,” she said, “and that was a great
accomplishment. There are things in Mexico to be grateful for.”
Frida Mendoza Chavez, a bright and energetic twenty-four-year-old
student leader, told me, “As a student at this school, I belong to a
structure that the government created and that allows me to believe in
a sense of community inside of it. Allowing us to have that place in
society also provides us with critical criteria to support institutional
legality. From here we have a right to say that we can’t permit any
more societal injustice, any more injustice toward humanity. But real
reforms have to come from the trenches, where we know where we
stand as a country. How can they come from the corridors of power?
How can [the President] clean up anything when he himself is a
product of corruption and impunity?”
Mendoza’s eloquent speech (“That came out sounding good!” she
exclaimed happily) reflected what, to me at least, is one of the most
important and overlooked aspects of this so-called “Mexican
moment.” The informal nationwide civic movement that has emerged
is, undoubtedly, infrarrealista in many ways; it is propelled by people
and groups with all kinds of agendas and ambitions, including the
most intransigent or irrational ones. But, from what I’ve observed, it is
incorrect to portray it—as the government’s supporters, and some
eminent intellectual observers, do—either as a movement for radical
10. or violent Communist revolution or else as an unfocussed mass of
rabble-rousers who think that merely marching constitutes a
movement.
In recent days, a group of Mexican artists released a video
(http://revoluciontrespuntocero.com/artistas-mexicanos-piden-al-mundo-
suspender-tratados-con-mexico-hasta-que-cumpla-sus-obligaciones-
fotos-y-video/) called “What’s Happening in Mexico.
Why We Say #YaMeCansé,” which powerfully condenses the causes
and aims of the emerging movement. A written statement
accompanying the video describes it as a response to “the critical
situation in which the lives of so many Mexicans have fallen, who
have to deal every day with the impunity, impotence and danger that
comes with living in a country that doesn’t provide security, governed
by a state that, far from preoccupying itself with imparting justice,
colludes closely with organized crime and, on top of everything else,
is determined to hide the truth of these facts.” The artists suggest the
creation of a “Citizens Institute empowered to audit the state and
begin creating the conditions that can bring justice to the citizens of
Mexico.”
Nearly a year ago, in February, after Joaquín (El Chapo) Guzmán
(http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/05/05/the-hunt-for-el-chapo),
the drug lord at the head of the powerful Sinaloa cartel, was
captured, Edgardo Buscaglia, a Mexican security expert and senior
research scholar at Columbia Law School, commented, “El Chapo
and his people in Sinaloa had hundreds of Mexican politicians in
their pockets. Let’s see if they arrest any of them now.” Of course they
haven’t. Buscaglia said that as long as the chains of complicity
between politicians and narco lords weren’t interrupted, the narco war
could be considered lost. The Ayotzinapa tragedy made those chains
starkly clear.
Meanwhile, the clearest example of corruption in Mexico at the
11. Meanwhile, the clearest example of corruption in Mexico at the
moment seems to be President Peña Nieto himself. He cannot
credibly explain how a relatively young civil servant from a middle-class
family has managed to accumulate as much wealth as he has.
The most publicized (though not the only) evidence of this wealth is
the seven-million-dollar mansion that the President says belongs to
his wife, a soap-opera star who hasn’t worked since 2007. The title on
the house is owned by a construction corporation that has won
contracts (some of them controversial) from Peña Nieto’s
administrations during both his governorship and his Presidency. Last
week, when given an award by the Committee to Protect Journalists
for his lifetime contribution to the freedom of the press, Jorge Ramos,
the Univision broadcaster, spoke about Peña Nieto in a way that no
broadcaster, and very few Mexican politicians, has dared. “Can you
imagine what would happen here in the United States if a
government contractor secretly financed the private home of Michelle
Obama? Well . . . that is what’s happening in Mexico and, believe it or
not, there’s not even one independent investigation being held to look
into this matter,” he said. “That’s not saving Mexico. That’s
corruption.”
On November 27th, Peña Nieto announced ten measures intended to
pull Mexico out of its current crisis. He suggested disbanding the
country’s municipal forces and uniting them under the control of state
police. He suggested a national emergency telephone number. He
revived the idea of strengthening the anti-corruption prosecutor. The
proposals, however fell flat, and were mostly derided in Mexico and
abroad. If state police are corrupt, too—and so are the federal police
—what good can it do to put them under the same command? As the
popular radio host Sopitas commented, “If first you don’t effectively
clean up corruption, uniting the police is the equivalent of
institutionalizing the narco police.” Others said that a national
emergency number, because of organized-crime corruption, would
only serve to alert narco groups of actions being taken against them.
12. Peña Nieto’s measures admitted no culpability on his government’s
part, and no member of his cabinet was made to resign over the
handling of the crisis. No concrete anti-corruption measures were
taken against top-tier politicians. Then again, how can Peña Nieto
take on government corruption and impunity when he has become
the most obvious symbol of those ills?
On Saturday, November 29th, a federal judge freed the eleven people
arrested on November 20th, saying that there was absolutely no
evidence to support the charges against them. It was a sharp rebuke to
the government, and a victory for all those who had protested and
denounced the arrests. On December 1st, the second anniversary of
his Presidency, Peña Nieto was greeted by a poll that showed his
approval rating at thirty-nine per cent, the lowest for any Mexican
President since 1995, following Mexico’s disastrous peso devaluation.
That night, there was another massive protest in the capital. To avoid
the police trap provided by the geography of the Zócalo, the usual
direction of the march was reversed, to proceed from the Zócalo to El
Ángel. It seemed that it would be easier for crowds to disperse from
the multi-spoked traffic rotary surrounding the monument, with
streets leading into a busy commercial and tourist zone. Violent
anarchists, about thirty in number, showed up again, providing police
with pretexts to attack non-violent bystanders. A smart-phone video
(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I3t3-rfc9JI) shared on social
media shows a police commander using violent language and ordering
his men to grab anyone they see running. A number of people,
including women, were beaten. Maps of the surrounding streets,
marking in red areas that protestors heading home should
avoid, circulated on Twitter. A crowd of about a hundred protesters
was about to be engulfed by police when a group from the city’s
human-rights commission showed up and formed a human cordon to
protect them. The protesters chanted against violence while the
human-rights workers walked them to a subway station.
13. FRANCISCO GOLDMAN
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