The region represents a great opportunity to research the common security challenges of
Central Asian countries, which require regional cooperation. Security issues connected with vulnerability of Central Asian countries into natural hazards and complex emergencies (that may derive from territorial disputes, ethnic violence, drug trafficking, combating against terrorism and extremism) equally
proves that regional cooperation is necessary to solve common problems. Moreover, from cultural and
traditional context, Central Asia has shared common past and heritage which would serve as driving
force for regional integration process.
When Soviet Union collapsed most scholars argued that the region finally would develop independent. However, historical analysis of the post-Soviet period shows that geopolitical interest of world
powers did not disappear. To some extent historical overlords of Central Asia (Russia and China) regained their geopolitical position through creating economic and military institutions with the participation of Central Asian countries. In this respect, this research paper focuses on analysis of interplay
between China and Russia in Post-Soviet Central Asia, their role of regional stability and economic
growth. Finally, paper also considers important to investigate the role of USA and the EU for Central
Asia region, including where the EU and USA can have more space for cooperation.
The EU engagement in democracy promotion in post-Soviet Central Asia: the cas...Przegląd Politologiczny
When Soviet Union collapsed, there were different hypothesis regarding democratic reforms and political system changes in Kyrgyzstan. It was believed that Kyrgyzstan would develop its
independent policy and democratic governance. Since early 1990s European countries through OSCE,
and later through the EU launched development projects have been playing central role in democracy
promotion and civil society development in Central Asia. At the same time, as analysis show geopolitical interests of neighboring powerful states such as Russia and China increased in the region, which resulted the creation of regional institutions such as Shanhai Cooperation Organization (SCO), Collective
Security Organization (CSO), Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and Silk Road Belt Initiative (SRBI).
While being the fully-fledged member of China and Russia led regional institutions, Kyrgyzstan is under heavy political and economic influence. Besides, human rights situation in Kyrgyzstan like in other
Central Asian countries has been deteriorating for last few years.
Thus, the research paper focuses on interplay between Russia and China for geopolitical dominance
in the region, including how it negatively influences for political volatility, civil society suppression and
deterioration of human rights issues. Paper equally analyzes European countries engagement in human
rights and democracy promotion in Kyrgyzstan. The research considers important to analyze the EU
strategy in democratic reforms in Central Asia and to investigate why it matters for the EU.
Establishment of the Institute and Waqf aspects of its development in Central...SubmissionResearchpa
The article describes the essence of waqf institution and some aspects of its development in Central Asia. The importance of the endowment institution not only as a philanthropist, but also as a social institution that embodies many functions in society is highlighted by Nargiza Ismatova 2020. Establishment of the Institute and Waqf aspects of its development in Central Asia (until the second half of the 19th century). International Journal on Integrated Education. 3, 12 (Dec. 2020), 71-75. DOI:https://doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v3i12.916 https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/916/864 https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/916
Assisting Development in Central Asia: Strategic Horizons of Russian Engagem...Russian Council
Authors:
V.M. Sergeev, Dr. of History (Chairman); A.A. Kazantsev, Dr. of Political Science; V.I. Bartenev, Ph.D. in History
This working paper was prepared as part of the Russian International Affairs Council’s project The Situation in Central Asia after the Possible Withdrawal of the Coalition Forces from Afghanistan. It examines aspects of Russia’s participation in rendering assistance to the countries in the region. The authors identify drivers of instability in Central Asia, review the involvement of the main players and donors in assisting development in the region, and evaluate Russia’s role and capacity in this field with due account of its national interests. The authors offer a number of recommendations on increasing the efficiency of Russian aid to Central Asian countries.
The views and opinions of authors expressed herein do not necessarily state or reflect those of RIAC.
The history of the Kokand Khanate in the press of Turkestan (According to Sut...SubmissionResearchpa
Suttorkhon Abdulgafforov's book "A Brief Essay on the Internal Situation of the Kokand Khanate Before the Russian Invasion", published in the Turkestan press, provides valuable information on the history of Kokand. In particular, it reflects governance, traditional education, the judicial system and the military situation in the last days of the khanate by Rakhimjanova Nigora Kudratillaevna 2020. The history of the Kokand Khanate in the press of Turkestan (According to Suttorkhon Abdulgafforov). International Journal on Integrated Education. 3, 12 (Dec. 2020), 68-70. DOI:https://doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v3i12.915 https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/915/863 https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/915
The return of Mackinder’s Heartland Theory with new strategic development in Eurasia, Defense Partnership and Alliances in the Heartland, Major Asian Power- Groping their way Amid Extremism including Test Case for India and China in Strategic Asia .
The report provides a comprehensive analysis of current events in the Arab world.
A number of experts believe that the changes we are seeing today are only the first stage in the region’s systemic transformation that will last decades. On the one hand, it predefines important features of the current situation such as the inherent uncertainty, changeability, and volatility. As a result both external and regional players struggle to predict the future course of events. On the other hand, while this instability remains, and for as long the results of this “tectonic shift” remain unknown, external players can to some extent influence
the events, forecast them and sometimes direct them to the right track.
The report was drawn up as part of the “Middle East: Political Dynamics and Russia’s Interests” project organized by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC).
The EU engagement in democracy promotion in post-Soviet Central Asia: the cas...Przegląd Politologiczny
When Soviet Union collapsed, there were different hypothesis regarding democratic reforms and political system changes in Kyrgyzstan. It was believed that Kyrgyzstan would develop its
independent policy and democratic governance. Since early 1990s European countries through OSCE,
and later through the EU launched development projects have been playing central role in democracy
promotion and civil society development in Central Asia. At the same time, as analysis show geopolitical interests of neighboring powerful states such as Russia and China increased in the region, which resulted the creation of regional institutions such as Shanhai Cooperation Organization (SCO), Collective
Security Organization (CSO), Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and Silk Road Belt Initiative (SRBI).
While being the fully-fledged member of China and Russia led regional institutions, Kyrgyzstan is under heavy political and economic influence. Besides, human rights situation in Kyrgyzstan like in other
Central Asian countries has been deteriorating for last few years.
Thus, the research paper focuses on interplay between Russia and China for geopolitical dominance
in the region, including how it negatively influences for political volatility, civil society suppression and
deterioration of human rights issues. Paper equally analyzes European countries engagement in human
rights and democracy promotion in Kyrgyzstan. The research considers important to analyze the EU
strategy in democratic reforms in Central Asia and to investigate why it matters for the EU.
Establishment of the Institute and Waqf aspects of its development in Central...SubmissionResearchpa
The article describes the essence of waqf institution and some aspects of its development in Central Asia. The importance of the endowment institution not only as a philanthropist, but also as a social institution that embodies many functions in society is highlighted by Nargiza Ismatova 2020. Establishment of the Institute and Waqf aspects of its development in Central Asia (until the second half of the 19th century). International Journal on Integrated Education. 3, 12 (Dec. 2020), 71-75. DOI:https://doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v3i12.916 https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/916/864 https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/916
Assisting Development in Central Asia: Strategic Horizons of Russian Engagem...Russian Council
Authors:
V.M. Sergeev, Dr. of History (Chairman); A.A. Kazantsev, Dr. of Political Science; V.I. Bartenev, Ph.D. in History
This working paper was prepared as part of the Russian International Affairs Council’s project The Situation in Central Asia after the Possible Withdrawal of the Coalition Forces from Afghanistan. It examines aspects of Russia’s participation in rendering assistance to the countries in the region. The authors identify drivers of instability in Central Asia, review the involvement of the main players and donors in assisting development in the region, and evaluate Russia’s role and capacity in this field with due account of its national interests. The authors offer a number of recommendations on increasing the efficiency of Russian aid to Central Asian countries.
The views and opinions of authors expressed herein do not necessarily state or reflect those of RIAC.
The history of the Kokand Khanate in the press of Turkestan (According to Sut...SubmissionResearchpa
Suttorkhon Abdulgafforov's book "A Brief Essay on the Internal Situation of the Kokand Khanate Before the Russian Invasion", published in the Turkestan press, provides valuable information on the history of Kokand. In particular, it reflects governance, traditional education, the judicial system and the military situation in the last days of the khanate by Rakhimjanova Nigora Kudratillaevna 2020. The history of the Kokand Khanate in the press of Turkestan (According to Suttorkhon Abdulgafforov). International Journal on Integrated Education. 3, 12 (Dec. 2020), 68-70. DOI:https://doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v3i12.915 https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/915/863 https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/915
The return of Mackinder’s Heartland Theory with new strategic development in Eurasia, Defense Partnership and Alliances in the Heartland, Major Asian Power- Groping their way Amid Extremism including Test Case for India and China in Strategic Asia .
The report provides a comprehensive analysis of current events in the Arab world.
A number of experts believe that the changes we are seeing today are only the first stage in the region’s systemic transformation that will last decades. On the one hand, it predefines important features of the current situation such as the inherent uncertainty, changeability, and volatility. As a result both external and regional players struggle to predict the future course of events. On the other hand, while this instability remains, and for as long the results of this “tectonic shift” remain unknown, external players can to some extent influence
the events, forecast them and sometimes direct them to the right track.
The report was drawn up as part of the “Middle East: Political Dynamics and Russia’s Interests” project organized by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC).
Russia’s Interests in Central Asia: Contents, Perspectives, LimitationsRussian Council
The purpose of this analytical report prepared in the framework of the project “Central
Asia after a Possible Withdrawal of Coalition Forces from Afghanistan” undertaken by
the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) is to make an attempt to identify the
actual position of Central Asia on the scale of Russian foreign policy priorities, to evaluate
opportunities and limitations available to Russia, to blueprint measures in consolidating
Russian positions in the region for the long-term perspective.
RIAC and the authors of the report hope that the presented material would be able to
give a new impetus to the topical discussion at the level of expert community, authorities
and businessmen, and to become a foundation for the development of the Foreign
Policy Concept of the Russian Federation in Central Asia.
Tigah Journal now accepting research paper submissions on FATAfatanews
FATA Research Center (FRC) invites social scientists, policy makers, thinkers, researchers and/or students to submit research paper for publication in the fourth issue of its research journal named “TIGAH, A Journal for Peace and Development”.
The abstract/ brief of your proposed / outlined paper can be submitted till 15 October 2013 while submission of complete paper, in accordance with the guidelines, is expected till15 November 2013.
The aim of the paper is to provide an analysis of security in the Baltic region, regarding the decision taken by NATO toward strengthening the security of the
Baltic region when facing the threat from the East. It looks deeper into geostrategy as
one of the keys to understand the vagaries of security dilemmas in the Baltic area. The
article presents a situation analysis from both the Baltic states’ and NATO’s perspectives, having as a background recent actions undertaken by Russia
ASSESSMENT OF MIGRATION ATTRACTIVENESS OF RUSSIAN FEDERATION FEDERAL DISTRICTSIAEME Publication
Migration is playing increasingly more prominent role in ensuring a well-balanced spatial development of the Russian economy in the context of growing hieving a well-balanced development from a migration perspective is supposed to address some issues of assessing the migration attractiveness of the Russian Federation territories, which will make it possible to shape a sound migration policy aimed at overcoming territorial disparities. The study provides the assessment of the migration attractiveness of RF federal districts, which were chosen as research objects because of the need for comprehensive coverage of the Russian Federation megaspace. classification of the federal districts have been designed according to the degree of migration attractiveness, with account of its upward or downward trend in the period under review; in addition, a cartographic profile of the Russian migration been constructed. This analysis is based on absolute and relative parameters of migration processes (indicators of arrival and departure of population, turnover, migration balance, and their rates) drawing on the data of the official 016. Rate of migration attractiveness was employed as one of the analytical tools and it was possible to reveal its interrelation at regional level with a number of indicators describing economic, social, demographic and ecological lopment. It has been found that the interrelation of migration attractiveness is most closely traced to economic and social factors.
This report presents the results of analytical monitoring performed by leading Russian and Chinese experts on the key processes in Russian-Chinese relations in 2013–2014. They analyzed the strategic format of interaction between the two countries in the international arena and their relations in the fields of trade, investment (interbank), energy (hydrocarbons), transport, educational, scientific, and cultural areas. They considered the available resources and possibilities of enhancing the Russian-Chinese strategic partnership, as well as the difficulties and challenges they face in the modern day. The experts elaborate their conclusions, recommendations, and development scenarios for bilateral relations in future.
Russia's interests in the context of Asia-Pacific region security and develop...Russian Council
The report contains main conclusions and recommendations made upon the outcomes of the First Asia-Pacific Forum held on November 28-29, 2011 by Russian International Affairs Council jointly with Russian APEC Studies Center.
Strategic Planning of Russia–China Relations in Cross-Border and Inter-Region...Russian Council
In order to increase the predictability of Russia–China relations and ensure their progressive and consistent development, it is necessary to convert the high level of mutual political trust into steady and stable work of institutions responsible for international cooperation. For this purpose, it would be advisable to focus on determining the algorithms and mechanisms of strategic planning of Russia–China relations, which could help the parties identify mutually acceptable frameworks and boundaries of strategic partnership not transforming into a military and political alliance.
70th Anniversary of Russia-India Relations: New Horizons of Privileged Partne...Russian Council
In 2017, Russia and India celebrate the 70th anniversary of diplomatic relations. Over the years, the two states have steadily developed mutually beneficial ties. Their cooperation has achieved the level of special and privileged strategic partnership. Regular contacts between the two leaders have become an established practice. On June 1–2, 2017, Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi is visiting Russia. On May 30, 2017, President of Russia Vladimir Putin’s article “Russia and India: 70 years together” was published in the Times of India. In the article the Russian President stated that the enormous potential of cooperation between the two great powers will be further explored for the benefit of the peoples of India and Russia and the international community in general.
However, in order to make full use of the collaboration potential, ties between Russia and India should be taken to a qualitatively new level. Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) and the Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF) have drafted a joint report in order to open up a new discussion on the prospects of Russia-India relations and the steps required to develop them further. The authors express hope that ideas and recommendations expressed in the paper will provide the necessary expert support for state level contacts and will be helpful in foreign policy decision-making by the two governments.
Office of the general governor of Turkestan and its activity in historiographySubmissionResearchpa
This article describes the period of the invasion of the Russian Empire, one of the darkest and most dangerous periods in the history of Turkestan, and the historiography of its governing regimes, methods of administration and state institutions and their activities. By the nineteenth century, the khanates, weakened by civil war, could not withstand the onslaught of the Russian Empire. This was because they were hostile to each other. After the Russian Empire conquered Turkestan, it established its own colonial order. The goal was to keep Turkestan under its chains for a long time and to suppress the feelings of national liberation. To this end, he introduced his own administrative style, including the governor's office, which was the main governing body. This small research paper describes the policy of the Russian Empire towards these goals and its coverage in historiography. by Hujayorova Sadokat 2020. Office of the general governor of Turkestan and its activity in historiography. International Journal on Integrated Education. 3, 9 (Sep. 2020), 155-157. DOI:https://doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v3i9.610. https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/610/583 https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/610
Regional integration or disintegration; an appraisal of the current trends in...Manzoor Naazer
The paper explores the possibility of regional integration in South Asia on the pattern of European Union by examining the prevailing socio-economic and religio-cultural conditions, and political trends in the region. South Asia, once formed a single administrative, economic and political unit, had to be divided into several independent states on communal lines. The factors and forces that had caused partition of India in 1947 did not recede in the post-independence era and continued throughout to challenge the territorial integrity of regional states. The conditions that existed before launching of integration process in Europe did not appear before or after initiation of regionalism in South Asia. The most of SAARC members are faced with serious challenges of national integration and centrifugal forces are quite
strong both at national and regional level. The region lacks significant centripetal forces which can help unite it. The disintegrative forces are prone to grow stronger in future making regional integration on European pattern less likely in South Asia.
Russia’s Interests in Central Asia: Contents, Perspectives, LimitationsRussian Council
The purpose of this analytical report prepared in the framework of the project “Central
Asia after a Possible Withdrawal of Coalition Forces from Afghanistan” undertaken by
the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) is to make an attempt to identify the
actual position of Central Asia on the scale of Russian foreign policy priorities, to evaluate
opportunities and limitations available to Russia, to blueprint measures in consolidating
Russian positions in the region for the long-term perspective.
RIAC and the authors of the report hope that the presented material would be able to
give a new impetus to the topical discussion at the level of expert community, authorities
and businessmen, and to become a foundation for the development of the Foreign
Policy Concept of the Russian Federation in Central Asia.
Tigah Journal now accepting research paper submissions on FATAfatanews
FATA Research Center (FRC) invites social scientists, policy makers, thinkers, researchers and/or students to submit research paper for publication in the fourth issue of its research journal named “TIGAH, A Journal for Peace and Development”.
The abstract/ brief of your proposed / outlined paper can be submitted till 15 October 2013 while submission of complete paper, in accordance with the guidelines, is expected till15 November 2013.
The aim of the paper is to provide an analysis of security in the Baltic region, regarding the decision taken by NATO toward strengthening the security of the
Baltic region when facing the threat from the East. It looks deeper into geostrategy as
one of the keys to understand the vagaries of security dilemmas in the Baltic area. The
article presents a situation analysis from both the Baltic states’ and NATO’s perspectives, having as a background recent actions undertaken by Russia
ASSESSMENT OF MIGRATION ATTRACTIVENESS OF RUSSIAN FEDERATION FEDERAL DISTRICTSIAEME Publication
Migration is playing increasingly more prominent role in ensuring a well-balanced spatial development of the Russian economy in the context of growing hieving a well-balanced development from a migration perspective is supposed to address some issues of assessing the migration attractiveness of the Russian Federation territories, which will make it possible to shape a sound migration policy aimed at overcoming territorial disparities. The study provides the assessment of the migration attractiveness of RF federal districts, which were chosen as research objects because of the need for comprehensive coverage of the Russian Federation megaspace. classification of the federal districts have been designed according to the degree of migration attractiveness, with account of its upward or downward trend in the period under review; in addition, a cartographic profile of the Russian migration been constructed. This analysis is based on absolute and relative parameters of migration processes (indicators of arrival and departure of population, turnover, migration balance, and their rates) drawing on the data of the official 016. Rate of migration attractiveness was employed as one of the analytical tools and it was possible to reveal its interrelation at regional level with a number of indicators describing economic, social, demographic and ecological lopment. It has been found that the interrelation of migration attractiveness is most closely traced to economic and social factors.
This report presents the results of analytical monitoring performed by leading Russian and Chinese experts on the key processes in Russian-Chinese relations in 2013–2014. They analyzed the strategic format of interaction between the two countries in the international arena and their relations in the fields of trade, investment (interbank), energy (hydrocarbons), transport, educational, scientific, and cultural areas. They considered the available resources and possibilities of enhancing the Russian-Chinese strategic partnership, as well as the difficulties and challenges they face in the modern day. The experts elaborate their conclusions, recommendations, and development scenarios for bilateral relations in future.
Russia's interests in the context of Asia-Pacific region security and develop...Russian Council
The report contains main conclusions and recommendations made upon the outcomes of the First Asia-Pacific Forum held on November 28-29, 2011 by Russian International Affairs Council jointly with Russian APEC Studies Center.
Strategic Planning of Russia–China Relations in Cross-Border and Inter-Region...Russian Council
In order to increase the predictability of Russia–China relations and ensure their progressive and consistent development, it is necessary to convert the high level of mutual political trust into steady and stable work of institutions responsible for international cooperation. For this purpose, it would be advisable to focus on determining the algorithms and mechanisms of strategic planning of Russia–China relations, which could help the parties identify mutually acceptable frameworks and boundaries of strategic partnership not transforming into a military and political alliance.
70th Anniversary of Russia-India Relations: New Horizons of Privileged Partne...Russian Council
In 2017, Russia and India celebrate the 70th anniversary of diplomatic relations. Over the years, the two states have steadily developed mutually beneficial ties. Their cooperation has achieved the level of special and privileged strategic partnership. Regular contacts between the two leaders have become an established practice. On June 1–2, 2017, Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi is visiting Russia. On May 30, 2017, President of Russia Vladimir Putin’s article “Russia and India: 70 years together” was published in the Times of India. In the article the Russian President stated that the enormous potential of cooperation between the two great powers will be further explored for the benefit of the peoples of India and Russia and the international community in general.
However, in order to make full use of the collaboration potential, ties between Russia and India should be taken to a qualitatively new level. Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) and the Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF) have drafted a joint report in order to open up a new discussion on the prospects of Russia-India relations and the steps required to develop them further. The authors express hope that ideas and recommendations expressed in the paper will provide the necessary expert support for state level contacts and will be helpful in foreign policy decision-making by the two governments.
Office of the general governor of Turkestan and its activity in historiographySubmissionResearchpa
This article describes the period of the invasion of the Russian Empire, one of the darkest and most dangerous periods in the history of Turkestan, and the historiography of its governing regimes, methods of administration and state institutions and their activities. By the nineteenth century, the khanates, weakened by civil war, could not withstand the onslaught of the Russian Empire. This was because they were hostile to each other. After the Russian Empire conquered Turkestan, it established its own colonial order. The goal was to keep Turkestan under its chains for a long time and to suppress the feelings of national liberation. To this end, he introduced his own administrative style, including the governor's office, which was the main governing body. This small research paper describes the policy of the Russian Empire towards these goals and its coverage in historiography. by Hujayorova Sadokat 2020. Office of the general governor of Turkestan and its activity in historiography. International Journal on Integrated Education. 3, 9 (Sep. 2020), 155-157. DOI:https://doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v3i9.610. https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/610/583 https://journals.researchparks.org/index.php/IJIE/article/view/610
Regional integration or disintegration; an appraisal of the current trends in...Manzoor Naazer
The paper explores the possibility of regional integration in South Asia on the pattern of European Union by examining the prevailing socio-economic and religio-cultural conditions, and political trends in the region. South Asia, once formed a single administrative, economic and political unit, had to be divided into several independent states on communal lines. The factors and forces that had caused partition of India in 1947 did not recede in the post-independence era and continued throughout to challenge the territorial integrity of regional states. The conditions that existed before launching of integration process in Europe did not appear before or after initiation of regionalism in South Asia. The most of SAARC members are faced with serious challenges of national integration and centrifugal forces are quite
strong both at national and regional level. The region lacks significant centripetal forces which can help unite it. The disintegrative forces are prone to grow stronger in future making regional integration on European pattern less likely in South Asia.
Modern Russian–Iranian Relations: Challenges and OpportunitiesRussian Council
This working paper was prepared as part of the Russian International Affairs Council’s (RIAC) project Modern Russian–Iranian Relations. These two nations have great potential for bilateral cooperation, but that potential has not yet been fully realized. Incipient progress in negotiations on Iran’s nuclear programme and a prospective easing of the sanctions against Iran open up new possibilities for fostering and strengthening ties between Russia and Iran. This working paper analyses the current state of these two countries’ trade and economic ties; potential areas of cooperation in the Caspian region, Central Asia and the Middle East; and Russia’s future role in resolving the situation with Iran’s nuclear programme. The authors outline several specific areas and recommendations for bilateral dialogue, as well as actions that could bring cooperation to a new and higher level.
End of the Independent Muslim World?
One subject, four articles (1974, 1980, 1988, 2013) and the conclusion of the analysis of different interconnected perspectives in just one sentence…
As a student of international relations I want to share three published and one unpublished articles, two in Urdu and two in English languages, with my friends and connections.
The first article in Urdu was published in Daily the Mashriq on August 1974 in which I had discussed the possibility of an attempt by former Soviet Union for the redrawing of boundaries between Pakistan, Afghanistan and Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Turkmania with reference to a book on international politics, Balshaya Sovietskaya Entsaklopedia and Russian geo-politician Mystilawski.
In my second article in Urdu published in Pakistan’s largest circulated weekly magazine Akhbar-e-Jehan in 1980 I had discussed in detail the historical background of former Soviet Union’s attack on Afghanistan, the possibility of attack on post-revolution Iran, the visible geographic hurdles in the way for doing so and the possible consequences of such an act.
In 1988 my article in English published in Daily the Muslim discussed the reasons for former Soviet Union’s retreat from Afghanistan and the possibility of an unending civil war as a consequence of the political vacuum that was clearly anticipated after the withdrawal of the Soviet troops from Afghanistan.
The fourth article in English, available at my different blogs, was posted on 17th February 2013 discussing the background of the political landscape in the Muslim world and reasons for social and economic unrest and uncertainty which, in present global scenario, apparently do not appear to be unusual to people in general and media in particular.
If I am asked to sum up the ultimate conclusion of these four articles in one sentence, the sentence will be:
“End of Independent Muslim World Will Be Prevented Only By an Unthinkable, Unimaginable and Unbelievable Miracle”
Vibhuti patel Book Review Anirban Das Social Change vol. 45, no. 1VIBHUTI PATEL
This philosophically nuanced work examines discourse on ‘women’s question’
with profound theoretical rigour. The book highlights contemporary debate among
feminists in the context of post-coloniality. It deconstructs body, gender and identity
projected by the feminist standpoint theory and provides critical reflection
on inter-sectionality of social construction of ‘body’ and ‘others’ in the context of
power relations and scientific rationality. The book enriches our understanding
on ‘Third World feminism’ by questioning ‘embodied knowledges’. The author
makes an honest effort to delineate ethical priorities in foundational structuring
of heterogeneous feminist efforts to question universal forms of knowing and
enhances reader’s understanding on power dynamics.
Islamic State the Product of a Bridging Between Regional Competitions and Isl...QUESTJOURNAL
ABSTRACT: The Islamic state that was formed in 2006 in territories outside the control of two war-torn countries, with the capture of the city of Mosul in 2014 was world famous and be of interest to all news circles across the globe. This state used extremely cruel methods in relation to its prisoners of war, which is not a venue to discuss in this paper, came more than ever to fill the headlines of newspapers and online media. After a period of relative silence news, now with fighting to retake the city of Mosul, the "Islamic state" is once again under the focus of the news circles. This paper intends to review primarily on the formation of the "Islamic State" and introduce a summary of the main factors involved in forming this state with a slightly different perspective than the views have been described earlier.
Significance of south asia as strategic location for indiakrissharma
South Asia is a most complex, volatile and one of the most socially and politically divided and region of the world. The region of South Asia mainly consists of eight states: Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Afghanistan.
The aim of the paper is to explore the cultural context of the conflict in
eastern Ukraine. From this perspective, the conflict in Donbas has to be seen not
only in the context of a political game, socio-economic transition and geopolitical
interests, but also in the light of a cultural conflict rooted in history. According to
Ukrainian researcher Mykola Riabchuk, Ukraine is divided, not between ethnic Russians and Ukrainians, but between two different types of Ukrainian identity. These
profound differences have been exacerbated by the events of the “Euromaidan” and,
subsequently, the violent conflict between the separatist forces of the self-declared
Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics on the one hand and the post-revolutionary
Ukrainian government on the other. This article focuses on how the cultural divisions
of Ukrainian society have been used since the beginning of Ukrainian independence
by the political elite as a tool of symbolic politics, contributing to the mass mobilization of Ukrainian society and the outbreak of a violent conflict.
This article analyzes the scope of cooperation at the institutional and bilateral level of the
European Union and Central Asia. Despite the systematic tightening of cooperation between
Brussels and the republics of the former USSR, there is still a lack of unambiguous definition
of real long-term interests of the European Union in the region. The fundamental problem of
cooperation development is a strong fragmentation of EU activities in five different republics
of Central Asia. Therefore, there is a need to improve the exchange of information, increase
control and coordination, as well as limit the thematic scope of undertaken initiatives. There are
potential diversification opportunities for energy sources that exist in the Central Asia region.
The subject of this reading response concerns the relationship bet.docxteresehearn
The subject of this reading response concerns the relationship between Islam and national identity. The readings for next week, one by David Radford, and two by myself (I was not able to scan the Borbieva chapter, unfortunately) give us very different perspectives on what this relationship looks like.
Please write 200-250 words comparing Radford and Artman’s perspectives on the relationship between Islam and national identity. What were their main arguments? Where do they agree? Where do they disagree? Please also discuss how some of the readings from week 11 (Peshkova, Rasanayagam, Privratsky) might inform our understanding of the debate about national identity and religion. Which perspective did you find most persuasive? (and you don’t have to agree with me just because I wrote some of the readings – remember what we’ve learned in class: it’s ok to disagree!). What did you find most interesting about the readings for these two weeks?
1
CONTEMPORARY MODES OF ISLAMIC DISCOURSE IN
KYRGYZSTAN: RETHINKING THE MODERATE - EXTREMIST
DUALITY
CAP PAPERS 170
(CERIA SERIES)
Vincent M. Artman1
Islam’s growing political, cultural, and social influence in Central Asia has become a major
preoccupation of analysts and policymakers since 1991. Much of this discussion, however, has
focused on questions related to security, extremism, and terrorism.2 A characteristic motif in
this literature is the juxtaposition of “moderate Islam” with “Islamic extremism.” The struggle
between moderates and extremists, in turn, works to shape a broader geopolitical metanarrative
in which Central Asia is constructed as a place of instability, violence, and political repression.3
Some have even depicted the region as being faced with the possibility of a Eurasian “Arab
Spring” scenario.4
Not surprisingly, the actual religious landscape in Central Asia is substantially more complex
than this binary admits: rather than a stark division between local moderates and foreign
extremists, closer inspection reveals a myriad of different theologies, religious groups and
1 Vincent M. Artman is is an instructor in the Center for Peace & Conflict Studies at Wayne State
University. He holds a Ph.D. in Geography from the University of Kansas. His publications include
“Documenting Territory: Passportisation, Territory, and Exception in Abkhazia and South Ossetia” in the
journal Geopolitics and a co-authored piece entitled “Territorial Cleansing: A Geopolitical Approach to
Understanding Mass Violence” in Territory, Politics, Governance.
2 An example of this genre is R. Sagdeev, Islam and Central Asia: An Enduring Legacy or an Evolving
Threat? Washington, DC: Center for Political and Strategic Studies, 2000. See also S.F. Starr, “Moderate
Islam? Look to Central Asia,” New York Times, February 26, 2014.
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/02/27/opinion/moderate-islam-look-to-central-asia.html; A.
Masylkan ...
The subject of this reading response concerns the relationship bet.docxarnoldmeredith47041
The subject of this reading response concerns the relationship between Islam and national identity. The readings for next week, one by David Radford, and two by myself (I was not able to scan the Borbieva chapter, unfortunately) give us very different perspectives on what this relationship looks like.
Please write 200-250 words comparing Radford and Artman’s perspectives on the relationship between Islam and national identity. What were their main arguments? Where do they agree? Where do they disagree? Please also discuss how some of the readings from week 11 (Peshkova, Rasanayagam, Privratsky) might inform our understanding of the debate about national identity and religion. Which perspective did you find most persuasive? (and you don’t have to agree with me just because I wrote some of the readings – remember what we’ve learned in class: it’s ok to disagree!). What did you find most interesting about the readings for these two weeks?
1
CONTEMPORARY MODES OF ISLAMIC DISCOURSE IN
KYRGYZSTAN: RETHINKING THE MODERATE - EXTREMIST
DUALITY
CAP PAPERS 170
(CERIA SERIES)
Vincent M. Artman1
Islam’s growing political, cultural, and social influence in Central Asia has become a major
preoccupation of analysts and policymakers since 1991. Much of this discussion, however, has
focused on questions related to security, extremism, and terrorism.2 A characteristic motif in
this literature is the juxtaposition of “moderate Islam” with “Islamic extremism.” The struggle
between moderates and extremists, in turn, works to shape a broader geopolitical metanarrative
in which Central Asia is constructed as a place of instability, violence, and political repression.3
Some have even depicted the region as being faced with the possibility of a Eurasian “Arab
Spring” scenario.4
Not surprisingly, the actual religious landscape in Central Asia is substantially more complex
than this binary admits: rather than a stark division between local moderates and foreign
extremists, closer inspection reveals a myriad of different theologies, religious groups and
1 Vincent M. Artman is is an instructor in the Center for Peace & Conflict Studies at Wayne State
University. He holds a Ph.D. in Geography from the University of Kansas. His publications include
“Documenting Territory: Passportisation, Territory, and Exception in Abkhazia and South Ossetia” in the
journal Geopolitics and a co-authored piece entitled “Territorial Cleansing: A Geopolitical Approach to
Understanding Mass Violence” in Territory, Politics, Governance.
2 An example of this genre is R. Sagdeev, Islam and Central Asia: An Enduring Legacy or an Evolving
Threat? Washington, DC: Center for Political and Strategic Studies, 2000. See also S.F. Starr, “Moderate
Islam? Look to Central Asia,” New York Times, February 26, 2014.
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/02/27/opinion/moderate-islam-look-to-central-asia.html; A.
Masylkan.
Similar to Competition of world powers in Central Asia (20)
Digital exclusion as a hindrance to the emergence of the information society:...Przegląd Politologiczny
There is no doubt, that digital transformation (knowledge-based transformation) has
emerged as the crucial megatrend in modern civilization. Artificial intelligence (AI), machines and
autonomous vehicles, the Internet of Things (IoT), financial technology (Fin/Tech), smart investing
and the analysis and processing of big data are the most recent manifestations of this trend, but not
the only ones. All of these phenomena have led to the emergence and continuing development of the
so-called ‘Information Society’ (IS), which refers to a new type of social organization that is clearly
distinct from the earlier forms of society. In this new society, information and knowledge play an
essential role in facilitating the Knowledge-Based Economy (KBE), where information is collected,
transmitted and processed in a faster and more effective manner, and can subsequently be used to
foster accelerated economic growth. Unfortunately, the problem of digital exclusion still occurs, also
in Poland. The author in the conclusion comes to opinion that people who are digitally excluded find
it much more difficult to overcome psychological rather than technical barriers to having access to
the Internet and learning basic computer skills. This situation calls for urgent improvement. In the
modern information society, a lack of basic knowledge about computers translates into partial or total
digital illiteracy and makes it difficult to perform a range of everyday tasks. It is therefore essential
in Poland to prevent digital exclusion. People who do not use the Internet are socially and professionally limited, or virtually handicapped, which results in quantifiable economic losses. This translates to lower creativity and innovativeness and reduced revenue of state budget, and impedes the
competitiveness of the economy and the development of a post-modern, post-industrial social model.
The main research goal is to show the causes of the phenomenon of digital exclusion in Poland and
ways to counteract it. In the course of the research, the most frequently used method was causal and
effect analysis as well as institutional and legal analysis. Elements of the decision-making, historical,
comparative and statistical methods were also used.
How long can the term of office of the Polish parliament last? A legal-consti...Przegląd Politologiczny
The main research aim of this article is an analysis of the length of the parliamentary term of
office in Poland based on the analysis of legal rules. According to the art. 98 para. 1 of the Constitution,
the parliamentary term of office starts on the day on which the Sejm assembles for its first sitting and
ends on the day preceding the first assembly of the newly elected Sejm. Although the mentioned rule
also expressly states that parliamentary term of office lasts 4 years, the length of the particular terms
of office could be very different. If the parliamentary term of office is shortened, it could last even less
than two months. If it is prolongated because of the introduction of the extraordinary measure, it could
last approx. 5 years (in case of emergency state), or it maximal length can not be defined. Moreover,
even in case of the “normal” terms of office they could have different length – slightly less than 4 years
or longer than 4 years by even a few weeks. The presented considerations lead to the conclusion that
there is need to make certain amendments of the rules of law concerning this area, which would ensure
minimal 4 years length of the “normal” parliamentary term and regulate the organisation of the parliamentary elections after the termination of the extraordinary measure. Author analysed the legal rules
basing on legal-dogmatic method and interpreted them by using such methods of their interpretation as:
language-logical, teleological and systematic.
E-politics from the citizens’ perspective. The role of social networking tool...Przegląd Politologiczny
The progress of civilization, supported by the development of new technologies, has led
to a series of social, economic and political changes. The information society, in its expectations and
through access to knowledge, has significantly affected a change in the model of democracy, causing
a kind of return to the original forms of communication in citizen-government relations. This has been
accompanied by a shift of social and civic activism from the real to the virtual world. In literature,
the use of information and communication technologies in the democratic system is named electronic
democracy. One of its forms is e-politics, which is implemented at several levels: institutional, system
and civil. A good example of the last type are the new social movements that in recent years have had
a significant impact on politics.
The basic research problem in this paper concerns e-politics from the citizens’ perspective, through
the activities of the new social movements, especially of a political nature. The main research goal
is therefore to present the role of social networking tools in influencing citizens and their subsequent
activities that have triggered changes in the political system. The methods used in the paper are case
study and comparative analysis.
The relationship between position on an electoral list and chances of winnin...Przegląd Politologiczny
This paper examines the relationship between the candidate’s position on an electoral list
and the feasibility of winning a seat in the Sejm (the lower chamber of the Polish parliament). This research hypothesizes that winning a seat strongly depends on the candidate having a top position on the
electoral list. This hypothesis is verified vis-à-vis the results of the 2015 election to the Sejm. The study
confirmed the initial assumption, since it was found that nearly 82% of the seats were taken by the candidates from the so-called “seat-winning places,” namely the top places on the lists of candidates (the
number of these places equals the number of seats taken by a given party in a given constituency).
The Mayor of a Municipality – Competences, Qualifications, Current Status in ...Przegląd Politologiczny
The mandatory authorities – the municipal office and the mayor of the municipality – play an
irreplaceable role at the municipal level. Both bodies are elected. These authorities influence the direction of municipal development in the upcoming term of office, the municipal representatives’ protection
of citizens’ needs and interests as well as fulfilment of the tasks and obligations imposed by the law. The
main aim of the article is to clarify the importance and seriousness of the mayor as the highest representative of the municipal government in the Slovak Republic. Another aim is to present new realities
connected with the mayor’s office as well as new requirements associated with it.
Social Security of Citizens in the Manifesto of the Christian Democratic Unio...Przegląd Politologiczny
This article aims to analyze the common manifesto of the Christian Democratic Union of
Germany and the Christian-Social Union in Bavaria regarding social security, with regard to the elections to the German parliament in 2017. The basic assumption was to verify whether the CDU/CSU
grouping referred to each of the elements of social security, i.e. social security system, welfare security,
community security and developmental security, in its 2017 election manifesto. The method used to
complete the study was content analysis. The study shows that the CDU/CSU Union in its common
manifesto of 2017 – Für ein Deutschland, in dem wir gut und gerne leben. Regierungsprogramm 2017–
2021, raised issues related to building the social security of citizens. The proposals that were included
in the program allow us to conclude that the CDU/CSU proposed a program that develops each of the
pillars of social security in part, but which is still lacking in some ways. It should be noted that the issue
of culture has been somewhat overlooked, which undoubtedly has a huge impact on the development
of social capital and human capital, despite its enormous impact on two of the pillars, community and
development. Other areas and proposals aimed at their development manage to fill this gap. It should
also be pointed out that in the electoral proposals included in the manifesto, the most developed pillar
was related to social security, implemented as part of the social policy of the state.
The first constitution of the Ottoman-Turkish Empire was adopted in 1876 – the Kânûn-ı
Esâsî (Eng. Fundamental Law). In its history, Turkey has had four constitutions. They were adopted in
1921, 1924, 1961, and 1982, with the latter being presently in force. Nowadays, the creation of a new
constitution is the main issue on Turkey’s political agenda. The government of Turkey and Mr. Recep
Tayyip Erdogan want to amend the constitution, and envisage creating an executive presidential system (Tur. Başkanlık sistemi), similar to that of the Russian Federation and the United States. Critics
are concerned about what Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s motivation may be. This article analyzes the historical roots of the constitution, its amendments, the presidential system in Turkey and the arguments of
the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) against the adoption of
a presidential system. The key issues that the authors address are the changes that could be made under
Turkey’s new constitution and whether all political power would be concentrated in president’s hands.
The purpose of this article is to analyze US foreign policy under the new White House administration and to present the most important aspects of Trump’s emerging doctrine, with the aim of
answering the following questions: what are the goals and tenets of, and the measures to implement,
the foreign policy outlined in the new US National Security Strategy? Which trends can be considered
dominant in Trump’s emerging doctrine? What challenges and threats to international security were
mentioned in the document? Do traditional US allies still play an important role in the superpower’s
security strategy? The thesis of this paper is that political realism is the main trend in Trump’s emerging
doctrine and that US foreign policy has taken a unilateral course, with a large dose of populism.
A Political Economy of Trans-Border Migration Crises and Human Trafficking in...Przegląd Politologiczny
Encouraged by porous border boundaries in Africa, trafficking in persons and objects is
a demand-driven global venture that has market potential for: commercial sex, cheap labour, terrorism, and drug-related crimes. Most African States, especially Nigeria, have been reputed as hardliners
in encouraging these illicit trends. Chief among the motivating factors include: domestic insecurity,
political instability, economic recession, and institutional failure, etc. Amongst other instigating factors however, this paper takes a cursory look at the relationship between the twin crime of trans-border
migration crises and human trafficking in Nigeria, and the attendant political economic implications on
the Nigerian polity. Data relied on are largely gotten from secondary sources. The paper employs the
neoclassical political economic theory of migration. Findings from conceptual and theoretical reviews
of literatures show that the incentive for human trafficking and migration-related offences is not only
profit driven but also a fall-out from institutional failure. The paper recommends a taut border security,
which can disallow border-related crimes like drug and human trafficking. The paper also sues for
people-oriented leadership that will eschew illicit crimes such as the above.
The aim of this study is to describe the legal bases of the migration policy of Armenia and its
practical implementation in 1995–2013. The author examined the international and national documents
that provide the legal bases of Armenia’s migration policy, as well as the balance between departures
and arrivals in the period 1995–2013, Armenian citizens’ reasons for emigrating and the occupations
of emigrants. The study was based on the following research methods: content, system and quantitative analysis. The results of the analyses performed indicate that the objectives of Armenia’s migration
policy were not completely fulfilled. Between 1995 and 2013, the number of emigrants declined, but
Armenia’s overall migration balance was negative. The majority of those leaving the country went to
Russia, followed by the other states of the CIS.
Negotiations with Terrorist Organizations for the Release of Abductees: Betwe...Przegląd Politologiczny
For decades, democratic countries have dealt with terrorist attacks carried out for the purpose
of negotiations, which is the preferred modus operandi for some terrorist organizations. To what extent
can a democratic regime effectively combat this abominable act while preserving a liberal or democratic character? Furthermore, these cases have become one of the most complicated dilemmas in both
domestic and foreign policy. The prevalent opinion is that it is not possible to avoid meeting some of
the demands of these terrorists. A government may even consent to paying a heavy price, so as to end
the situation sooner. Media coverage influences this price, as extensive coverage of the terrorist attacks
benefits the terrorists and thus increases their bargaining power. In contrast to the declarations of Israeli
leaders in negotiations in cases of abduction, Israel has adopted a very flexible approach and is not
interested in adopting the rigid approach of refusal to negotiate. The position of the opponents to negotiations with terrorist organizations is that the very negotiations with terrorist organizations legitimize
them and the terrorist attacks, thus devaluing claims that terrorism is not a legitimate means of achieving one’s aims, and prevents the use of force in these situations. When all the prisoner exchange deals
by the State of Israel are examined, approximately 7,500 terrorists have been released in the framework
of the different deals, including terrorists with blood on their hands, in return for 14 living soldiers and
civilians and 6 bodies of soldiers. A total of 1,027 terrorists were released in the Shalit deal alone.
Increasing the Effectiveness of EU Education Assistance in Uzbekistan. Revisi...Przegląd Politologiczny
The European Union has identified education in Central Asia as a key area of cooperation.
However, the EU’s engagement in this area, which has faced considerable difficulties since the fall of
the Soviet Union, has so far not had the desired impact. Based on a case study of Uzbekistan, I argue in
this article that the EU should revise its strategy by adopting a more targeted approach, consistent with
the longer-term funding it is able to commit to Central Asia and better tailored to the local social context
through strong engagement with local stakeholders. Instead of imposing broad concepts designed in
Brussels – which have generally not been fully accepted or implemented by local political authorities
– this new approach would involve setting up specific projects with local input, such as the opening of
campuses of European universities, providing financial and logistical support for school infrastructure,
and increasing the involvement of potential employers. With local ownership, EU education assistance
will allow a new generation in Uzbekistan to breathe life into long-term reforms by drawing on the
European concepts of their instruction, rather than viewing them as imposed from outside.
Taiwan’s democracy and freedom of the press provide the Chinese authorities with an opportunity to use Taiwanese businessmen to influence Taiwan’s media outlets and politics. China uses
three inter-related strategies to influence Taiwan’s media in this way: persuading businessmen with
pro-China views to purchase Taiwanese media outlets, pressuring existing media owners, and placing
advertisements in Taiwan’s media in order to purchase political influence. In addition, the Chinese government also employs cyber-propaganda strategy to attack Taiwanese political parties and politicians.
The Regional Development of Democratization and Civil Society: Transition, Co...Przegląd Politologiczny
Different starting points, similar processes and different outcomes can be identified when comparing East Central Europe and East and South Asia. The two regions face similar global challenges, follow regional patterns of democratization and face crises. In communist times, East Central Europe was
economically marginalized in the world economy, while some parts of Asia integrated well in the global
economy under authoritarian rule. Europeanization and a favorable external environment encouraged the
former communist countries to opt for the Western-style rule of law and democracy. Different external
factors helped the Third Wave democracies in Asia, especially South Korea and Taiwan, which benefited
from the support of the United States and other global economic, military and cultural partnerships to
develop their human rights culture and democracy while facing their totalitarian counterparts, namely the
People’s Republic of China and North Korea. The very different positions Taiwan and Hungary have in
their respective regions follow from the different capacities of their transformation management since
1988–1989. Taiwan preserved its leading role and stable democracy despite the threat to its sovereignty
from the People’s Republic of China. Hungary never had such an influential and problematic neighbor
and was ensured security and welfare partnership by the European Union, which Taiwan lacked. While
Taiwan was less secure, economic and social conditions were more favorable for democratization than
those in Hungary. Hungary, in turn, held a leading position in democratization processes in the period of
post-communist transition which was lost during the crisis and conflicts of the last decade (after 2006 and
especially since 2010). Despite the fact that liberalization prepared the way for peaceful transition in both
countries and resulted in similar processes of democratic consolidation in the 1990s, Hungary joined the
‘loser’ group in its region, whereas Taiwan is among the top ‘winning’ countries in its region. Taiwan at the
moment is starting comprehensive reform processes toward enhanced democracy, civil rights and the rule
of law, and Hungarian development is criticized by many external and internal analysts as straying from the
path of European-style consolidated democracies towards illiberal trends and hybridization. Western global
concepts of democratization may help to identify similarities and differences, and compare stronger and
weaker factors in the democratic transitions in Asia and Europe within the Third Wave democracies.
National Income, Strategic Discontinuity, and Converging Trajectories of Macr...Przegląd Politologiczny
The framework of converging trajectories of macroeconomic policy initiatives is employed
in the context of strategic discontinuity to study the national income of an advancing economy. A model
of systemic changes based upon an equation of production and consumption is presented. In this study
of the Chinese economy of 1980–2014, over time, the dynamics of policy imbalance is found to decrease considerably, which is consistent with the decreasing trend of shrinking the differences among
the impact coefficients of government consumption, private investment, and private consumption.
The State of Air in the European Union and Quality of Europeans’ LifePrzegląd Politologiczny
This article aims to present the impact of air pollution on the quality of life of EU residents.
With the aid of institutional-legal and statistical analysis an attempt has been undertaken to answer the
following research questions: 1) negative concentrations whose pollution exceeds norms set out at EU
levels, 2) causes of above-norm pollution concentrations and 3) impact of pollution on the health of
Europeans. During the conducted research it was demonstrated that the quality of life of Europeans is
being lowered by a continuing above-norm concentration of air pollution whose exposure is related to
people feeling worse, numerous diseases related to the breathing system, circulation, nervous and even
reproductive system as well as increased death rate and shortening of life expectancy. The estimated
number of premature deaths in 2014 resulting from exposure to fine dust, ozone and carbon dioxide in
the EU amounted to 487,600. As the investigation shows, the best quality of life, taking into consideration air quality, is afforded by Finland, Ireland and Sweden
Towards authoritarianism. Internal situation in the Slovak Republic (1994–1998)Przegląd Politologiczny
This article discusses the internal situation of the Slovak Republic in the years 1994–1998,
the period in which the country was governed by the coalition of Movement for Democratic Slovakia,
the Slovak National Party and the Slovak Workers’ Association, and the prime minister was Vladimír
Mečiar. The main objective of the research was to analyse the actions undertaken by the coalition government in the context of violations of civil and political rights and freedoms, which could indicate an
authoritarian way of exercising power and the dismantling of a democratic state of law. In the analysed
period, the role of the parliamentary and nonparliamentary opposition was marginalised, the role of the
media limited, the rights of national and ethnic minorities violated. There was also an ongoing, sharp
conflict between Prime Minister Vladimír Mečiar and President Michál Kováč. The effect of this governance was the union of almost all political forces and seizure of power after the elections in 1998. In
order to answer the research questions, the author used the method of institutional and legal analysis,
decision analysis and the statistical method. The research confirmed the hypothesis that, against the
background of other Visegrad Group countries, the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary, in the case of
Slovakia there were many instances of human rights violations in the period analysed. This led to the
drastic deterioration of bilateral relations with many countries and the slowdown of Slovakia’s accession to the North Atlantic Alliance and the European Union.
cultural and social assimilation of immigrants, and systemic solutions – Pol...Przegląd Politologiczny
: The article presents the problem of migration and assimilation of newcomers in the countries
of residence. One of the main reasons for migration are economic and social considerations, this applies
to both non-European arrivals and internal migration. The aim of this study, conducted by scholars from
Norway and Poland, is to compare systemic solutions both within the social legislation and the functioning of the labor market with respect to Poles and Ukrainians, confronting them with existing barriers regarding the possibility of assimilation and obstacles related to the transformation of economic into
settlement migration. The methodological and theoretical basis of the team’s research is comparative
methods, including comparative politics. The research on immigrants was conducted using both quantitative methods – statistical and qualitative data analysis – and research using the in-depth interview
method. Poles and Ukrainians are not at the same stage of formal migration due to the formal plane. According to the analysis, Ukrainians have much greater opportunities for actual assimilation than Poles in
Norway. Smaller cultural differences and linguistic barriers to the Ukrainians in Poland are conducive
to this process. If the state and Polish society take advantage of this situation and enable the settlement
of Ukrainians and make their job offers more attractive, there is a chance that they will fill the emerging
demographic gap. It would be for the benefit of both societies.
A forecast of international migration flows into EU countries until 2050Przegląd Politologiczny
The subject of this paper is international migration into EU countries. The research objective
is a quantitative estimation of the volume of international migration flows into European countries and
their close neighbors until 2050. The forecast of international migration flows is based on the author’s
own model of global international migration. The model is based on a synergetic approach and assumptions that the level of migration is determined first of all by the number of existing migrants from that
country. The data used for the forecast is UN data on migration flows in 1990–2015, and the UN’s predictions regarding changes in population between now and 2050. The forecast is based on the medium
scenario of demographic development offered by the UN. Countries with a current population of more
than 5 million are taken into consideration as potential sources of immigration. The predicted values of
the total number of international migration flows to each of the EU and neighboring countries for each
five-year period until 2050 are determined. The predicted migration flows from EU countries are also
determined. It is concluded that the forecasts allow us to claim that the problem of migration will continue for EU countries. However, the essence of this problem is not the prevention of excess migration,
but attracting migrants to the countries of the ‘second Europe.’
Participation of city residents in the ongoing activities of public transport...Przegląd Politologiczny
The organization and management of public transportation is one of the most important
responsibilities of local authorities. In view of the dynamically changing conditions of modern cities’
transportation policies, actions in this area pose a challenge, involving the standardization of transportation and its adjustment to the transportation needs and expectations of residents not only of individual
cities, but of entire metropolitan areas. One of the ways to tailor transportation to the needs of residents
is to continuously coordinate on the basis of diagnosis and analysis of residents’ demands. Public transportation passenger councils provide a forum for exchanging views on this issue. In Poland, only the
authorities of Warsaw have thus far decided to establish such a body.
‘वोटर्स विल मस्ट प्रीवेल’ (मतदाताओं को जीतना होगा) अभियान द्वारा जारी हेल्पलाइन नंबर, 4 जून को सुबह 7 बजे से दोपहर 12 बजे तक मतगणना प्रक्रिया में कहीं भी किसी भी तरह के उल्लंघन की रिपोर्ट करने के लिए खुला रहेगा।
In a May 9, 2024 paper, Juri Opitz from the University of Zurich, along with Shira Wein and Nathan Schneider form Georgetown University, discussed the importance of linguistic expertise in natural language processing (NLP) in an era dominated by large language models (LLMs).
The authors explained that while machine translation (MT) previously relied heavily on linguists, the landscape has shifted. “Linguistics is no longer front and center in the way we build NLP systems,” they said. With the emergence of LLMs, which can generate fluent text without the need for specialized modules to handle grammar or semantic coherence, the need for linguistic expertise in NLP is being questioned.
role of women and girls in various terror groupssadiakorobi2
Women have three distinct types of involvement: direct involvement in terrorist acts; enabling of others to commit such acts; and facilitating the disengagement of others from violent or extremist groups.
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हम आग्रह करते हैं कि जो भी सत्ता में आए, वह संविधान का पालन करे, उसकी रक्षा करे और उसे बनाए रखे।" प्रस्ताव में कुल तीन प्रमुख हस्तक्षेप और उनके तंत्र भी प्रस्तुत किए गए। पहला हस्तक्षेप स्वतंत्र मीडिया को प्रोत्साहित करके, वास्तविकता पर आधारित काउंटर नैरेटिव का निर्माण करके और सत्तारूढ़ सरकार द्वारा नियोजित मनोवैज्ञानिक हेरफेर की रणनीति का मुकाबला करके लोगों द्वारा निर्धारित कथा को बनाए रखना और उस पर कार्यकरना था।
1. DOI : 10.14746/pp.2019.24.2.5
Baktybek Kainazarov
Polish Academy of Science
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6403-2835
Competition of world powers in Central Asia
Abstract: The region represents a great opportunity to research the common security challenges of
Central Asian countries, which require regional cooperation. Security issues connected with vulnerabil-
ity of Central Asian countries into natural hazards and complex emergencies (that may derive from ter-
ritorial disputes, ethnic violence, drug trafficking, combating against terrorism and extremism) equally
proves that regional cooperation is necessary to solve common problems. Moreover, from cultural and
traditional context, Central Asia has shared common past and heritage which would serve as driving
force for regional integration process.
When Soviet Union collapsed most scholars argued that the region finally would develop indepen-
dent. However, historical analysis of the post-Soviet period shows that geopolitical interest of world
powers did not disappear. To some extent historical overlords of Central Asia (Russia and China) re-
gained their geopolitical position through creating economic and military institutions with the partici-
pation of Central Asian countries. In this respect, this research paper focuses on analysis of interplay
between China and Russia in Post-Soviet Central Asia, their role of regional stability and economic
growth. Finally, paper also considers important to investigate the role of USA and the EU for Central
Asia region, including where the EU and USA can have more space for cooperation.
Key words: Central Asia; world powers; security, geopolitics
Introduction
When Soviet Union collapsed most scholars argued that natural resource rich Central
Asian region finally would develop independent and benefit from regional integra-
tion process. There was a hope for regional integration which would unite Central Asian
nations who share common cultural and traditional values. However, historical analysis
of over two and half decade of post-Soviet period shows that Central Asian countries
could not create regional institution which would develop without external powers in-
terference. On the contrary, geopolitical interest of world powers has increased in the
region and Central Asian states became increasingly dependent on external powers.
When one analyzes the post-soviet period of Central Asian states, one can see how
China and Russia actively developed their regional platforms, which aimed at increas-
ing their influence in the region. Historical overlords of Central Asia created Shanhai
Cooperation Organization (China led security and economic area), Collective Security
Treaty Organization (Russia led security oriented institution), Eurasian Economic Union
(Russia led economic integration organization) and Silk Road Belt Initiative (China led
economic project), which shows increased geopolitical interest of both regional players.
By local experts’ view, in contrast to USA and the EU, Russia and China regained their
geopolitical positions through creating economic and military institutions that engage
Central Asian countries into integration process.
2. 68 Baktybek Kainazarov PP 2 ’19
At the same time, while defining the region from geographical context, scholars
consider Afghanistan as an intrinsic part of the region. Historically, Afghanistan had
close cultural and traditional ties with Central Asian nations. When one analyzes
ethnic composition of Afghanistan, it accommodates Tajik, Uzbek, Turkmen and Nur
people, who have cultural and linguistic commonness with Central Asian people.
Besides, three of Central Asian countries are bordered with Afghanistan, which di-
rectly influences for regional security of the post-Soviet Central Asian countries. In
this regard, there are also local scholars who argue that geopolitical competition in
Central Asia also includes situation in Afghanistan, where United States and NATO
have central role to play for regional stability. Local experts acknowledge that Af-
ghanistan, while straddling territories of three post-Soviet Central Asian states has
direct impact for Central Asian countries in responding global challenges such as
terrorism, Islamic radicalism, drug trafficking and others which requires regional
cooperation. Therefore, while discussing the world powers competition in Central
Asia, local and international scholars mostly analyze policies of four contenders:
China, Russia, USA and the EU, who have higher capacity and resources than other
players. In this respect, this research paper focuses on analysis of interplay between
China and Russia in Post-Soviet Central Asia, as well as refers to Western countries’
role for regional stability.
From Geopolitical context, there can be also regional players such as India, Turkey,
Iran, who have interests to develop their cultural and economic influence. However, in
front of China, Russia, USA and the EU they have not enough capacity to compete. Iran
and India hold only status of observers in China and Russia led regional institutions. By
social scientists view, even, if they become equal members of those institutions, the rule
of the game is dictated by Russia and China. Thus, this paper analyzes competition only
among main contenders: China, Russia, USA and the EU, including their shared interests
and competition.
Central Asia region
When scholars define the Central Asian region, it has various names which come
from different historical epochs. Whilst during Alexander the Great’s intervention in
Central Asia the region was called Transaxonia, during the Persian cultural domination
it was called earlier ‘Turan’1
and later Turkestan.
What is characteristic to the region is that it was in the center of power play dynam-
ics and the world’s powerful countries have fought for centuries over Central Asia. In
contemporary international politics, Central Asia still remain unique region where geo-
political interests of world powers intersect.According to some scholars, in one hand it is
connected with its geographical location and the same time the region is rich for natural
resources, making it attractive for major players.
1
Turan comes from Persian word which referred for Nomads of Central Asia. Iranians were seden-
tary whereas Turanians were considered only nomads. It is a sort of Pan Turkic trend which was lobbied
before the Soviet intervention and which has revived after the fall of communism as well. Information
regarding Turan can be retrieved from http://karty.narod.ru/great/turan/turan.html.
3. PP 2 ’19 Competition of world powers in Central Asia 69
Map 1. Map of Central Asian countries2
Source: https://www.rosjapl.info/podroze/azja-centralna.html.
In relation to terminology of the name of the region, Frederick Starr emphasized that
“much of the rest of the world adopted the Russians’ terminology and the assumption
underlying it, namely, that the region was defined in terms of the territory under Russian
control rather than by its intrinsic geographical, cultural, or economic properties” (Starr,
2006, p. 1). By local experts view, Central Asian society conceptually might extend to
Xinjian and Afghanistan. However, politically the region is limited to five former Soviet
states, which have a common heritage from the Soviet system.
After the intervention of Russia into the region, Soviet scientists defined the region as
inner Asia or middle Asia. The Soviet period brought more than cultural and traditional
commonness for the region, called Soviet civic and political culture. The Soviet period
of Central Asia is described as one of educational advancement and modernization of
society in the region, which had vital influence for the political and power structure.
Internationally, the region now includes only five post-Soviet countries: Kyrgyzstan, Ka-
zakhstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. Soviet civic culture equipped these
countries with their own perception of political participation and political system, which
differs from other post-Soviet states.
2
As Fredrick Starr argued the term Central Asia is perceived from soviet terminology of Sred-
nyaAzia (Middle Asia). Therefore, this map of Central Asia covers only five post-Soviet Central Asian
countries.
4. 70 Baktybek Kainazarov PP 2 ’19
Post-Soviet Central Asia
The post-Soviet Central Asia countries is confronted with regional security challeng-
es connected with Islamic radicalism, drug trafficking, labor migration, and other chal-
lenges which require regional response and cooperation. Moreover, due to its landlocked
geographical location, poor economy, and increased vulnerability for natural disasters
and complex emergencies, Central Asia is identified as one of the biggest landlocked and
fragile regions in the world. Therefore, while examining local scholars works on geo-
politics, one can see that it is more prevailed by regional cooperation with the participa-
tion of major players in the region (for last decade the role of dominating major players
in the region became Russia and China).
Local scholars argue that Russia considers Central Asia not only as its periphery but
also as its geostrategic partner for security matter, due to the vulnerability of the region to
drug trafficking, border disputes, and poverty which can overlap into instability of whole
region. Some scholars also draw attention to the term ‘Afghan threat’which emphasizes
vulnerability of Central Asian countries due to religious extremism, Taliban regime and
drug trafficking in Neighboring Afghanistan. Central Asian states are concerned on Tali-
ban insurgents in the territory of Afghanistan, which presents direct threat to security in
Central Asian region.
However, a certain number of scholars argue that “security threats to CentralAsia don’t
come mainly fromAfghanistan, but are rather posed by returning homegrown jihadists and
groups based in countries such as Pakistan who have infiltrated Afghanistan” (“Deutsche
Welle”, 2017, p. 1). Russian intelligence service warned Central Asian colleagues about
increasing number of religious extremists who join ISIS inAfghanistan and in Middle East
countries. By local experts view the main root cause of religious extremism in the region
derives also from poverty, unemployment and growing illiteracy which increase vulner-
ability of youth and young population of Central Asia to radicalism.
From security context local experts also highlight drug trafficking as major concern.
According to Muratbek Imanaliev (former secretary of Shanghai Cooperation Organiza-
tion) “One of the most difficult international problems for Kyrgyzstan, as well as for all
the states of Central Asia, is the situation in Afghanistan, more precisely – several princi-
pal factors related to the present, but more to the future of this country and potentially to
the future of the region” (Imanaliev, 2016, p. 1). What is argued by local scholars is that
drug trafficking increases fragility of Central Asian states, due to sluggish reaction of the
world community to the current situation
Furthermore, Central Asia accommodates Fergana valley, which is defined by social
scientists as the potentially explosive region. For instance, all last major ethnic conflicts
(that resulted displacement and flow of refugees across the region), revolts and ethnic
violence in Central Asia took place in Fergana valley:
the ethnic conflict between Uzbek and Kyrgyz took place in Southern part of Kyrgyz-––
stan in 1990s, in 2010;
in 1992 the Uzbek city of Namangan witnessed an outbreak of religious-based vio-––
lence that presaged the founding of the radical Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan;
in 1999 a Tajik colonel, Mahmud Khudoiberdiev, took control of large areas of the––
Tajik sector of the valley in an attempt to oust President Emomali Rakhmonov;
5. PP 2 ’19 Competition of world powers in Central Asia 71
in 2005, Uzbek forces opened fire on Uzbek protestors in Andijon, killing from sev-––
eral hundred to 1,000 people according to differing estimates (Starr, 2010, p. 3).
The list of ethnic violence and conflicts in Fergana valley can be quite long. In ad-
dition, Fergana Valley accommodates all seven existing enclaves of three Central Asian
countries which retain the ethnic tension and violence. Therefore, it is argued that with-
out active collaboration of CentralAsian states in the frame of Shanghai Cooperation Or-
ganization and Collective Security treaty organization it would be impossible to respond
to regional security challenges.
Map 2. Map of Fergana Valley3
Source: http://www.energyglobalnews.com/march-1992-the-fergana-valley-massive-oil-spill/.
Russia and China in post-Soviet Central Asia
Russia’s and China’s increased geopolitical role in the region is explained with geo-
graphical location of the post-soviet CentralAsian countries between these two historical
overlords. In this regard, Virginia Marantidou and Ralph A. Cossa stated that “If Ukraine
is Russia’s front yard, then Central Asia must be considered its back yard. Russia has
longstanding historical, economic, and political ties to Central Asian governments”
(Marantidou, Cossa, 2014, p. 1). Indisputably, all Central Asian countries inherited with
strong political, economic and cultural ties with Russia. However, among Central Asian
countries, Uzbekistan till the death of Islam Karimov (first president of Uzbekistan) had
3
The Map of Fergana Valley, which show border disputes, existing enclaves and exclaves among
Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.
6. 72 Baktybek Kainazarov PP 2 ’19
reluctant position to cooperate and declined from Russia led regional institutions where-
as Turkmenistan distinguished with its neutrality position. As for other three Central
Asian countries they all actively have been participating in regional integration, through
their dependency have been increasing on China with the launch of One Road and One
belt project.
In relation to current situation to Russia and Central Asian countries relations one can
see how Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan also joined for close collaboration with Russia.
In the latest meeting in Sochi on October 12, 2017, representatives of all Central Asian
countries took part in the meeting and signed their agreement for further deepening of
regional integration in the frame of Eurasian Economic Union and Commonwealth of
Independent states. Local Experts connect it with the complicated situation with Islamic
radicalism in Afghanistan and Middle East that present threat to national security of
Central Asian countries. Central Asian governments have been showing high concern
on their citizens’ participation in IS conflict in Syria. According to International Crisis
Group sources, for last three years from 2000–4000 have participated in conflict with
Islamic State”. International crisis group report highlighted that “The problem is acute
in southern Kyrgyzstan, where the risks are amplified by the alienation of the Uzbek
community since the violence in Osh in 2010”. In this regard, Central Asian leaders
acknowledge that Islamic radicalism has direct threat to national security and Russia can
serve as security guarantor for regional stability and fight against Taliban from Afghani-
stan. In comparative analysis of external powers geopolitical influences in security area,
Richard Weitz emphasized that “the last few years has seen a sharp drawdown in U.S.
military activities in Central Asia, which has induced Russia but not China to increase
its regional security management” (Richard Weitz, 2017, p. 1–3). Russia’s regained geo-
strategic presence is evidenced through its leading role in Collective Security Treaty Or-
ganization (CSTO), where Russia has been strengthening military alliance with Central
Asian countries without China.
In addition, as experts highlight “Central Asia serves as a nexus for a thriving narcot-
ics trade emanating from Afghanistan. Drug smugglers funnel heroin and opium from
Afghanistan through the “Northern Route,” passing through Kazakhstan, Tajikistan,
Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan to final destinations in Europe and Russia” (Richard
Weitz, 2017, p. 1–3). In counter drug trafficking Russia also takes leading position in the
frame of CSTO as well as in SCO. For all Central Asian countries, who are affected with
drug trafficking that increase fragility of Central Asian state borders and development of
trans-border criminal groups, involvement of Russia to fight against drug trafficking is
welcomed.
Within this regards, Russia’s presence in the region is explained with its intention
to avoid any destabilization of Central Asia and the same time to keep its competitors,
China and the United States, at bay (The EU report, 2016, pp. 5–6). At the same time,
local scholars draw attention to China’s strengthened relations with Central Asian
countries, which started to deepen through huge financing and foreign direct invest-
ment to infrastructure, natural resources, energy, transport and communication area.
According to statistics, “Since China forged diplomatic relations with the five Central
Asian states in 1992, its overall trade with the region has increased 100-fold” (Xinhua,
2013, pp. 1–3). The economy oriented investment of China presents a great opportu-
7. PP 2 ’19 Competition of world powers in Central Asia 73
nity for landlocked Central Asian countries to get access to global market, through
Chinese led ambitious project one road one belt. In this regard, William T. Wilson re-
ferred to Chinese companies investment to building roads, bridges and tunnels across
Central Asia, which increased trade between China and Central Asian states China. For
instance, according to comparative research analysis for 2013, “trade between China
and the five Central Asian states totaled $50 billion, while the five states’ trade with
Russia – previously the region’s top economic player – amounted to only $30 billion”
(Wilson, 2016, pp. 1–3).
In 2015, “China became Uzbekistan’s largest trading partner with $3 billion worth
of trade, Kazakhstan’s largest investor with 33 deals delivering $23.6 billion to the na-
tion and Turkmenistan’s biggest investor in energy sector. In addition, China became
a leading partner in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan for hydro-power projects” (Kelly-Clark,
2015, p. 1–3). China’s long term strategic investment into infrastructure of Central Asian
countries is making China as dominant economic power in the region.
Scholars also argue that China has redrawn Central Asia’s energy economics. Ac-
cording to latest statistics, “Chinese companies now own close to a quarter of Kazakh-
stan’s oil production and account for well over half of Turkmenistan’s gas exports. Re-
cently they signed $15 billion in gas and uranium deals with Uzbekistan” (Wislon, 2016,
pp. 1–3). The main explanation of China’s strategic investment on infrastructure of Cen-
tral Asian countries is that with the growth of Chinese economy, its dependency from
raw materials and natural resources increases tremendously.
The EU and USA in Central Asia
When one analyses Western nations’ approach towards Central Asia, from the early
1990s, the USA as well as the EU saw political transformation as the main driving force
for democratic reforms in the region. Therefore, initial bilateral and multilateral agree-
ments between Central Asian countries and the US State Department as well as agree-
ments with the European Commission focused on assistance for developing new parlia-
ments, parties, laws, and courts.
Among the Western projects, the TechnicalAid to the Commonwealth of Independent
States (TACIS) program promoted by the European Commission had a very promising
impact for inter-parliamentary relations between European countries and Central Asia.
However, as critics state “it became clear that the ‘presidential’ (as opposed to parlia-
mentary) systems adopted everywhere had opened the door for powerful individuals to
rise to the fore and claim authoritarian powers” (Starr, 2006, p. 6). Therefore, the EU and
US strategy towards democratization process in Central Asia took the alternative route,
which came through the NGO sector.
While discussing the EU and USA engagement in post-Soviet Central Asia, till Sep-
tember 11, it was characterized as limited due to geographical location and with western
approach which was not welcomed by Central Asian presidents who created sultanistic
and family centered regimes. By some scholars view, before September 11 the EU and
USA were not proactive enough in promoting either political or economic reform in the
region. Martha Brill Olcott’s emphasized “supporting reform in Central Asia was nei-
8. 74 Baktybek Kainazarov PP 2 ’19
ther a priority of the U.S. nor of Europe, and in most ways policy in this region became
a hand-maiden of the policy toward Russia” (Olcott’s, 2007, pp. 1–2). At the same time
scholars emphasize that 9/11 changed fundamentally USA’s and the EU’s engagement
in the post Soviet Central Asia. According to the EU report, after September 11, “Wash-
ington – to fight the war on terror – has transformed Central Asia into a logistical hub for
its operations in Afghanistan” (The EU Report, 2016, pp. 3–5). When USA and the EU
started its anti-terroristic campaign through NATO it was welcomed by Central Asian
states as well as by its historical overlords, who also saw Taliban as common threat re-
gional stability. However, cooperation of Central Asian states with western countries in
NATO’s anti-terroristic mission gradually decreased. For instance, both military air base
of USA was closed in Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan.
Analysis of the EU report on Central Asia indicates that Brussels and Washington
lost their role as major players in the region. Until recently the United States has seen the
region through a security prism, focusing on the situation in Afghanistan (The EU report,
2016, pp. 8–9). However, what scholars argue is that regardless of the lack of geographi-
cal access, Central Asia entails important partner for the United States and NATO in
the fight against terrorism, Islamic radicalism, drug trafficking and other contemporary
challenges.
Shanghai Cooperation and its role for security in the region
SCO, which includes 4 states of Central Asia (except Turkmenistan), China and Rus-
sia, is intergovernmental organization that aims addressing not only security but also
economic issues in the region. As local and international scholars argue, SCO already
appeared as an umbrella under which member states can initiate and deepen economic
ties with one another. For example,
Kyrgyzstan’s northwestern Talas province in February 2011 announced plans to sign
a memorandum of economic partnership with Russia’s Altai province under the SCO’s
umbrella and in 2009, the SCO’s umbrella was used to initiate joint economic coopera-
tion amidst the global financial crisis, with the first meeting of SCO finance ministers
and heads of central banks held in Kazakhstan though China has by far used this um-
brella the most (Boland, 2011, p. 1).
Furthermore, the latest annual meeting of SCO in China showed, how this platform
is now used to tie up economiс, business and trade relations. However, when one ana-
lyzes SCO annual meeting agendas, the security activities dominate. As far as Central
Asia is bordered with Afganistan, security issues connected with counter-terrorism and
combatting traffichiking is prioritized in regional scope. In this regard, Julie Boland
emphasized that.
The SCO has made progress on counter narcotics issues as well, to complement
its Afghanistan-focused efforts. The RATS signed a Protocol of Cooperation with the
Central Asian Regional Information and Coordination Center (CARICC) on September
27th, 2010 to combat drug trafficking, trans-border drug crime, and subsequent terrorist
related financing (Boland, 2011, p. 4). In high security issues connected with boder man-
agement, counter-trafficking counter-terrorism and radicalism, SCO can be considered
9. PP 2 ’19 Competition of world powers in Central Asia 75
more operative. In the frame of SCO countries of Central Asian countries have been
participating security exercises on counter-terrorism, drug trafficking which develops ca-
pacity building of member states. Importance of regional approach in the scope of SCO
also derives from the NATO deployment in Afganistan by the end of 2014. According to
Stephen Aris “SCO’s elites are increasingly focused on developing a regional approach
to Afganistan” (Aris, 2013, pp. 5–6).
Development and Challenges
In the process of regional intensifications in the frame of Eurasian Economic Union
or Great Silk Road initiative, one can also see how these two regional rivals and major
players impose new import restrictions in their led regional institutions which focus on
increasing dependency of Central Asian states. Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), which
is seen as Moscow’s counter response to Beijin’s great Silk Road plan that aim at extend-
ing China’s zone of economic interest in the region, offers opportunity to Moscow to tie
economic interdependence of CentralAsian countries with Russia. Moreover, since 2014
with the eruption of Ukrainian crisis and with the active engagement of Russia in Syrian
conflict, Russia regained its role as security guarantor in the region.
At the same time, local experts also draw attention to shared interests of Russia and
China in the region. Both powers have common interest in maintaining regional security
which is complicated due to increasing religiosity and development of radical groupings
in post-Soviet Central Asia and Chinese Xinjiang region. Since Central Asia obtained
independences, number of radical groups and sects such as Hisbut Tahrir, Islamic Move-
ment of Uzbekistan, Turkestan movement, Tabligi Jamoat and others have increased.
Central Asian states as well as Russia and China acknowledge that without regional co-
operation it would be impossible to address security challenges in the region. Therefore,
when one investigates Shanghai cooperation organization and Collective Security Treaty
organization, both of these institutions are security oriented.
Membership of CentralAsian countries in Russian and China led regional institutions
plays a crucial role to extend economic growth and to confront drug trafficking, terror-
ism, Islamic radicalism and to secure regional stability. However, when one analyzes
main root causes of high unemployment and poverty which increase fragility of Central
Asian society to Islamic radicalism, drug trafficking and organized crime, it is tightly
connected with high corruption and weak civil society which is suppressed.
Conclusion
Although scholars argue that there are four main contenders in Central Asia, it is
equally argued that historical overlords of Central Asia – Russia and China increased
their geopolitical presence. Development of regional organizations with Russia and
China in Central Asia shows not only increased interests of two major player in the re-
gion but also their competition for economic expansion and regional dominance. While
analyzing current regional integration process in Central Asia it can be concluded that
10. 76 Baktybek Kainazarov PP 2 ’19
Central Asian states see China and Russia led organizations as an opportunity for balanc-
ing their alliances – two major players, both of which have greater ambition to economic
and political dominance in the region. The latest statistics and reports clearly show how
Chinese trade with Central Asian region has been exceeding Russian economic turnover
with Central Asian countries. In contrast to Russia and China, the EU and USA has lim-
ited geopolitical presence in the region, whereby their partnership and cooperation focus
mostly on soft issues including cultural and educational program, technical assistance
and development aid. At the same time, the western approach such as democracy pro-
motion, application of rule of law and civil society development, are not welcomed by
Central Asian leaders who are against political system change.
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the United States?, Brooings Institution, Washington DC.
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Democratization in Central Asia, Hamburg, Germany.
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weitz-on-security-in-central-asia-and-its-new-old-challenges/, November 10, 2017.
Starr F. (2006), Clans Authoritarian rulers and Parliaments in Central Asia, Central Asia Caucasus
Institute, John Hopkins University, SAIS.
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Wilson W. T., China’s Huge ‘One Belt, One Road’ Initiative Is Sweeping Central Asia, the heritage
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sunday/2013-09/08/ content_16952160.htm.
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Konkurencja światowych mocarstw w Azji Środkowej
Streszczenie
Region stwarza doskonałą okazję do zbadania wyzwań, przed jakimi stoją kraje Azji Środkowej,
w celu zapewnienia sobie bezpieczeństwa, co wymaga współpracy regionalnej. Kwestie bezpieczeń-
stwa związane z zagrażającymi krajom Azji Środkowej zjawiskami naturalnymi, jak i złożonymi sy-
11. PP 2 ’19 Competition of world powers in Central Asia 77
tuacjami nadzwyczajnymi (które mogą wynikać ze sporów terytorialnych, przemocy etnicznej, handlu
narkotykami, zwalczania terroryzmu i ekstremizmu) w równym stopniu dowodzą, że współpraca re-
gionalna jest niezbędna przy rozwiązywaniu wspólnych problemów. Ponadto, z punktu widzenia kon-
tekstu kulturowego i tradycji, państwa Azji Środkowej łączy wspólna przeszłość i dziedzictwo, które
mogą posłużyć jako siła napędowa procesu integracji regionalnej.
Po upadku Związku Radzieckiego większość badaczy była zdania, że region zacznie wreszcie zdo-
bywać niezależność. Jednak analiza historyczna okresu postsowieckiego pokazuje, że interesy geopo-
lityczne światowych potęg nie straciły na znaczeniu. Do pewnego stopnia historyczni hegemoni Azji
Środkowej (Rosja i Chiny) odzyskali swoją pozycję geopolityczną poprzez tworzenie instytucji gospo-
darczych i wojskowych z udziałem krajów Azji Środkowej. W tym względzie niniejszy artykuł skupia
się na analizie wzajemnych zależności między Chinami i Rosją w postsowieckiej Azji Środkowej i ich
znaczeniu dla stabilności regionalnej i wzrostu gospodarczego. Za ważne uznano także zbadanie roli
USA i UE w regionie Azji Środkowej, łącznie ze wskazaniem na obszary, w których UE i USA mogą
rozwinąć współpracę.
Słowa kluczowe: Azja Środkowa, potęgi światowe, bezpieczeństwo, geopolityka
Article submitted: 11.11.2018; article accepted: 30.02.2019.