This document is a senior capstone paper that examines conceptions and misconceptions of Muslims post-9/11. It explores how perceptions of Muslims have changed due to the event and the growing ideological gap between American and Islamic worlds. The author conducted interviews with students and mosque attendees to understand perceptions. The paper employs theories of uncertainty reduction and relational dialectics to analyze the data. It aims to understand perceptions of Muslims and how these impressions affect Muslims in the post-9/11 era, with the goal of helping to reduce uncertainty and join the two cultures.

1.
Conceptions,
Misconceptions,
and
Future
Conceptions:
An
Examination
of
the
View
of
Muslims
Post-­‐‑9/11
Omer
F.
Malik
Senior
Capstone
Spring
2014

2. Keywords:
Islam,
post-­‐‑colonialism,
orientalism,
the
Other,
post
9/11
politics,
the
American
world
and
Islam,
Muslims,
9/11
Arab-­‐‑American
politics,
Arabic
and
America,
the
other
American
Middle
East,
perceptions
of
Islam,
perceptions
of
Americans,
relational
dialectics
theory,
uncertainty
reduction
theory
Abstract:
This
study
explores
the
growing
ideological
gap
between
the
American
and
Islamic
worlds.
Employing
uncertainty
reduction
theory
and
relational
dialectics
concepts,
the
foundation
of
this
study
lies
in
the
field
of
interpersonal
communication.
By
interviewing
students
and
attendees
of
two
local
mosques,
an
Islamic
community
center,
and
Saint
Mary’s
college
of
California,
the
ultimate
end
of
this
study
is
to
understand
the
perceptions
of
Muslims
and
how
these
impressions
of
Muslims
affect
Muslims,
post-­‐‑9/11.
Introduction:
As
the
United
States
becomes
increasingly
invested
in
the
Islamic
world,
it
has
become
ever
so
important
to
understand
how
these
intersecting
cultures
and
ways
of
thinking
interact
with
one
another.
The
purpose
of
this
study
is
to
understand
the
impact
of
9/11
on
the
American
population,
both
Muslims
and
non-­‐‑
Muslims.
The
changing
perception
of
Muslims
can
be
attributed
to
September
11th,
2001
as
an
event
that
led
to
ideological
separation
of
American
and
Islamic
discourses
and
belief
systems,
(Krebs
&
Lobasz,
2006,
p.
1;
Duran,
L,
R.
1992,
p.3)
as
existing
works
suggest.
As
such,
this
work
will
focus
on
reporting
the
perception
of
Muslims
post-­‐‑9/11
among
Muslims
and
non-­‐‑Muslims.
It
will
then
move
to
understanding
what
can
be
done
to
close
this
gap
when
employing
two
well-­‐‑
ciruclated
qualitative
theories.
So
then,
the
purpose
of
this
study
is
to
create
data
to
help
conjoin
the
two
cultures
and
ideologies.
The
data
yielded
by
this
study
is
the
byproduct
of
several
interviews
with
students
at
Saint
Mary’s
College
of
California
and
attendees
of
similar
age
of
the
Islamic
Center
of
Fremont,
Khalilullah
Ibrahim
Islamic
Center,
and
those
of
the
Muslim
Community
Association
location
in
Santa
Clara;
all
locations
of
the
Bay
Area
in
Northern
California.
To
do
so,
qualitative
methods
of
survey
were
employed
in
conjunction
with
two
major
theories
of
communication:
uncertainty
reduction
theory
and
relational
dialectics
theory,
both
of
which
will
be
elaborated
upon
later
on
in
this
work.
The
process
of
survey
itself
will
be
discussed
in
the
methods
section
of
this
research
work.
As
a
whole,
this
work
contributes
to
the
interpersonal
communication
body
of
scholarship.
Communication
itself
is
an
ever-­‐‑expanding
body
of
scholarship.
It
tests
and
draws
upon
theoretical
framework
from
a
variety
of
fields.
These
sections
to
come
are
all
areas
that
are
relevant
to
this
study.
They
are
the
various
areas
of
study
that
this
work
speaks
in
and
to.
Moreover,
these
next
sections
serve
as
a
literature
review,
demonstrating
what
existing
research
is
relevant
and
where
it
may
be
incomplete
or
lacking.

3. The
sources
to
be
mentioned
were
first
selected
in
order
of
their
relevance
to
the
scope
of
this
work.
These
sources
are
arranged
by
subheadings
and
these
subheadings
are
ordered
by
their
increasing
specificity.
The
sources
were
deemed
relevant
by
their
object(s)
under
examination
and
the
theories
employed
in
doing
so;
and
are
then
grouped
together
with
those
with
similar
ideas
and/or
information.
I:
Interpersonal
Communication
The
field
of
communication
as
a
whole
firstly
categorizes
this
thesis.
Communication
studies
can
be
defined
as
the
study
of
the
process
by
which
humans
interact
with
one
another
and
their
surroundings
to
create
and
share
meaning.
The
major
factors
in
this
process
are
gender,
ethnicity,
sexual
orientation,
culture,
risk,
freedom
of
expression,
and
globalization
(Eadie,
21st
century
communication:
A
reference
handbook).
Diving
further,
interpersonal
communication
examines
the
exchange
of
information
between
two
or
more
people.
This
is
where
the
essence
of
this
thesis
lies.
There
is
a
negotiated
exchange
of
information,
by
which
meaning
is
created
and
relayed
through
a
process
of
encoding
and
decoding
(Hall,
Encoding,
Decoding).
The
act
is
“negotiated”
in
that
it
involves
a
process
of
feedback
and
response,
connotation
and
denotation,
and
meaning
production
(Hartley,
Interpersonal
Communication;
Hill
&
Danny
Watson,
Key
Themes
in
Interpersonal
Communication:
Culture,
Identities,
and
Performance).
Hill
and
Watson
suggest
that
intercultural
communication
will
have
two
major
points
of
contact:
international
and
domestic.
Both
sources
stress
the
influence
of
the
sender’s/encoder’s
beliefs,
values,
and
worldviews;
and
argue
that
the
way
one
communicates
is
engrained
in
them
by
their
culture,
language,
rules,
and
norms.
The
international
point
of
contact
is
most
relevant
to
the
focus
of
this
study.
The
underlying
process
of
communication
between
people
of
different
cultures
and
subcultures
is
very
different
than
the
underlying
process
of
communication
between
people
of
the
same
culture
or
subculture
(Gudykunst
&
Yun
Kim,
Communicating
With
Strangers:
An
Approach
to
Intercultural
Communication).
This
study
will
be
focusing
on
the
international
point
of
contact.
It
aims
to
understand
the
communication,
or
negotiated
meaning
creation,
between
two
peoples
of
different
culture,
religion,
and
ideology.
It
will
suggest
that
individuals
or
groups
should
not
underestimate
the
similarities
of
another
while
acknowledging
the
differences.
Moreover,
this
thesis
will
argue
that
awareness
of
the
other's
culture
is
how
cross-­‐‑cultural
interpersonal
communication
is
facilitated.
This
occurs
increasingly
commonly
amongst
culturally
distinct
speech
communities.
The
study
of
this
phenomenon
is
intercultural
communication,
a
field
that
examines
how
interpretation
of
spoken,
written,
or
symbolic
discourse
translates
beyond
international
and
cultural
boundaries
(Knapp
&
Warner,
Analyzing
Intercultural
Miscommunication).
Intercultural
communication
acts
as
a
discourse
system,
in
which
people
feel
comfortable
with
others
who
are
a
part
of
that
discourse
system.
Within
this
group
their
feelings
of
solidarity
and
security
are
increased
(Scollon
&
Wong,
Language
in
Society:
Intercultural
Communication:
A
Discourse
Approach;
Kryk-­‐‑Kastovsky,
Intercultural
Miscommunication
Past
and
Present).
Where
this
study
will
add
to
existing
intercultural
communication
and

4. miscommunication
studies
is
by
bringing
to
light
the
negative
side
of
this
function.
This
work
will
argue
that
members
of
a
discourse
system
reject
those
who
are
outside
of
that
discourse
system.
Those
on
the
outside
find
it
difficult
to
achieve
even
peripheral
participation
and
understanding.
In
order
to
make
such
claims
of
improving
interpersonal
communication
one
must
first
understand
what
interpersonal
miscommunication
constitutes.
It
is
important
to
understand
that
the
borderline
between
what
is
communicated
and
what
is
miscommunicated
operate
as
a
binary
of
sorts.
The
realm
of
miscommunication
is
just
as
rich
in
mystery
and
processes.
From
a
theoretical
perspective,
miscommunication
is
any
expression
that
is
conveyed
or
received
lacking
all
or
some
meaning.
A
miscommunicated
exchange
defects
and
violates
communicative
rules,
misrepresents
the
intended
message,
or
is
mismatched
with
incorrect
information
(Anolli,
Rita
Riva,
Say
Not
to
Say:
New
Perspectives
on
Miscommunication;
Tzanna,
Talking
at
Cross-­‐‑Purposes).
Now
with
a
developed
understanding
of
communication
and
miscommunication,
the
following
subheadings
will
move
to
discussing
the
areas
in
which
these
types
of
communication
occur.
II:
Post-­‐‑colonialism
The
term
‘post-­‐‑colonialism’
first
appeared
in
academic
and
popular
discourse
in
the
1980’s.
It
has
since
been
used
to
discuss
nationalism,
representation,
ethnicity,
feminism,
language,
and
even
education
(Ashcroft,
Griffiths
&
Tiffin,
Key
Concepts
in
Postcolonial
Studies).
It
has
since
come
to
describe
the
way
a
culture
distorts
experiences
and
realities
in
an
attempt
to
separate
their
identity
and
“reclaim
their
past
in
the
face
of
inevitable
Otherness”
(Saidi,
Post-­‐‑Colonialism
Literature
the
Concept
of
Self
and
the
Other
in
Coetzee's
Waiting
for
the
Barbarians:
An
Analytical
Approach).
Broadly
speaking,
post-­‐‑colonialism
examines
processes
of
colonization
and
decolonization.
After
colonization
there
are
identities
created;
and
these
identities
lead
to
the
subjugation
of
the
colonized
peoples’
knowledge
and
histories
and
the
misuse
of
knowledge
about
colonized
peoples
by
Westerners
(Chavez,
Postcolonial
Theory).
Post-­‐‑colonial
theory
is
a
transformative
stance,
focused
on
reconfiguring
epistemic
knowledge
structures.
Post-­‐‑colonial
theory
has
been
used
as
a
lens
to
examine
Islamic
nations
and
their
post-­‐‑independent
identities.
One
of
these
studies
suggests
Iraq,
Afghanistan,
Egypt,
and
Yemen
have
had
their
national
independence
emancipated
from
them
by
what
is
considered
a
more
authentic
national
rule
of
law
by
Western
idealists
(Khannous,
Islam,
Gender,
and
Identity:
A
Postcolonial
Critique).
Post-­‐‑colonial
theory
and
methodology
has
also
been
employed
to
analyze
the
responses
against
colonization.
These
acts
are
“often
labeled
as
acts
of
terror
by
the
colonizer”
(Naficy,
The
Making
of
Exile
Cultures).
The
historical
legacies
of
Western
underpin
lead
to
historical
resentment
and
misconstrued
historicism
between
the
colonized
and
colonizer.
And
these
acts
are
purposefully
configured
to
further
deepen
division
between
Western
and
non-­‐‑Western
cultures
(Boehmer
&
Morton,
Terror
and
the
Postcolonial).
This
study
will
explore
this
particular
occurrence
in
more
depth—it
will

5. question
the
contemporary
rhetoric
used
to
label
these
acts
as
terrorism
and
the
rift
created
between
the
involved
cultures
and
ideologies.
In
order
to
do
this,
Orientalism
and
the
Other
must
be
brought
into
play,
for
which
post-­‐‑colonial
studies
is
a
foundation.
III:
Orientalism
Emerging
as
a
study
of
19th-­‐‑century
literary
discourse,
the
principles
of
Orientalism
were
put
forth
by
the
works
of
thinkers
like
Antonio
Gramsci
and
Michel
Foucault.
Their
studies
questioned
the
implicit
justifications
and
imperial
ambition
of
European
powers
and
the
U.S.
over
the
romanticized
regions
of
Asia.
The
cultural
misrepresentations
of
“The
Orient”
have
since
been
tamed
and
cultivated
by
Edward
W.
Said.
Orientalism
is
“fundamentally
a
political
doctrine
willed
over
the
Orient,
because
the
Orient
was
weaker
than
the
West,
which
elided
the
Orient′s
difference
with
its
weakness…as
a
cultural
apparatus,
Orientalism
is
all
aggression,
activity,
judgment,
will-­‐‑to-­‐‑truth,
and
knowledge”
(Said,
Orientalism).
Said’s
work
continues
to
suggest
that
these
false
cultural
assumptions
and
persistent
prejudices
have
expanded
to
the
Middle
East,
against
Arab-­‐‑Islamic
peoples,
their
culture,
and
religion.
Here,
Said
explains
that
Western
knowledge
about
the
Middle
Eastern
and
Arab
countries,
peoples,
cultures,
and
religions
is
not
generated
from
reality
but
from
preconceived
“archetypes
that
envision
all
“Eastern
societies”
(el-­‐‑Aswad,
Images
of
Muslims
in
Western
Scholarship
and
Media
After
9/11).
In
both
works,
an
idea
of
the
“Orient”
is
constructed
as
a
negative
inversion
of
Western
culture.
It
is
a
strategy
of
sorts,
as
Said
claims,
which
is
influenced
by
Gramsci’s
notion
of
hegemony.
The
pervasiveness
of
“Orientalist
constructs
and
representations
in
Western
scholarship
and
reporting,
and
their
relation
to
the
exercise
of
power
over
the
"Orient”
(Lockman,
Contending
Visions
of
the
Middle
East:
The
History
and
Politics
of
Orientalism).
Orientalism
is
a
key
concept
surrounding
the
work
of
this
thesis.
The
power
relations
between
the
“Western
World”
and
the
“Orient”
have
long
existed.
In
the
wake
of
September
11th,
Orientalism’s
patronizing
of
East
Asian
cultures
and
religion
is
now
being
mirrored
onto
Middle
Eastern
and
Arab
countries;
and
a
majority
of
these
countries
are
Islamic
countries.
As
such,
the
patronization
of
Islam
has
also
become
quite
prominent
in
the
West.
This
work
will
reassure
this
phenomenon
and
contribute
to
its
advancement
by
demonstrating
how
deeply
Orientalism
has
infiltrated
the
conceptions
of
Islam
among
future
generations.
IV:
The
Other
The
power-­‐‑relation
aspect
of
Orientalism
yields
a
byproduct:
formation
of
the
Other,
or
the
practice
of
Otherness.
Otherness
or
the
creation
of
the
Other
is
the
creation
and
eventual
subjugation
of
an
individual
or
group.
It
is
Frantz
Fanon
who
first
developed
the
idea
of
the
Other.
In
essence,
the
Other
can
be
described
as
the
foreign:
an
object,
ideology,
person,
or
even
discourse
that
does
not
belong
to
“the

6. group.”
It
may
not
belong
in
its
customs,
race,
sexuality,
ethnicity,
or
even
language.
It
is
the
idea
of
the
Self
and
the
Other.
The
concept
of
Otherness
sees
the
world
as
divided
into
mutually
excluding
opposites.
This
construction
of
the
Other
is
a
process
of
demonization,
which
in
itself
expresses
the
“ambivalence
at
the
very
heart
of
authority”
(Ashcroft,
Griffiths,
&
Tiffin,
The
Empire
Writes
Back:
Theory
and
Practice
in
Post-­‐‑Colonial
Literatures).
It
challenges
the
assumptions
that
civilizations
are
monolithic
entities
that
do
not
interact
and
that
the
Self
and
the
Other
are
always
opposed
to
each
other
(Karim
&
Mahmoud,
Clash
of
Ignorance).
Post
September
11th,
these
concepts
of
Otherness
are
even
being
casted
onto
media
representations.
A
new
standard
in
racial
and
cultural
representation
emerged
out
of
the
multicultural
movement
of
the
1990s,
one
which
involved
balancing
a
negative
representation
with
a
positive
one,
what
is
referred
to
as
a
“simplified
complex
representations”
(Alsultany,
Arabs
and
Muslims
in
the
Media:
Race
and
Representation
After
9/11).
A
prime
example
is
seeing
the
United
States
as
a
counterweight
to
rising
acts
of
terror.
In
the
aftermath
of
the
attacks
of
9/11,
many
cultural
misrepresentations
of
Islam
in
the
media
were
intertwined
with
Otherness.
The
hegemonic
narratives
around
the
political
dispute
invented
the
Muslim
as
“the
Other”
(Resende,
Inventing
Muslims
as
the
Other).
In
understanding
the
future
perceptions
of
Islam,
this
thesis
will
employ
these
works
on
otherness
to
understand
just
how
deeply
the
Muslim
has
been
invented
as
the
Other
amongst
today’s
younger
generation.
V:
Islamophobia
&
The
Misconceptions
of
Islam
Much
Western
scholarship
and
media,
particularly
that
of
the
United
States,
has
been
rapidly
exposed
to
Islam
and
Muslims
around
the
world.
They
have
since
manipulated
the
terrorist
attacks
of
September
11,
2001,
defining
the
events
within
contexts
of
religious
extremism
and
global
violence.
The
American
response
was
and
in
many
ways
still
is
a
“war
on
terror.”
By
employing
post-­‐‑colonial
methods,
orientalism,
and
Otherness
theory,
a
negative
and
fear-­‐‑induced
stereotypical
image
of
Islam
has
become
prevalent.
Today,
Anti-­‐‑Muslim
feelings
can
be
distinguished
empirically
from
more
general
forms
of
xenophobia
and
prejudice
(Elchardus
&
Spruyt,
Universalism
and
Anti-­‐‑Muslim
Sentiment).
Other
work
supports
this,
suggesting
that
this
shift
occurred
after
the
events
of
9/11.
It
is
September
11th
that
should
be
viewed
as
a
turning
point,
rather
than
a
beginning,
in
the
history
of
Arab
American
engagements
with
race,
multiculturalism,
and
Americanization
(Jamal
&
Nabar,
Race
and
Arab
Americans
Before
and
After
9/11).
It
is
this
event
that
has
taken
Islamists
from
invisible
citizens
to
visible
subjects;
and
this
visibility
has
been
heavily
influenced
by
Islamophobia
and
the
misconceptions
that
are
drawn
and
emerge
from
it.
Several
authors
take
up
the
challenge
to
confront
the
many
misconceptions
and
biases
or
false
portrayals
of
Islam.
There
are
those
who
wish
to
uncover
why
a
conservative
brand
of
Islam
is
so
dominantly
present
in
governments
and
societies
nowadays.
One
of
these
authors
suggests
that
there
are
other
factors
at
play,
one
of
which
is
history
(Mustafa
Akyol,
Islam
Without
Extremes—A
Muslim
Case
for

7. Liberty).
Akyol
draws
from
historical
traditionalist
and
rationalist
critiques
of
the
history
of
Islam,
Christianity,
and
Judaism,
to
create
an
evaluation
of
why
Islam
is
portrayed
the
way
it
is.
In
support,
Akyol
introduces
quotes
from
the
Quran,
and
explains
that
although
its
teachings
encourage
community
participation,
during
times
of
war
Muslims
were
often
isolated
and/or
choose
to
isolate
themselves
from
non-­‐‑Muslims.
Akyol
suggests
that
this
is
still
prevalent
today.
Others
examine
the
social
causes
for
the
misconceptions
and
Islamophobia.
In
understanding
the
origin
of
these
myths
and
resentment,
it
is
important
to
first
understand
just
who
it
is
carrying
these
notions.
The
predictors
of
anti-­‐‑Muslim
attitudes
include
being
politically
more
conservative
and
being
older,
in
all
states
and
countries
in
the
United
States
and
Europe
(Ogan
&
Willnat,
The
rise
of
anti-­‐‑
Muslim
prejudice:
Media
and
Islamophobia
in
Europe
and
the
United
States).
It
is
suggested
that
Muslims
do
not
adequately
educate
others
of
their
religion,
which
leaves
gaps
for
misconceptions
to
leak
in
(Pennington
&
Bashir,
Islamophobia
and
attitude).
From
this
point
there
is
also
discussion
of
the
environmental,
cultural,
and
economic
contexts
of
Islam.
The
public
is
vastly
unaware
of
the
involvement
of
Islam
in
these
crucial
areas
of
society
(Wagner,
Islam
Without
Extremes—A
Muslim
Case
for
Liberty).
Here,
Wagner
suggests
that
it
is
a
lack
of
awareness
of
these
elements
in
the
context
of
Islam
that
leads
to
the
conceptualization
of
Islam
as
a
primitive
set
of
teachings.
Wagner
goes
as
far
as
to
advocating
that
Muslims
more
proactively
involve
their
local
communities
in
their
own.
Method:
This
section
of
this
work
puts
forth
the
approaches
employed
in
analyzing
the
data
yielded
by
this
study.
It
outlines
the
theories
and
methods
by
which
the
research
was
conducted.
Ultimately,
it
aims
to
ground
this
thesis’
results
in
already
existing
works,
theories
and
methods,
and
demonstrate
how
it
furthers
the
relevant
bodies
of
scholarship.
This
thesis
poses
a
central
question:
How
has
the
perception
of
Muslims
changed
post-­‐‑911?
With
this,
the
consensus
was
either
that
it
has
changed
positively
or
negatively,
with
room
for
saying
that
it
has
not
changed
at
all.
Although
this
study
did
not
examine
why
perceptions
of
Muslims
has
or
has
not
changed,
with
help
of
the
two
theories
to
be
discussed
here,
it
outlines
what
can
be
done
to
improve
the
views
of
Muslims.
This
study
contributes
to
the
areas
of
cultural
and
ethnic
studies.
In
its
entirety,
the
study
benefits
the
field
of
interpersonal
communication
as
it
combines
two
well-­‐‑circulated
qualitative
theories
with
a
new
object
of
examination.
As
an
ultimate
end,
the
goal
was
to
develop
a
more
clear
understanding
of
the
perceptions
of
Muslims
post-­‐‑9/11
and
to
then
decrease
discrimination
and
biases
against
people
of
Islamic
faith.
To
conduct
this
study,
participants
were
asked
a
series
of
interview
questions.
This
interview
is
formatted
similarly
to
a
qualitative
survey.
It
is
similar
in
that
it
asks
respondents
to
input
their
level
of
agreement
or
disagreement
on
a
5-­‐‑
point
scale.
There
were
3
items,
or
questions,
following
the
structure
of
a
5
item,
5-­‐‑
point
Likert
scale.
It
is
different
in
that
it
is
not
limited
by
the
structure
of
a
survey—
it
leaves
room
for
more
probing
with
follow-­‐‑up
questions
and
dialogue,
a
type
of

8. impromptu
conversation
if
you
will,
with
a
only
a
few
pre-­‐‑constructed
questions.
Participants
were
randomly
selected
at
an
Islamic
community
center
and
two
mosques.
Students
of
Saint
Mary’s
College
of
California
were
also
be
sought
out.
This
type
of
sampling
is
convenience
stratified
based
sampling.
It
is
stratified
in
that
the
samples
are
split
into
non-­‐‑Muslim
and
Muslim
categories.
The
mosques
at
which
the
study
was
conducted
are
the
Islamic
Center
of
Fremont
and
Khalilullah
Ibrahim
Islamic
Center.
The
community
center
is
the
Muslim
Community
Association
location
in
Santa
Clara.
These
locations
were
chosen
because
of
their
larger
gatherings
and
distance
from
one
another.
Firstly,
the
distance
between
the
two
locations
ensures
that
no
one
partcipant
is
interviewed
twice.
It
also
provides
for
a
more
representative
sample,
making
sure
different
cultures
and
regional
communities
are
representated.
At
mosques,
participants
were
approached
before
or
after
prayer
as
they
either
retrieve
their
shoes
around
the
prayer
area
or
as
they
approach/leave
the
grounds.
The
researcher
had
never
met
or
encountered
these
people
before.
At
Islamic
community
centers
the
researcher
approached
individuals
as
they
went
about
their
everyday
activities,
asking
them
for
a
few
minutes
of
their
time.
With
a
friendly
Islamic
greeting,
the
people
approached
were
very
receptive
to
the
idea
of
participating.
The
researcher
had
not
met
or
encountered
these
people
before
as
well.
At
St.
Mary's
College
of
CA,
participants
were
approached
during
breaks,
before
and
after
their
courses,
and/or
in
the
library/common
areas.
The
aim
was
keep
each
interaction
with
participants
shorter
than
10
minutes,
unless
deeper
questioning
seems
warranted
and
most
importantly,
appropriate.
Participants
from
all
four
locations
were
in
the
age
range
of
18-­‐‑30.
They
come
from
a
variety
of
cultural
and
ethnic
backgrounds.
The
identity
of
participants
will
be
withheld
unless
in
the
particularly
rare
instance
where
they'd
like
for
their
name
to
be
disclosed
and/or
their
exclamations
quoted.
Secondly,
the
identity
of
each
participant
is
protected
and
encrypted
as
a
lump
sum
of
data,
with
no
one
particular
participant
being
singled
out
of
the
data
group
if
they
do
not
permit
the
researcher
to
do
so.
It
is
also
important
to
note
that
at
the
Islamic
locations,
these
populations
are
either
be
active
or
semi-­‐‑active
in
the
practice
of
Islam.
With
the
type
of
research,
methods
of
research,
and
sample
demograpic
characterized,
this
work
will
now
shift
to
describing
the
two
theories
being
drawn
upon
from
the
area
of
Communication
in
order
to
analyze
the
data
collected.
I:
Relational
Dialects
Theory
The
first
theory
to
be
employed
is
rational
dialectics
theory;
and
before
discussing
this
theory,
it
is
important
to
first
understand
exactly
what
discourse
is
in
context
to
it.
Within
rational
dialects
theory,
discourse
is
a
"system
of
meaning
uttered
whenever
we
make
intelligible
utterances
aloud
with
others
or
in
our
heads
when
we
hold
internal
conversations”
(Encyclopedia
of
Communication
Theory.
Los
Angeles:
Sage
Publications,
c2009.
2
volumes).
With
this
understanding
of
‘discourse,’
relational
dialectics
theory
can
now
be
coupled
on.
There
are
two
underlying
assumptions
of
relational
dialects
theory.
Firstly,

9. through
this
theory
different
competing
discourses
are
put
in
conversation
with
one
another.
The
second
and
primary
assumption
of
this
theory
is
that,
“dialogue
is
simultaneously
unity
and
difference.”
Or,
meaning
is
created
through
the
negotiation
of
our
own
ideas
and
new
incoming
ones;
and
these
new
ideas
are
more
likely
to
conjoin
with
older
ones
if
there
is
more
relational
unity
between
them.
Relational
dialectics
theory
then
is
the
concept
that
in
relationaships
there
are
similar
and
opposing
meanings
communicated,
interpereted,
understood,
and
of
course,
misunderstood.
As
these
thoughts
are
exchanged,
the
communicators
are
creating
meaning
through
what
they
find
similar
to
or
different
from
their
own
ideologies.
The
area
of
this
theory
most
relevant
to
this
work
is
its
contributions
on
how
competing
discourses
and
ideologies,
or
“dialectical
tensions,”
interact
and
interplay
with
one
another.
Dialectical
tensions
within
the
discourse
of
social
media,
news
media,
and
interpersonal
relationships
are
how
misinformation
is
spread.
This
particular
aspect
of
this
theory,
this
type
of
miscommunication,
will
be
particularly
relevant
and
beneficial
to
the
analysis
of
the
data
to
come.
By
laying
the
framework
for
understanding
how
competing
discourses
interact
with
one
another,
these
dialectical
tensions
will
shed
light
on
how
social
tensions
are
negotiated,
created,
and
even
spread.
In
other
words,
how
miscommunication
is
birthed
and
relayed
by
discourses
and
ideologies
we
do
not
understand
in
our
everday
interactions,
be
those
in
social
media,
news
media,
interpersonal
communications,
and
so
forth.
II:
Uncertainty
Reduction
Theory
This
second
theory
is
rooted
in
the
field
of
social
psychology.
It
employs
the
socio-­‐‑psychological
perspective
in
that
it
attempts
to
answer
questions
about
human
behavior;
more
importantly,
studies
how
people’s
thoughts,
feelings,
and
behaviors
are
influenced
by
actual,
imagined,
or
even
implied
meanings
of
others.
Uncertainty
reduction
theory
comes
from
this
field
of
study,
proposing
an
approach
of
how
we
gain
knowledge
about
other
people.
This
also
includes
knowledge
that
is
not
true
or
misinterpreted
about
another
individual—which
is
where
the
theories
of
the
other
and
orientalism
will
come
into
play.
The
underlying
assumption
of
this
theory
is
as
follows:
individuals
will
cognitively
process
the
existence
of
uncertainty
and
take
steps
to
reduce
it.
This
aspect
of
this
theory
will
reappear
in
the
data
analysis
portion
of
this
work,
where
solutions
and
suggestions
for
future
study
will
be
posed.
Its
limitation
is
that
for
this
theory
to
thrive
there
must
be
some
kind
of
outside
social
situation
and
an
even
more
important
internal
cognitive
process.
The
theory
is
widely
employed
to
understand
how
strangers
interact
upon
meeting
and
the
steps
they
take
to
reduce
their
uncertainty
in
one
another.
It
goes
as
far
as
to
discussing
the
steps
by
which
people
will
form
unfavorable
images
of
those
who
they
dislike
and
feel
uncertainty
towards.
Uncertainty
reduction
theory
also
suggests
that
people
become
more
vigilant
and
rely
more
on
data
available
during
moments
of
uncertainty.
The
data
available
is
physical
appearance,
clothing,
facial
expression,
and
often
misconceived
biases
and
stereotypes.
In
these
moments
of
high
uncertainty,
distance
is
created
between
people.
And
this
distance
is
most
helped
by
non-­‐‑verbal
expressions
and
cues.

10. The
passive
strategies
to
reduce
uncertainty
are
as
simple
as
observation.
The
active
strategies
involve
asking
others
about
the
person
or
looking
up
info
to
create
the
data
aspect
of
this
theory.
The
more
interactive
strategies
involve
asking
questions
and
self-­‐‑disclosure,
by
which
one
person
makes
themselves
vulnerable
in
hopes
that
the
listener
will
reveal
their
own
degree
of
vulnerability.
Data
Summary
This
section
displays
the
data
yielded
by
the
survey
interview
process
and
methodological
stage
set
in
the
previous
section.
These
first
three
figures
share
participant
summary.
As
demonstrated
in
Figure
1.1,
30
participants
were
approached,
of
which
21
consented
to
participation
after
being
told
about
the
study
and/or
seeing
the
informed
consent
form
in
the
Appendix
of
this
work.
Figures
1.2
and
1.3
then
break
down
those
who
participated
and
those
who
declined
to
as
either
Muslim
or
non-­‐‑Muslim.
Of
the
21
participants,
9
identified
as
Muslim
and
12
did
not.
Moreover,
of
the
9
who
declined
to
participate,
6
were
Muslim
and
3
identified
as
non-­‐‑Muslim.
Total
Sample
=
30
Agreed
to
Participate
=
21
Declined
to
Participate
=
9
Figure
1.1
Agreed
to
Participate
=
21
Muslim
Participants
=
9
Non-­‐‑Muslim
Participants
=
12
Figure
1.2
Declined
to
Participate
=
9
Muslims
=
6
Non-­‐‑Muslims
=
3
Figure
1.3
These
next
figures
are
interview
summaries,
all
displaying
the
results
of
the
3-­‐‑item,
5-­‐‑point
Likert
scale
used.
As
discussed
in
the
Appendix,
participants
ranked
their
level
of
agreement,
disagreement,
and
opinion
of
a
change
in
perception
of
Muslims
by
picking
a
number
on
a
5-­‐‑point
scale.
While
Figure
2.2
displays
this
information
in
the
form
of
a
bar
graph
to
more
visually
exhibit
the
results,
Figure
2.3
does
so
in
the
form
of
a
pie
graph
for
quantitative
percentages.
DESCRIPTION
MUSLIMS
NON-­‐‑MUSLIMS
Change
in
Perception
7
8
No
Change
in
Perception
2
4
Total
9
12
Figure
2.1

11.
Figure
2.2
Figure
2.3
I:
Muslim
Respondents
Among
Muslims
who
agreed
to
participate,
5
respondents
strongly
agreed
(selecting
a
5
on
the
5-­‐‑point
scale)
that
the
perception
of
Muslims
has
changed,
whereas
2
only
agreed
(selecting
a
4
on
the
5-­‐‑point
scale)
that
there
has
been
a
change
in
perception.
7
8
2
4
Muslims Non
Muslims
Post
9/11
Impact
on
Perceptions
of
Muslims
Change
in
Perception No
Change
in
Perception
Change
78%
No
Change
22%
Muslims
(Impact
on
Perception)
Change
67%
No
Change
33%
Non
Muslims
(Impact
on
Perception)

12. In
response
to
the
second
question
of
how
negatively
or
positively
this
change
in
perception
is,
of
the
total
7
interviewees
who
do
suppose
there
is
a
change
in
perception,
4
believe
the
perception
of
Muslims
has
changed
very
negatively
(selecting
a
1
on
the
second
5-­‐‑point
scale),
while
2
think
it
has
only
negatively
(selecting
a
2
on
the
second
5-­‐‑point
scale).
The
remaining
2
(2/9
total
Muslim
respondents)
Muslim
respondents
believe
there
has
been
no
change
to
the
perception
of
Muslims,
each
respectively
selecting
a
1
and
2
on
the
5-­‐‑point
scale—saying
they
strongly
disagree
and
disagree.
Both
find
there
to
be
no
change
(selecting
a
3
on
the
second
5-­‐‑point
scale).
II:
Non-­‐‑Muslim
Respondents
Of
a
total
of
the
12
non-­‐‑Muslim
participants
to
partake
in
this
study,
8
either
agreed
or
strongly
agreed
(selecting
either
4
or
5
on
the
first
5-­‐‑point
scale)
that
there
has
been
a
change
in
perception
of
Muslims
post-­‐‑9/11.
Of
these
8
individuals,
3
believe
the
perceptions
of
Muslims
have
changed
positively
(selecting
a
4
on
the
second
5-­‐‑point
scale),
with
2
believing
it
has
very
positively
changed
(selecting
a
5
on
the
second
5-­‐‑point
scale).
2
of
the
remaining
3
non-­‐‑Muslim
participants
believe
the
perception
of
Muslims
has
changed
negatively
(selecting
a
2
on
the
second
5-­‐‑
point
scale),
with
the
last
interviewee
thinking
things
have
changed
very
negatively
(selecting
a
1
on
the
second
5-­‐‑point
scale).
The
remaining
4
of
12
non-­‐‑Muslim
participants
consider
there
to
be
no
change
in
how
Muslims
are
perceived
post-­‐‑9/11.
3
of
these
4
individuals
agreed
with
one
another
and
their
belief
that
has
been
no
change
in
the
way
Muslims
are
perceived
post-­‐‑9/11
(selecting
a
2
on
the
first
5-­‐‑point
scale),
with
the
last
individual
strongly
disagreeing
(selecting
a
1
on
the
first
5-­‐‑point
scale)
that
there
has
been
a
change.
Because
of
their
belief
that
there
has
been
no
change
in
perception,
all
4
of
these
interviewees
selected
a
3
on
the
second
5-­‐‑point
scale,
suggesting
a
neutral
position
to
a
negative
or
positive
affect.
Data
Analysis
There
is
a
noticeable
pattern
in
the
data
generated
by
this
interview
process.
Most
evidently,
Muslims
are
more
likely
to
believe
that
they
are
perceived
differently
post-­‐‑9/11.
However,
non-­‐‑Muslims
are
more
likely
to
believe
the
perceptions
of
Muslims
have
changed
positively.
Surprisingly,
nearly
twice
as
likely.
Perhaps
the
most
interesting
facet
of
this
data,
this
suggests
that
Muslims
believe
they
are
viewed
more
negatively
than
non-­‐‑Muslims
believe
others
do
or
actually
do.
When
juxtaposed
with
relational
dialectics
theory,
dialectical
tensions
can
speak
to
this
phenomenon.
As
mentioned
earlier
dialectical
tensions
within
the
discourse
of
social
media,
news
media,
and
interpersonal
relationships
are
how
misinformation
is
spread.
With
this
in
mind,
the
data
suggests
that
Muslims
are
experiencing
more
dialectical
tension,
as
they
misinterpret
their
interpersonal
relationships
and/or
are
susceptible
to
misinformation
communicated
by
the
various
forms
of
media.
Now,
involving
uncertainty
reduction
theory
in
the
conversation,
this
data
suggests
that
non-­‐‑Muslims
will
more
cognitively
process
the
existence
of
uncertainty
and
take
steps
to
reduce
it.
And
as
uncertainty
reduction
theory

13. suggests
this
is
done
by
means
of
observation
and
self-­‐‑disclosure.
This
practice
of
self-­‐‑disclosure
leads
to
another
interesting
inference
that
can
be
drawn
from
this
data.
Despite
there
being
33%
more
non-­‐‑Muslim
participants
to
partake
in
this
study,
there
were
still
twice
as
many
Muslims
who
declined
to
participate.
Drawing
from
uncertainty
reduction
theory,
this
can
be
classified
as
an
unwillingness
to
self-­‐‑
disclose;
and
as
uncertainty
reduction
clearly
outlines,
a
lack
of
self-­‐‑disclosure
is
what
creates
and
leads
to
further
uncertainty
about
an
individual
or
group
of
people.
So
then,
if
Muslims
are
to
self-­‐‑disclose
the
uncertainty
surrounding
them,
their
practices,
and
even
religion
can
be
further
deflated.
Conclusion
The
events
of
and
after
September
11th,
2001
have
severely
skewed
the
perception
of
Muslims.
With
there
being
more
than
14
million
Muslims
in
the
United
States
and
more
than
1.25
billion
across
the
globe,
it
is
time
these
people
be
less
sparingly
viewed.
Post-­‐‑9/11,
more
than
75%
of
Muslims
believe
they
are
being
perceived
differently.
Although
by
majority
Muslims
are
viewed
differently,
this
does
not
mean
they
are
seen
in
the
negative
light
they
believe
they
are
seen
in.
As
such,
it
is
time
for
Muslims
to
realize
they
are
not
as
negatively
perceived
as
they
believe.
The
data
and
analysis
of
this
data
make
a
few
things
clear.
For
one,
the
perception
of
Muslims
has
changed
post-­‐‑9/11.
In
this
sense,
the
hypothesis
posed
by
this
work
was
accurate.
However
in
the
eyes
of
many
non-­‐‑Muslims
and
even
some
Muslims,
this
perception
has
not
changed
negatively.
This
is
where
the
secondary
hypothesis
of
this
work
was
incorrect.
For
many,
the
events
of
9/11
and
the
American
involvement
to
follow,
have
increased
the
awareness
of
Islam
and
the
presence
of
Muslims
for
many;
and
this
was
viewed
as
a
positive
perceptional
change
to
these
participants.
Lastly,
Muslims
were
twice
as
likely
to
decline
participation
than
were
non-­‐‑
Muslims.
This
unwillingness
or
fear
to
disclose
their
views
is
what
creates
higher
level
of
uncertainty
and
furthers
the
perception
of
them
as
the
Other.
For
the
perception
of
Muslims
to
truly
be
improved,
Muslims
must
first
realize
they
are
not
as
negatively
viewed
as
they
believe.
Limitations
of
Study
There
were
and
are
limitations
to
this
study
and
the
data
it
puts
forth.
Firstly,
it
is
important
for
any
reader
and
future
researcher
to
realize
where
these
samples
were
drawn
from.
First
and
foremost,
the
size
of
the
sample
needs
to
be
taken
into
account.
And
secondly,
these
participants
were
selected
from
the
Bay
Area—their
input
may
not
be
representative
of
the
perceptions
of
those
even
in
Southern
California.
Thirdly,
the
non-­‐‑Muslim
sample
was
drawn
solely
from
Saint
Mary’s
College
of
California,
a
Catholic
liberal
arts
institution.
Future
Research
At
the
other
end
of
the
spectrum,
using
the
data
of
this
work
as
a
stepping-­‐‑
stone
is
how
future
research
can
go
about
understanding
why
Muslims
feel
they
are

14. perceived
negatively.
This
is
the
main
recommendation
for
future
follow-­‐‑up
work
along
this
topic.
Another
area
for
future
examination
is
why
Muslims
demonstrate
lower
level
of
self-­‐‑disclosure
than
non-­‐‑Muslims.
The
number
of
declinations
among
Muslims
was
significantly
higher,
even
though
the
sample
size
was
smaller.
A
study
into
this
will
likely
lead
to
some
interesting
inferences.
And
lastly,
this
study
could
benefit
tremendously
from
a
greater
sample
size.
This
larger
sample
size
should
span
a
larger
area
to
incorporate
more
political
and
religious
ideologies.
Appendix
Sample
interview
and
consent
request:
After
approaching
and
greeting
the
individual,
I
will
explain
the
study,
its
scope,
and
intended
contribution
to
the
community.
Below
is
a
sample
dialogue:
Hello,
my
name
is
Omer
Malik
and
I
am
an
undergraduate
student
at
St.
Mary's
College.
I
am
senior
conducting
research
about
the
Perceptions
of
Islam
post-­‐‑9/11.
I
believe
the
study
will
greatly
contribute
to
understanding
and
deflating
any
misconceptions
of
Islam.
I
am
looking
for
participants
interested
in
answering
a
few
questions.
Your
responses
will
be
recorded
on
a
5-­‐‑point
scale,
with
‘1’
representing
a
strong
disagreement,
all
the
way
to
‘5,’
representing
a
strong
agreement.
Would
this
interview
process
and
contribution
be
something
you’d
like
to
be
a
part
of?
The
standard
questions
are
as
follows:
1) Since
9/11,
do
you
believe
the
perception
of
Muslims
has
changed?
2) With
‘1’
being
‘very
negatively’
and
‘5’
representing
‘very
positively,’
(‘3’
representing
‘no
change’)
how
do
you
think
it
has
changed?
3) How
can
these
perceptions
be
changed
and/or
improved?
Are
there
any
suggestions
that
come
to
mind?
These
are
the
basic
questions
I
will
be
asking
participants.
If
appropriate
and
warranted,
there
will
be
other
questions
to
probe
a
little
further.

15.
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