Aye Ne Win-The Grandson of Former Dictator Ne Win.pdf
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Aye Ne Win-The grandson of former dictator Ne Win In the life of Aye Ne Win nothing is normal. Born in 1976 into the most powerful family in the country, that of omnipotent ruler Ne Win, the dictator’s grandson sat front row during key events in Myanmar’s history. Later the family name became a burden that landed him a lengthy prison sentence over an alleged coup plot. From an early age Aye Ne Win learned that he was not a normal child. His mother, Daw Sandar Win, taught him how to behave responsibly and wave at the passing motorcades of visiting dignitaries. At school some children had a hard time adjusting to their prominent fellow pupil. “When I was eight years old one of my friends told me my lunchbox was stolen,” Aye Ne Win said. “When I checked they had returned the box. My food was still in it. It turned out they had wanted to take a look at what I ate. They were disappointed I ate the same food as anybody else.” Aye Ne Win, a well-groomed dandy with a slightly chubby posture, sat down for the interview at a cousin’s house. The Ne Win family’s lakeside residence is off limits to journalists and photographers. When he was 12, Myanmar, then still called Burma, faced turbulent times. Millions joined protests against the junta that culminated in a national uprising on August 8, 1988. On that historical date protests and strikes paralysed the country. The army reacted with force. About 3,000 demonstrators were killed in a bloody crackdown. “When the army shoots, it shoots to kill,” Ne Win had warned. For Aye Ne Win the protests didn’t signify anything special. He mostly stayed in. “I and my family never felt we were in danger. There were demonstrations, yes, but we didn’t feel threatened at all. We went about our usual routine.” https://www.facebook.com/ayenewin1976 https://www.facebook.com/%E1%80%B1%E1%80%A1%E1%80%B8%E1%80%B1%E1%80%94%E1%80%9D%E1%80%84%E1%80%B9%E1%80%B8-Aye-NeWin-1687869531442637/
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Aye Ne Win-The Grandson of Former Dictator Ne Win.pdf
- 8. 3/28/2017 U Aye Ne Win: Rewriting history | Frontier Myanmar http://frontiermyanmar.net/en/photoessay/uayenewinrewritinghistory 11/17 Tags: dictator Ne Win Aye Ne Win Sandar Win Burma Socialist Programme Party Insein Prison Than Shwe In June 2015 the brothers said they were taking a majority share in Asia Green Development Bank, which was owned by controversial businessman, U Tay Za. Media reports quoted U Aye Ne Win as saying that the China National Corporation for Overseas Economic Corporation was using the family company, Omni, to invest US$4.9 billion in the Myanmar economy. Later, AGD Bank executives said that only 15 percent of the shares changed hands. U Aye Ne Win is hesitant to talk about the transaction. “I’m not a liberty to discuss. It is proper for the bank to make its own announcement on that,” he said. Despite the lost years in prison, he is not vindictive. “I think forgiveness is a good thing,” U Aye Ne Win said. “I feel the government should announce a general amnesty. The stakeholders who can bring about change should feel confident enough to talk freely and work together, without having to lock their doors at night.” Although historians – and many Myanmar – have been critical of Ne Win’s repressive legacy after he seized power power in 1962, U Aye Ne Win refuses to condemn his grandfather. He is even unsure if dictatorship is any worse than democracy. “Even democracy can’t guarantee that you won’t get a ruler like Adolf Hitler; he was democratically chosen, a majority of the people in Nazi Germany supported him,” he said. “His popularity never went down enough to have him voted out, if elections would have taken place. So, for me, it is hard to say if I prefer democracy or authoritarian rule.” 1
- 11. 3/28/2017 BBC News | ASIAPACIFIC | Top Burma officials reported sacked http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asiapacific/1863616.stm 3/4 The BBC's South East Asia correspondent Jonathan Head says the explanation that the coup plans were motivated by business rivalry and not splits within the military was plausible. It was the first acknowledgment by the government of a challenge to its power since the mass protests of 1988. The military junta is keen to preserve unity though that has been tested by the decision to begin talks with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi 18 months ago, our correspondent says. Some of the regional commanders known to be unhappy with the discussions could be implicated in the coup. The oncepowerful family of Ne Win may also be losing its influence, our correspondent adds. Email this story to a friend Links to more AsiaPacific stories In This Section GO ^^ Back to top News Front Page | World | UK | UK Politics | Business | Sci/Tech | Health | Education | Entertainment | Talking Point | In Depth | AudioVideo To BBC Sport>> | To BBC Weather>>
- 12. 3/28/2017 Ne Win’s Grandsons Among 69 Released Political Prisoners in Myanmar https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/newinsgrandsonsamong69releasedpoliticalprisoners.html 1/3 Burma Ne Win’s Grandsons Among 69 Released Political Prisoners By NYEIN NYEIN 15 November 2013 President Thein Sein pardoned 69 political prisoners and they are being released from 18 prisons on Friday. Two grandsons of the late Burmese dictator General Ne Win are among those who are set free, a human rights group said. An announcement by the President’s Office said that “the released prisoners were suggested by the Political Prisoners Assessment Committee.” This government- appointed committee, comprising cabinet members and rights activists, is tasked with determining which prisoners are being held for political reasons. President Thein Sein pardoned 69 political prisoners on Friday. Two grandsons of the late Burmese dictator Ne Win are among those who are set free.
- 13. 3/28/2017 Ne Win’s Grandsons Among 69 Released Political Prisoners in Myanmar https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/newinsgrandsonsamong69releasedpoliticalprisoners.html 2/3 Kyaw Ne Win and Aye Ne Win, two grandsons of former dictator Ne Win, are being released from Rangoon’s Insein prison on Friday, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). They were charged with high treason for plotting to overthrow the then military regime and sentenced to a suspended death sentence in 2002, shortly after Ne Win died while under house arrest on Dec. 5, 2002. Four family members of Ne Win were arrested at the time in relation to a coup d’état plot. Ne Win’s son-in-law Aye Zaw Win and another grandson, Zwae Ne Win, were released from prison in January 2012. Ne Win’s daughter Sandar Win was released from house arrest in 2008. AAPP Secretary Bo Kyi said Kyaw Ne Win and Aye Ne Win had been put on the committee’s list of political prisoners following a letter of their family, requesting their release. Friday’s prisoners release also includes about two dozen people sentenced under article 18 of the Peaceful Assembly Act, which sets a maximum sentence of one year imprisonment for organizing a protest without a government permit. Naw Ohn Hla, a female activist who had organized protests against the Letpadaung copper mine in Sagaing Division, was released from Mandalay Prison on Friday, along with two other local activists. They had been sentenced to prison terms of up to two years under article 18 and the Penal Code’s article 505 b, which sets penalties for inciting public unrest. In Arakan State, a total of 21 Arakanese activists were set free. Nine activists, who had been sentenced under article 18 for leading unauthorized protests against aid support plans for the Rohingya Muslim community, were released, according to Htun Naing, a member of Arakan Social Network. Women’s activist Nyo Aye was among them. Another 12 Arakanese community activists were set free in Kyaukphyu and Thandwe townships, where they had been imprisoned for organizing protests against the Shwe oil and gas pipeline. Civil society groups in Burma recently begun a campaign calling for amendments to article 18, as they argue it is being used to stifle public dissent and peaceful protests.
- 14. 3/28/2017 Ne Win’s Grandsons Among 69 Released Political Prisoners in Myanmar https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/newinsgrandsonsamong69releasedpoliticalprisoners.html 3/3 Fifteen ethnic prisoners, from Shan and Kachin states, were also released on Friday. They were serving lengthy prison terms after they were sentenced under article 17 of the Unlawful Association Act, a draconian junta-era law often used to apprehend suspected ethnic rebels and activists. Bo Kyi, of AAPP, welcomed the release of the 69 political prisoners, but said that the government had stopped short of acknowledging that they had been held as prisoners of conscience. “All those released people need to be recognized as political prisoners, but the government now releases them without recognizing them as such,” he said. According to AAPP, 60 political prisoners remain behind bars in Burma, while 265 political activists are currently on trial and potentially facing imprisonment. “We want all the remaining political prisoners to be freed without any condition,” said Bo Kyi. Since assuming office in 2011, Thein Sein’s reformist, nominally-civilian government has released hundreds of political prisoners, most of who were detained by the previous military regime. Last month, 56 political prisoners were released. Thein Sein has said that before the end of this year all prisoners of conscience will be released. In its statement on Friday, the President’s Office said the Political Prisoners Assessing Committee is “working to be able to free all the political prisoners before the end of December.” Nyein Nyein The Irrawaddy Nyein Nyein is Senior Reporter at the English edition of The Irrawaddy.
- 15. 3/2002 WILL THE FAILED COUP ATTEMPT DERAIL THE ONGOING NATIONAL RECONCILIATION AND POLITICAL TRANSITION IN MYANMAR? Maung Aung Myoe1 March 2002 On 7 March 2002, news came out from Myanmar that the government had arrested the son-in-law, U Aye Zaw Win, and three grandsons, Aye Ne Win, Kyaw Ne Win, and Zwe Ne Win, of U Ne Win, who ruled the country between 1962 and 1988. Many people believed that U Ne Win (or General Ne Win) continued to yield and exercise influence among top military commanders who formed the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), later transformed into the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in November 1997, after the military takeover in September 1988. Some analysts interpreted the event of 7 March as an indication of 'the end of the Ne Win era'. Two days later, on 9 March, at a special conference, Major General Kyaw Win, Vice-Chief of Defence Services Intelligence, explained that the four were arrested in connection with a coup attempt. Additional information on the event was given at special press conferences on 12 and 18 March. According to the information provided by Major General Kyaw Win, the coup plotters had planned to win over some military commanders and to use their troops to overpower and disarm security forces at the residences of the top three regime leaders – Senior General Than Shwe (Chairman of the SPDC and Commander-in-Chief of Myanmar Armed Forces), General Maung Aye (Vice Chairman of the SPDC and Deputy Commander-in-Chief of Myanmar Armed Forces cum Commander-in-Chief of Army) and Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt (Secretary-1 of the SPDC and Chief of Defence Services Intelligence Bureau). Their plan had been to bring them before U Ne Win, where they are would be coerced in his presence to 'transfer state power to enable the formation of a new government with members who would acknowledge U Ne Win's authority'. This was in the event that the ringleader, Aye Zaw Win, was unable to get Senior General Than Shwe to agree to their demands for changes.2 Major General Kyaw Win explained that "they (the plotters) did not seem to have the intention to be the government but wanted to form a new government with military leaders who would owe allegiance to U Ne Win".3 Although Major General Kyaw Win later confirmed that Daw Khin Sandar Win, the favorite daughter of U Ne Win, had been involved in the plot, no arrest has been ordered yet. Was U Ne Win involved in the coup plan? Major General Kyaw Win refused to say whether U Ne Win was personally involved in the plot. However, given the haphazard and unprofessional manner in which the coup was planned and executed, it is safe to conclude that U Ne Win could not have been behind the plot.4 Having masterminded previous military coups in Myanmar, U Ne Win could have done a much better job. 1 Dr. Aung Myoe is a Visiting Research Fellow at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. He was from the University of Mandalay, Myanmar. 2 Special Press Conference (12 March 2002), New Light of Myanmar (13 March 2002) 3 Asian Wall Street Journal (13 March 2002) 4 It was reported that the plan was to appoint a regional commander to the post of Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces (at the expense of eleven regional commanders and a dozen senior commanders at the
- 16. How will U Ne Win react to the situation? At present his favorite daughter, Daw Khin Sandar Win, along with himself, are under house arrest. His grandsons and his son- in-law are under arrest and will be charged with political, economic and social crimes. Daw Khin Sandar Win could also be charged as a co-conspirator at least if not as a ringleader. Perhaps, U Ne Win "could control, reduce and forget these sufferings through meditation", as he explained to Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew during his private visit to Singapore in 1997,5 and through realization of the law of impermanent nature. Being the person who built, cherished and safeguarded the unity within the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces), even at the expense of sacrificing his own protégés like Brigadier General Tin Oo (known as MI Tin Oo), U Ne Win would find it hard to believe that his own family was involved in "causing antagonism and division within the Tatmadaw'.6 In recent years, U Ne Win's ana (authority) and awza (influence) have been waning. His phon (glory) has been in decline and his hnaloneye (moral courage) and letyoneye (physical courage) have long been forgotten among new batches of military commanders. Now, it appears that his Kamma (fortune) has been down even without the possibility of Yedaya (reversal). However, it is the kyezu (gratitude) owed to him among the top leaders of the SLORC/SPDC that keeps him happy and protected. It appears that, in late August and early September 1988, a few weeks before the military takeover, senior commanders of the time reached a decision and made a commitment not to make 'the guardians of the Tatmadaw' unhappy, among other things. Probably for that reason, the Myanmar authorities were quite tolerant towards the social and economic crimes committed by U Ne Win's family. U Ne Win’s grandsons, Kyaw Ne Win and Zwe Ne Win in particular, had a bad reputation and were known as leaders of the notorious gang, ‘Scorpions’. "They always moved around day and night in a gang and there were many fights with other youths, by misusing the reflected glory (Ashein-Ahwar) of their grandfather and pressuring some members of security forces to commit physical abuse just to satisfy a personal grudge", Major General Kyaw Win explained.7 There is also an unconfirmed report that, at one stage, one of the grandsons even rode a motorcycle to block General Maung Aye’s motorcade. In terms of bad business practice, Kyaw Ne Win engaged in unauthorized sales of 1092 GSM mobile phones for 627.68 million kyats, through another company. Although it could take action against them, since telecommunication is considered an important facility and serious security matter in Myanmar, the government resolved the issue by simply asking Kyaw Ne Win to reimburse the money. The three grandsons also owned a company that was involved in the illegal import of motor vehicles. For years, Myanmar authorities had turned a blind eye to these social and economic crimes committed by U Ne Win's family members. But it appears that when they cross the line and become a threat to the political stability and unity of the Tatmadaw, the government is quite prepared to take action regardless of who they are. Major General Kyaw Win made it clear that since "these moves (coup plots) were destined to break up unity within the Tatmadaw and cause disintegration of the Tatmadaw, and to thwart the stability, peace and development of the State, the authorities had taken them (plotters) into custody and were Ministry of Defence). Moreover, an appointment with a regional commander to discuss the coup plan was reportedly arranged at a restaurant. 5 Lee Kuan Yew, From Third World to First (Singapore: Singapore Press Holdings, 2000), p. 363. 6 Special Press Conferences (9 March 2002 & 12 March 2002) 7 Press Conference (12 March 2002) 2
- 17. initiating legal action as necessary".8 The authorities found 59 communication devices, 72 walkie-talkies, 6 satellite phones, 27 rubber batons, two mine detectors, and uniforms, including badges and flashes, within the premises of the plotters.9 The reason for the coup attempt, as explained by Major General Kyaw Win, was the loss of business opportunities resulting from the government's priority given to ethnic organizations, and by political and economic changes made by the regime. The family had become increasingly bitter and often complained about government policies, but it was their bad business practices that tarnished their name and deprived them of business opportunities. With regard to the failed coup attempt, Secretary-1 reportedly commented (at the opening ceremony of the Course in Diplomacy at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs) that "we are very much disturbed by an untoward incident aimed at undermining our cherished goals and disintegration of the armed forces".10 In connection with the coup attempt, three high-ranking military officials and one senior police official were put under investigation. The four are Commander-in-Chief (Air Force), Major General Myint Swe (officiating lieutenant general); Commander of Coastal Region Command, Major General Aye Kyway; Commander of Triangle Region Command, Brigadier General Chit Than (officiating major general); and Director-General of Myanmar Police Force, Police Major General Soe Win. Although diplomatic sources reported that these four officials had been sacked, Major General Kyaw Win revealed that investigations have yet to determine whether they were actually involved in the plot while he declined to identify the military commander who had immediately reported the plot and conspiracy on the same day he was approached by the plotter. Initially, there was also a rumour about the sacking of the Chief of Staff (Navy), Rear Admiral Soe Thein. This appears to be incorrect. There are also some unconfirmed reports that Brigadier General Ohn Myint, Minister for Mine, had been dismissed, that Brigadier General Maung Maung Swe, Commander of Northern Command, had been under investigation,11 and that senior military commanders from Coastal Region Command area had been arrested.12 Since the investigation is still underway, it is difficult to determine the extent of these commanders' involvement in the alleged coup plot. It is also quite likely that a number of people will be sacked or charged under the legal clause of 'intentionally withholding information'.13 It was reported that over a hundred people are under interrogation. While investigations continue, many questions remain to be answered. Did the military commanders really plan to throw their weight behind U Ne Win just to restore the family fortune, power and influence of an ailing statesman? Many people are doubtful about this. Did they try to exploit the grudges of the U Ne Win family to initiate their own 8 Special Press Conference (9 March 2002) 9 Special Press Conferences (12 & 18 March 2002). It is important to note that these telecommunication devices are usually regarded as G-control materials in Myanmar, only to be used with authorization from the General Staff Office. 10 New Light of Myanmar (13 March 2002) 11 DVB Broadcast (1330 GMT, 13 March 2002). It also reported that some officers from Air Force were detained in connection with the coup attempt. 12 DVB Broadcast (1430 GMT, 13 March 2002). The DVB reported that three MOC (Military Operation Command) commanders, namely Colonel Htein Win (MOC-8), Colonel Khin Maung Yin (MOC-13), Colonel Tin Maung Tun (MOC-20) and three TOC (Tactical Operation Command) commanders, namely Colonel Soe Thet, Colonel Kyaw Swa and Colonel Khin Win, were arrested. 13 The problem with this clause is that one finds it difficult to assess whether the information the accused gets is right or wrong or credible. 3
- 18. reform agenda, out of dissatisfaction and frustration with the present leadership? Without the active support and participation of commanders at the Ministry of Defence or War Office level, this seems unlikely. Many observers were surprised by the fact that commanders allegedly involved in the plot were from far-flung areas. Indeed, most of the regional commanders and MOC (Military Operation Command) commanders, including those who are reportedly under arrest or investigation, are pretty new in their respective command positions, and therefore unlikely within this short period of time to have been able to influence and mobilize their officers and men for this dangerous move, however well intended. Despite this incident, the national reconciliation process in Myanmar will continue. Some analysts saw the coup attempt as an indication of "a split within the military government, which would have major implications for the on-going dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi".14 However, the government spokesman gave assurance that the dialogue would not be affected by this recent development. There are several clear indications that the government is firmly committed to national reconciliation and political transition in Myanmar. It appears that some form of consensus has been reached and broad guidelines for political transition has been agreed upon particularly among the top three leaders of the SPDC, namely Senior General Than Shwe, General Maung Aye and Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt. Since October 2000, the Myanmar government has engaged in secret dialogues with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi regarding national reconciliation and possible political transition in Myanmar. The government spokesman assured that though "the ongoing process (of national reconciliation and dialogue) might seem to be slow to some, but it is a steady and sure process where success is imminent".15 It appears that Major General Kyaw Win and Colonel Than Tun form a link between the SPDC leaders and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. In fact, Major General Kyaw Win was reported in Asiaweek to be the dealmaker.16 It was also reported that Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt maintains a regular fortnightly contact with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.17 A recent report even stated that Senior General Than Shwe met her on 22 January 2002 and that the meeting lasted for more than a couple of hours.18 The Secretary-General of the United Nations, Kofi Annan, appointed Malaysian- born diplomat, Mr. Razali Ismail, as his special envoy to Myanmar to ‘facilitate’ the process. Razali made six visits to Myanmar and planned to go back again in March 2002, but he postponed it at the request of the Myanmar government. One report attributed to Razali after his visit in August 2001, stated that he thought it would take two to four years for civilian rule to be restored in Myanmar.19 Indeed, with confidence, at the end of his last visit to Yangon in November 2001, Razali issued a statement that he was "hopeful that some significant progress could be achieved in the near future in the talks" and that he was pleased that "all parties remained committed to the process of national reconciliation and democracy".20 In addition, he expressed hope that he might see "a clear guide-map by 14 The Straits Time (13 March 2002) 15 The Myanmar Times, Vol. 6, No. 103 (18-24 February 2002) 16 Asiaweek (25 May 2001) 17 Bangkok Post (6 September 2001) 18 CNN News (31 January 2002) 19 The Straits Time (22 November 2001) 20 The Myanmar Times, Vol. 5, No. 93 (10-16 December 2001) 4
- 19. 2002".21 During his sixth visit to Yangon, Razali reportedly inquired about the progress of the dialogue and had pressed the SPDC leadership to come up with a timetable and some tangible result. He was told that preparations were underway. Moreover, when Senior General Than Shwe reportedly told Japanese Prime Minister Koizumi, at the ASEAN summit in Brunei in November 2001, that the military leadership "does not care what kind of position Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would hold in the course of democratization", it was interpreted that the SPDC had significantly softened its position on the political dialogue and she might have a future in politics.22 Within the SPDC regime and government, after the death of Secretary-2, Lieutenant General Tin Oo, in February 2001; the sacking of Secretary-3, Lieutenant General Win Myint, and Deputy Prime Minister cum Minister of Military Affairs, Lieutenant General Tin Hla; and the resignation of two deputy prime ministers and three ministers; the SPDC decided not to appoint new secretaries, new deputy prime ministers and new ministers. Instead, some ministers were assigned to concurrently hold two ministries. While some analysts think that the sacking of the two powerful figures was to improve the business climate, others think that it was a clean-out of hardliners unhappy with the possibility of comprises with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in the ongoing dialogue.23 However, there was no indication that these two generals were capable of enforcing their will on the top leadership. Within the Tatmadaw itself, preparations are underway for leadership transition and a smooth transfer of command. Although rumours have floated around in Yangon for sometime, about new military positions (such as bureaus of special operations and bureau of air defence), many people were surprised by the new positions, which allowed all regional commanders with SPDC membership to take up the rank of lieutenant general and positions within the Ministry of Defence in Yangon. The most important position created so far would be the position held by Major General Thura Shwe Man. The position is known in Myanmar as 'Tatmadaw Nhyinaing Kutkaeyehmu (Kyi, Yay, Lay)', which can be loosely translated as either 'Joint Chief of Staff (Army, Navy, Air)' or 'Chief Executive Officer (Army, Navy, Air)'. Since the Commanders-in-Chief of the Navy and the Air Force both report to Major General Thura Shwe Man, the latter is commonly referred to among the rank-and-file as 'Du-Choke-Athit (new Deputy Commander-in-Chief of Armed Forces)' or 'Ta-Choke (Third Commander-in-Chief of Armed Forces)'. General Maung Aye is reportedly beginning to transfer some of his responsibilities to Major General Thura Shwe Man. Some knowledgeable observers on the Myanmar military believe that Major General Thura Shwe Man will become Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Armed Forces as well as minister for Defence in the future. More importantly, he appears to have the support and confidence of both senior and junior commanders.24 He is known for his good leadership, both in command and in staff positions. The new command arrangement suggests that the present military leadership is planning a smooth leadership transition within the Tatmadaw. Moreover, as it appears that the future Commander-in Chief (Navy), Rear Admiral Soe Thein (replacing the present Commander- 21 The Star (Malaysia, 29 November 2001) 22 Asia Week (16 November 2001) 23 The Straits Times (22 November 2001) 24 For example, in early February 2002, soon after he came back from a tour in Sagaing Division, Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt donated a computer set to the primary school in Major General Thura Shwe Man's native village (Myawaddy Television). Moreover, Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt reportedly told senior civil servants to look into and fulfill the needs of Major General Thura Shwe Man's native village. 5
- 20. in-Chief, Vice Admiral Kyi Min, who is about to retire) and Commander-in-Chief (Air Force), Major General Myint Swe, (now reportedly being sacked) were classmates of Major General Thura Shwe Man, the present leadership is also serious about organizational unity within the Tatmadaw. Assigning commands to comrades from the same intake (DSA-11) would prevent inter-service rivalry. Even though Major General Myint Swe is being replaced by the present Chief-of-Staff (Air), Colonel Myat Hein (DSA-17), there is no indication that the Tatmadaw will suffer from organizational disunity. Looking at domestic political developments, since June 2001, the government has allowed the National League for Democracy (NLD), the party led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, to reopen its branch offices in townships. Within six months, 13 branches were reopened in the Yangon division alone. Many more branch offices will be reopened in various parts of the country. In August 2001, the government lifted restrictions on the movement of U Aung Shwe and U Tin Oo, two leaders of the NLD, as part of confidence- building measures.25 Moreover, many prisoners were released from jail although many still remain inside. Behind-the-scene persuasion (or pressure) also plays an important role in the national reconciliation process in Myanmar. In this respect, one should examine the importance of the China factor. During his four-day visit to Myanmar, which was in December 2001, at the invitation of Senior General Than Shwe, Chinese President Jiang Zemin supposedly gave friendly and timely advice to Myanmar leaders that Myanmar should implement a political system suitable for the country. His advice included the need for the Myanmar government to fulfill its promise of implementing a multi-party democratic system. In recent years, it appears that the PRC (People's Republic of China) has begun to see Myanmar more as a liability than asset. To some observers, Myanmar's over-reliance on the PRC for political and economic (developmental) support would have led the Chinese leadership to view Myanmar as a dependent ally. On the other hand, the Myanmar leadership would also probably feel that they are being neglected. Although the early 1990s witnessed high-level state visits from the PRC, such as those by General Secretary of the State Council Luo Gan in January 1991, Foreign Minister Qian Qichen in February 1993 and Premier Li Peng in December 1994, the later half of the 1990s, especially after 1997, failed to cultivate a closer relationship. While Premier Zhu Rongji made trips to most of South and Southeast Asian countries, he did not pay a visit to Myanmar. Only when the Myanmar government began to develop warmer relations with India, that the PRC began to give more serious attention to Myanmar, sending Vice- President Hu Jintao in July and then President Jiang Zemin in December 2001. However, there also seems to be some concerns among the PRC leadership, in connection with it association with Myanmar. As the PRC leadership is fully aware of the fact that further tightening of sanctions by the West, especially by the US, on Myanmar would be against the interest of the PRC, it began to persuade and to press the Myanmar government to move on with political reform and transition. It also appears that the Myanmar government also takes friendly advice from Malaysian statesman Mahathir Mohamad seriously. Observers in Myanmar believe that 25 The Myanmar Times (Vol. 2, No. 24, 31 August – 6 September 2001) 6
- 21. the sacking of two top generals in late 2001 was closely related to complaints made by the Malaysian Prime Minister to his counterpart during the latter's visit to Malaysia in September. Prime Minister Mahathir reportedly told Senior General Than Shwe to clean up the economic house of Myanmar and to create a better business climate for investment. Some analysts also believed that the Malaysian Prime Minister appeared to have given friendly advice to Senior General Than Shwe on the need to go ahead with promised political transition and democratization. ASEAN as a whole has also played an important part in this process of national reconciliation. It appears that ASEAN’s steadfast support of Myanmar in the face of western criticism and sanctions have eventually made the Myanmar leaders feel ah-nar-hmu (guilty). It seems that the Myanmar government no longer wants itself to be a continuing embarrassment to ASEAN, of which it is a member since 1997. It is most likely that, in a way of showing its appreciation to ASEAN, the Myanmar leadership is committed to national reconciliation process and political transition in Myanmar. There are some reports that Myanmar is heading towards economic and social disaster. Skyrocketing prices of consumer products, the scarcity of some essentials, such as cooking oil,26 and the chronic shortage of foreign exchange reserve in Myanmar lead some analysts to predict that major social unrest is on the way. However, there are others who argue that if the regime does not care for economic development, it can go back to its autarkic economic policy and remain in power through an effective use of instrument of violence and suppression, since Myanmar is still self-sufficient in staple food. But they believe that it will not be the course of action the present regime will take and that "their love of the nation" would prevent them from going backward and leaving "the nation at the beck and call of others".27 In this context, the Myanmar government will continue to engage in dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and to proceed with national reconciliation and political transition. There are also some other factors that are conducive to the process of national reconciliation in Myanmar. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi appears to understand the rules of the game and try to play by the rules. She complies with the regime's request for secrecy. She does not reveal any information and the content of the meetings to anyone. Although she receives a number of foreign delegations and special representatives, she keeps a tight lip on her dialogues with the regime. She has managed to convince the SPDC regime that she is acting on her own and is not receiving instructions from foreign powers. In the past, the regime used to see her close association with diplomats and delegations from the western countries as evidence of her being a tool of the west. Moreover, in recent years, major western governments, including the European Union (EU), had softened their criticisms of the Myanmar government considerably. In fact, there is less pressure and no more lectures from the west, which were usually seen by the Myanmar government as foreign interference in its internal affairs. This sets a favourable condition for the regime leaders to proceed with the national reconciliation process. This is a welcomed change. Previously, western pressure usually elicited negative reactions from the Myanmar leadership that suffered from a strong siege mentality. Japan also welcomed the progress of the national reconciliation process in Myanmar and rewarded the government by resuming developmental assistance. This will further serve to encourage the Myanmar government to speed up the process. 26 In major cities, there are long queues for state-subsidized cooking oil and other essential products such as soap bars. 27 Senior General Than Shwe's address at the USDA Special Meeting on 19 February 2002. 7
- 22. Thus, in conclusion, the recent failed coup attempt would not affect the ongoing dialogue, national reconciliation and political transition in Myanmar. Moreover, the failed coup attempt would also facilitate the process since the regime no longer needs to take the welfare and security of the U Ne Win family into consideration. Once again, the military leadership sent a clear signal that any attempt to bring antagonism and disintegration within the armed forces will not be tolerated and it will take all necessary measures to ensure that the Tatmadaw remain united. 8
- 23. 3/28/2017 Former Myanmar Dictator’s Family Plans Takeover of Tay Za’s Bank https://www.irrawaddy.com/business/newinscionsplantakeovertayzasbank.html 1/4 Business Ne Win Scions Plan Takeover of Tay Za’s Bank By KYAW HSU MON, POLITICAL PRISONERS 22 July 2014 RANGOON — One of the grandsons of Burma’s late dictator Gen. Ne Win claims his family’s firm, which is being backed by a Chinese state-owned company, has agreed to buy a majority stake in Tay Za’s Asia Green Development (AGD) Bank. Grandson Aye Ne Win provided details to The Irrawaddy of the bid, which would likely see Tay Za—the prominent tycoon and head of Htoo Group who is still under US Treasury Department sanctions—divest himself of his share in the bank he founded in 2010. One of the grandsons of Burma’s late dictator says the family’s company is buying the majority of AGD Bank.
- 24. 3/28/2017 Former Myanmar Dictator’s Family Plans Takeover of Tay Za’s Bank https://www.irrawaddy.com/business/newinscionsplantakeovertayzasbank.html 2/4 A director at the bank, however, said that only that a minor change of share ownership was taking place at AGD Bank this week, with one of Ne Win’s grandsons set to take a stake of 1.5 percent in the bank. Aye Ne Win said that Tay Za had on Monday agreed to sell 60 percent of the bank to the family’s company, Omni. The company would later take an 85 percent stake in the bank, according to Aye Ne Win. Ne Win stepped down from the leadership of Burma’s single political party in 1988 and, after falling foul of the junta that replaced him, died in house arrest in 2002. Kyaw Ne Win and Aye Ne Win were only released from Rangoon’s Insein prison last year after they were convicted in 2002 of high treason for an apparent plot to overthrow the then military regime. The family is known to own a number of luxurious properties in Rangoon, and through Omni is planning to invest in the power, transport and serviced apartment sectors in Burma. “When we were released from prison, we were deeply touched by the trust and support exhibited to us by our friends in the international business community who intended to invest in this country,” Aye Ne Win wrote in an emailed response to questions from The Irrawaddy. Part of this good will, he said, was the opportunity to invest US$4.9 billion from the China National Corporation for Overseas Economic Cooperation (CCOEC) in various sectors in Burma. According to CCOEC’s website, it is part of China General Technology Group (Genertec), a Chinese government-owned conglomerate. “After careful evaluation, it was brought to our knowledge that the said amount is legitimate and clean,” Aye Ne Win said of the Chinese money, also rejecting any suggestion that his family’s wealth derived from ill-gotten gains. “In this day and age of WikiLeaks, it is highly unlikely that any fortune that is accumulated as result of some wrongdoing will go unnoticed.” He said AGD Bank was chosen partly due to the family’s close relationship with Tay Za, whose father, Col. Myint Swe, was a trusted officer under Ne Win in the 4th Burma Rifles.
- 25. 3/28/2017 Former Myanmar Dictator’s Family Plans Takeover of Tay Za’s Bank https://www.irrawaddy.com/business/newinscionsplantakeovertayzasbank.html 3/4 “Highly reputable and prestigious though some other banking institutions in this nation undoubtedly are, we chose to establish a strategy alliance with U Tay Za and AGD Bank because we have personal connections between our families and the bank in question can provide us with an assurance of a promising future,” he wrote. Aye Ne Win said the future owners of AGD Bank had not yet decided if they would go ahead with a previous plan for the bank to be listed on Burma’s new stock exchange in 2015. Despite the confidence of the dictator’s grandson, news of the grand takeover plan had apparently not filtered down to everyone on AGD Bank’s board. Soe Thein, executive director of the bank’s share department, said that while a transfer of shares was going on this week, only 15 percent of the total 601,746 shares were changing hands. And only 9,000 shares—or a 1.5 percent stake in the bank—were being transferred to Kyaw Ne Win at a value of 60,000 kyat ($61.72) per share, he said. The stake would be worth more than $555,000. “Among the 15 percent of shares [being transferred], U Kyaw Ne Win is not the major shareholder. U Yin Htwe from Mikko Group purchased 10 percent of them. After we transfer this percentage, there will be 19 major shareholders on the board of directors list,” he said, declining to say whether Tay Za was selling his stake in the bank. “I don’t know about the further discussion between shareholders U Tay Za and U Kyaw Ne Win. They might have had further discussions. That might be why they said this,” he said. Asked about the apparent lack of information on the deal within the bank itself, Aye Ne Win said, “First of all, there is no this side and that side anymore. Everyone is together. “Having said that AGD is a large institution [and] not everyone in the chain of command is aware of the developments. Today [Tuesday], they will make an official statement to clarify everything. It’s better if the bank does the explanations. For us, we reconfirm what we stated before.” Kyaw Hsu Mon
- 26. 3/28/2017 Former Myanmar Dictator’s Family Plans Takeover of Tay Za’s Bank https://www.irrawaddy.com/business/newinscionsplantakeovertayzasbank.html 4/4 The Irrawaddy Kyaw Hsu Mon is Senior Business Reporter at the English edition of The Irrawaddy. Political Prisoners Contributor
- 30. 3/28/2017 In conversation with General Ne Win’s grandson | Jessica Mudditt's Blog https://jessicamudditt.com/2013/11/22/generalnewingrandson/ 4/4 ADVERTISING inRead invented by Teads Advertisements FAMILY OF GENERAL NE WIN GENERAL NE WIN GRANDSON RELEASED MYANMAR PRESIDENTIAL AMNESTY
- 31. 3/28/2017 Birthday party at Secretariat sparks social media firestorm http://www.mmtimes.com/index.php/nationalnews/13700birthdaypartyatsecretariatsparkssocialmediafirestorm.html 1/3 Like 1K 1 Tweet Share 6 Birthday party at Secretariat sparks social media firestorm By Noe Noe Aung | Tuesday, 24 March 2015 A private birthday bash held in the grounds of Yangon’s famed but ruined Secretariat has kicked up a social media firestorm after U Aye Ne Win, grandson of the former military dictator, posted pictures on Facebook describing “a strong scent of nostalgia” at the party. U Aye Ne Win (second left) poses with other guests at the Secretariat on March 21. Photo: Facebook Calling his post “A Casual Dinner at One of the Most Official Venues in Town”, U Aye Ne Win wrote on March 22 that it was “such an excellent idea that Ma Thi Thi Tun should host her birthday party on the grounds of this celebrated Victorian structure”. He said this was “not only because is it the largest courtyard in downtown but also because many guests have fond memories of visiting their fathers and grandfathers when they occupied offices in some of the rooms in this layers of labyrinth”. The birthday host is reportedly the daughter of former general U Tun Kyi, a minister for commerce in the late 1990s who was sacked for alleged corruption. Tuesday, March 28, 2017 Search... Read in Myanmar | Subscribe Now Most Read National N Govt will assist, not prote Signs of recovery for crui Migrants haunted by mem Union Peace Conference Shift in forced labour com to private sector Demand to stop dam pro State counsellor to sign M on upcoming trip Doubts over Rakhine com Factory hunger strike con CSOs call for suspension construction Most Read Nay Pyi Ta Anticorruption commiss NLD hopes for better rela SenGen Min Aung Hlain modernisation NPT highway bus compa losses U Shwe Mann up for cha Who’s who: Myanmar’s Rice husk power plant op NATIONAL NEWS BUSINESS PULSE SPORTS OPINION IN DEPTH SPECIAL FEATURES IN PICTURES ELECTION 2015
- 145. Aye NeWin January 3 · ျ္မန္မာ မာမျ မန ဒီေမနေေခနာမနန္ နမေခာေတြာခ့္ခတန မခတြာာတာ္န္ေတမမနြာာေ့ာငတနာတနတခ္ ငတနာတနတခ္ေမန ့ာလခ္ျေမ္ခတြာေမနေခာ္မာ္ခနေ ာေခာာတမ္ာေကတနေမန ေကတနေမနငတနာတနကာဖနာငခနောမန္တတမ္ေခာတ့ာ ာဖန ာဖနတခတခာ ့န မင့မနျ ီာျကတန ာႏုခဖနျာဒီ ျကတန ာႏုခဖနျာဒီမနန္ နမေခာေတြာေတက္ေခ္ေတမမနြ တာတာကမနေခမ တာကမနေခမနတ့ဖနခ့မန နန္ာေ နမီ္ေ နေ ္တာေငာ္ေလာ္တမနမမ္ေခာာျ နနြေမခတြာငခနောမန ျ နနြေမခတြာငခနောမန္တတမ္ာ ့ေခမမန္တတမ္ေခာတ့ာေေေတြျ ီ္ာာတဒီာငခနောမန္ တနတာခ ငခနောမန္ တနတာခာခတန ီ္ခတနေဖမတနေကမန္တီတ့ာေတက္ေခ္ခမနာ ္န္ေျ္မတနေ ္န္ေျ္မတနေတမမန္ာျ မနတမ္ ့ ာႏုခဖနျာဒီငတနာတနတခ္ာ ့ေခမမန္ေခာ ့ေခမမန္ေခာလတ္မာေခာနေခတြာေ္ခမေမခနာာမမ္ နနတမမမ္ငမနာေကတနေမန ေကတနေမနတမနမမ္ေခာတ့ာေခာနေေခမြာခတဖနတ့ာငခ္နကြတက္ငာကျ ီ္ာ ီချကတနေ ာႏုခဖနျ ငခနောမန္ တန ဆမခတနေ့္မ ့ေမနာတ့္က္ုမန္လာမန္ ့ခတြာတာကမနေခမနာျ တာကမနေခမနာျ မန္မာခတနောႏု္ာ္ေခာနကခ္ခတြာ္ခနေ ာတာငတနာတနတခ္ာနာကူး ာမမေီာလ့္ျ ီ္ျ ီ္ လ့္ျ ီ္ျ ီ္ေကမန္ာ္မတနာမနန္မဖနာတမ္မာကာမ္ျ္မနာမနနတမန မခတြာာခခ့နေတြာေကတနတကာ ေကတနတကာဖနာေမနောာ္ေ ္ က့တ့ာေမခန က့ေ့တနျ ီ္ာတာကမနေခမနြ ီာ ့န မ ာႏုခဖနျာာခခ့န္ာမ္ ာခခ့န္ာမ္တ့ာခာတနာေ ကမနေဆမနျေမန္ေခာတ့ာေ မမနတ န္ မခတြာာငီီ္ေခာငမနြာ ာငီီ္ေခာငမနြာ ့တနေလာ္လမ္ေမာေခမမေ ္တ့ာတာကမနေခမန ာႏုာာေ ကမနေမခနေခာတခ္ ာေ ကမနေမခနေခာတခ္ တန မောမမနာ္ကေ ေ ္ခတြာာခခ့န္ာမ္တ့တ့ာတာကမနေခမ တာကမနေခမနာာလခ္ ောာျ ျ ီ္ာဒီေမနာေတက္ေခ္ခမနေတမမန္ာေျ မ ာႏုေေတျာ္ေမနနတာကူး ္ေမနနတာကူး ာမမေီာလ့္ေကမန္မာဒီာေကတနတကာဖနတေ ္ငမနြခခာငတနာတနာခတနေ့ နန္ာေ္ာ္ကာမ္ ေ္ာ္ကာမ္ မေတြ ာႏုျ ီျာဒီေမနောာ္ေ ္ေတြာတကမန္္မေေ္ငမနြာေခမတန ခတြာာမမ္ခနေခာာ ာမမ္ခနေခာာခာတနာတာကမနေခမန ့ေခမမန္ာ ့ာာလ့နာခခာတာကမနေခမနြေတြာ ခ္တာမနဖတန ခ္တာမနဖတနာတမ္ကတနငမေ ွ္ာ္ခနေ ာ္ကမ္ငမနြာ ောခန္ကမ္ာခာတနာတီ္ ာမ္ တီ္ ာမ္ခ့္ခတန္တြား ူ၀ာေ့ငတနတ့ာေော ့မန ့မနင့မနတ ာႏုေတ ့နာေမနလတတေမာ ့ ေမနလတတေမာ ့ေခမမန္ေ ္ ့တန ာႏုခဖနျ
- 146. ့ေခမမန္ေ ္ခမငမနြာာခခာတာကမနေခမနခ့နာမ္ က့္ာာချ ာမနြခမတာျ္ခနတာမ ့ေမ္ာာ ျ္ခနတာမ ့ေမ္ာာ က့္ာ္္ကမ္ာော ့ေခမမန္ျေမန္ ့ခမာ္္တ့ဖနခ့ ္္တ့ဖနခ့မနတ နန္ာေတမမနြတကာ ာႏုဖ္တ့တနလ့ခနျ ီ္ာတက ့ခတြာာ ့ နတ့ာလခေလမမန ာႏု္ လခေလမမန ာႏု္ာျ နနြင့မနေတမမန္ခတြာာေမ ့ခမ ာႏု တာာတာကမနေခမနခ့န တာကမနေခမနခ့နာမ္ ့က့္ုမာော္ေက္န္ာမဖမ္ဖနြာာေ ကမနေဆမနကာ ေ ကမနေဆမနကာဖနေတမမန္္ဖနြာာတက့ က့ျ နနြတက့္ဖနြား ူ၀ာတ့ာမကြ မနြေခမမနြခ မကြ မနြေခမမနြခတ္မာာ္မနျကတနာ ့ာာတဒီ ့ာျကတနေတေကမနခတြာငတန္က္ာျကတန မောမမန ျကတန မောမမန နန္ာ္္ခ့နာေတြာာ ့ နာာာေျ မာာာေခာ္ေခာငမနြာျကတနေျ္မတန မ ျကတနေျ္မတန မောမမနာလခေလမမနတက့နာ ့ ာႏု ္ြန္ဖနာာတာကမနေခမနခ့ တာကမနေခမနခ့နာမ္ က့္ေတြာတမဖတကာာ တီတကာာ္ေမမတကေခာုမာတာကမနေခမနခ့ တာကမနေခမနခ့နေတြာ ေခာာာ ခနာကတာနတနန္ာာင့မနမကာငမနြာ ခာမ္လ့တီ္ာခတနေ န က့္ေတြာ ခတနေ န က့္ေတြာတကတ္ကမာေ ွာာတက္ာတနေေမတန္ာေ္မာာ္မန တာျကတနခ ျကတနခဖန ့ခမတ့ာ တခနေခမနာေကမနျ ေကတနာောျမမန္ကာဖနေမ္ေ ာႏု ခ္ျ ျ ီ္ေတြခတြား ူ၁ာငတနာခာမန္ာလခ္ျေမ္ငတန ့ကာဖနာာေတမမန္ကတနတာာျကတနာ က ာျကတနာ ကတန္ကမ္တ့ာေခာနျ္မနေတြော ့ာတာကမနေခမနခ့နေခာုမာတ္တမတီ္တ့ာ ့့္ော္ေက ့့္ော္ေက္န္ျ ီ္ာေမလ့မန ့ကာဖနာေမေမတီ္ျကတနောမမနာ ့ နက့နာာ္ကမ္တီ္ာ မနျေမနေမလ့မနေ မနျေမနေမလ့မနေ ီ္္ဖန ့ခမတ့ နန္ာာခေ ္ခ န မနနာကေခာာတမ္ေတြေ တမ္ေတြေ ာႏုခဖနျာခတနျ္မနေမနတာေမနတ့မနျ္မာာခနေတာခမ ာႏု္မာ ခာခနာာာ က ာ က့္တီေမန္ာျကတနေတြခတြာတက့ခာတေတြာျကတနေ နုမာ မနျေမနခက့ခေမ္တ့ာ တန ဖနျ ီ္ာ့္တနေခ္ေတ ့္တနေခ္ေတာ ့ နေ နေခာုမာ တ့ာမတန္ာ္န္ေတျေမန္ာမာျကတနေ ွခ ျကတနေ ွခဖန ့ခမာာာမေတ ာႏုခဖနျား ူ၁ာခတနငတန က့္္မ နန္ာ တနမတနတ့မန တနမတနတ့မနာာတ္န္ကတနာောမမန္တကမန္ာခေခာုမာတတန ့ နကာဖနာေမေ ခန္ ေမေ ခန္ေခာာတက ္ ာမနေတြတျ ီ္ာခ န္ေခမနုမာျ နနာခတ့ာလ့ောမ လ့ောမမန္တကမန္ာခခ့နာေမနတေမာတမတာဖနာေ ္ေတြေ ာႏုခဖနျာာေ့ ့ာငတန မန္ခတနေ ငတန မန္ခတနေတနေမ္မာခ့မန္ျ နနာခာတနာာာတနာေငအမေခာာေ ္ နေတြခတြာခ န္ေခမနတီ္ ခ န္ေခမနတီ္တ့ာ့္ဂနျ ေမန္ာတနန္ာာေောာေ ာတတနာနန္ကမ္္ာမ့ နေက မ့ နေက နတီ္္ကမ္ခ့မနောမမနာေတက္ေခ္ခမနေတမမန္ာေျ မတမ္ ့ ာႏုခဖနျာခေမ္္ကခ ခေမ္္ကခတာမာေျ္မနျေမန္ငမနြာာမခခနီ္ကျေမန္ ့ခမာငတန ့ကာဖနာခေမ္္ကမ္ာျကတန
- 147. ခေမ္္ကမ္ာျကတနောမန နန္ာခတနကတနတာေမေ ခန္္က္တ့ာတက ္ ာမနေမျ ီ္ာခတနကတနတေ ခတနကတနတေခမြာ ေဒေ မမနာခာမန္တာာ ့ ာႏုာတက ္ ာမနာခေခာတ့ာခမ္ ီ္ ခမ္ ီ္က့နာခ့တန တာ မနေမေကမန္မာာတဒီြငတနကတနတ က့္တ့ာာေ မလမ္လ နခခာ္ကခတာမာ ္ကခတာမာေျ္မနင့မနက့န ့ခမာ ဖန ့္ာ တနေခာနတက္မာ္ု့ခနေခမြာ ာႏု ခ္ျ ေတမေတမတာတာကမနေခမနာေျ မေတြခတြာေေခနာတနာမနန္ နမ ့ခမတ့တာခတနကတန္မ နန ခတနကတန္မ နန္ာေမေ ခနတာမနဖတနေခာာာာတ္န္ကတနာ ာႏုဒျကမနနာခေခာာခာတနာ တနမ တနမတနာကာဖနာာာက့္ခနနြ မခတြာတေဖမာခတနေ့ျကတန မ ာႏုခဖနျာျ္မန္မင ျ္မန္မင့မနမကာာေမမတနကတနတာမန္ာေေ့မနျ နန္မ ့ေမနာာတာမန္ေေမတနာာတ္န္ကတန ာတ္န္ကတန နေမ္္ခတနေ့ုမာာခခ့နတ့ာခခ့နာေ့ုမန္ကမာာ္နနေကျ ီ္ာာခခ့ ာခခ့နုမာ နေမ္္ာခတနေ့္ု့ခန တာာကာင နေကာ ခမနန္တ့ ခတနေ့ာ ျကတနာေဖမမနေဖမမနာတ္တမတာ္ကတနတ နနောမမနာ က့္မ္ေ့တန ကတနေ ာႏုခဖနျာ ာမနေတြ ာမနေတြခတြာောမတနခ့ မတာာခခ့နာကတာနေတြာတာကမနေခမနခ့နာမဖနျေမ္ေတမမနြာခ နကတာနတ့ာာ ခ နကတာနတ့ာာတ္န္ကတနခ့တနေ့တနျေမန္ုမာာခခ့နေတြာာေ့ န္မနတ့ာျ မနေ ွေတျ ီ္ာေ့ုမန္ကမ ့ ေ့ုမန္ကမ ့ခမာ ခ္က္တ့ာာ္နန္ု့ခန တာေ့္ မနာေောမေျ မမန္ာခာ ခနာကတ ခနာကတာနာတနန္ခတနေ့တ့ာခေမ္ မနာျကတနေတေေ္ာခာတနာတ္ ္န္ေမခတြာ နေမ္ နေမ္္ာာ္နနာမာျကတနခဖန ့ခမာာာမ မ ာႏုခဖနျ မ္နနြာငတန္မေခမြာ့္ာမ္တတမ္တ့ာာတုမခေမ္တာင့မနေ္ဖနြတမ ာာ တလတ့ တလတ့ာျမ္န္ေက္န္ေေ္တာာင့မနေ္ဖနြတမ ာာာကာဖငမနြာာလမန္မ္္တ့ာဖက့တနန္ငမန ဖက့တနန္ငမနြာာျ မနာ မနေ ္တမ္္တာာင့မနေ္ဖနြာတမ ာျကတနာေေမတနေ ေေမတနေ မ ္နြ္ဖန ့နာေ္ကမန မနြ္ ာႏုခဖနာာေေမတနေ မ ာႏုေတ ့န နန္ာ ့ေခမမန္ ့ ာႏု ့ေခမမန္ ့ ာႏုခဖနျာာမ္ က့္တ့ာျေကေျ မေေမနေခမြာတာကမနေခမနခ့နုမာာေကမန္ေကမန္ာနီနာ ာေကမန္ေကမန္ာနီနာခနောာ္တနန္တခတြာျ နနေလမ ျ နနေလမမနတ့ာမ္္ကမ္ာျကတန တနခာတျ ီ္ာ မာမခေမ္ာာုေမချကတန္တ့ာာမ္ျ ာမ္ျ ့နာတီ္္မ္ျ္မနြျ္ခနခတြာောမမနျ္မန္ေခာတ့ာေ မမနတ န္ေမန္ာာမမ္ခန္က္ ာမမ္ခန္က္ တနာခာတနာာ ့္ခမနာာေ္ာတ့ာေ ္င့မနောမမနာတ္တမ္ တ္တမ္တ ာႏုတ့န ့နာခ့တနခာမန္ာ န ာႏုခဖနျ
- 148. ငတနာတန္မာာမဖမေ ကမနေဆမန္ာေ ာႏုမန္ာေေနမမန္တမာတကမန္္မာေက္န္ာမ ေက္န္ာမတ ာႏုေတာာ္ခနေ ာခ့နေတြာ ့ေခမမန္တတမ္ခ့နာခာတန နန္ာာလခ္ေတက္ေခ္ ာလခ္ေတက္ေခ္ခမန ာႏုခဖနျ In English see following video link https://www.facebook.com/ayenewin1976/me dia_set?set=a.188379894842869.1073741833. 100010125793104&type=3
- 149. https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=2374136733 99607&id=100013929283236&pnref=story ေ ဇ လင္း April 7 at 1:37am · သူခ္းႀက္းေ နလင္း ရဲေအကၾလင္း သူ႔ေျမ္းဇေဲ္းေ နလင္းကဇေျ ၾျ ကင ဗ ငခခ်ဳ ငေ နလင္းဇျ ျင ၾမလာငဇသခလငသူေမၾလင ဦ္းေ နလင္းဇဗ ငခခ်ဳ ငေ နလင္းဇျ ျင ၾမလာငဇသခလငသူေမၾလငက ေကဇေ နေိက ေ နေိကလင ျၾကကငမ္ၾ ျၾကကငဇ ျၾေ ္းဇဗခ မ ကင လင္း ျၾေနဇ ျၾ ျၾ ႔က ျၥေကြၿ ္းဇ လငေ ႔ လငေ ၾကငကဲခဇခိ္းဇေကခၾငကိ ေကခၾငကိကၾ္းေကၾကငဇေ ကာဇေ နေိကလငမ္း ြ်ဳလာင ရဇဲေ ၾကငဇေျမၾကငေ ၾလာ ေျမၾကငေ ၾလာငကဇ ျၾကကငေ ္ရကဇ ကငေ ၾလင္းေ ေမ္ၾဇကခၾ္း ္း ကခၾ္း ္း ္းဇေ ကၾ ဇဲခခ င ္သေ ြရကခၾ္း ္းေ ဇကၾ ဇသူကဇကခၾ္း ကခၾ္း ္းကၾကဇ မလင္းေမာဇ့လင္းေမာဇ ္းကကငကလင ဇသၾ္း သၾ္း ႔မလၾ္း ႔ ္ေ မလာငဇ ျၾကကင ျၾဇေ ္း ခ ႔ဇဲၾ ႔ငကေကၾာဇ မလင္းဇေကၾာဇနေ ေကၾာဇနေဲၾလင ျၾ္းားလငကၾေ ာဗခၾ ဇကခၾ္းသမၾ္းကေကၾာဇဲကြကငကဇျမလငကကငက ျမလငကကငကလင ဇကြကငေကခၾငျမလငဇကကငကလင ဇယ႔ဗမၾဲ ျမင္းဲသိ္း ဇနလင ၾ္းေ နလင ၾ္းေ မလာငသူ႔ကဲလငသခလငကဇမ္ဇသ င ကင ္ကကလင္းဇမ ္ ္ ဇဲူ္း ဇသခလင သခလငေဲၾလငက င္းက႔ဇသခလငဇ ္ေ က႔ုဇသခလင ျ္းုဇသခလငသ င္း ြ င္းဇက႔ကဇဲလငေျခ ဲလငေျခ ခၾ္းမမ ယေ မာဇသူ႔ဲ ျငကဲ လင္း ႔ဇ ကငသကငၿ ္းဇသခလငဗ ျ င ရ ္းဇမ မသၾ္း ျကေကၾာဇဲ လငေ လင္း ၾ္းဇားလငကလင ဇဲ ူ္းသျ လာငသခလငဗ ျ င ရဇမ င္းမႀက္း မ င္းမႀက္းကဇသူရကဇဲေကၾငခလငဇမလငကလငဗခၾ ဇယေ ္းက မင္းဇျမ ငမၾာ ျမ ငမၾာသမလင္းဇေခခၾကင ကခ ႔ဇျ ျငဇ ၾေ ျခာကၾ ဗခၾ ကခ်ဳ ငက႔ဇျမ ငမၾျ မငက မင္းဇကိက္း ကလင ဇေခ ငဗ ငမ္္္းႀက္းဇကူ ူက္းုဇးဗ းဗ ငမ္းႀက်ဳ္း) ႔ဇဗ ငခခ်ဳ ငဇေဲၾလငက င္းုဇသခလင ္ၿမ်ဳလငက႔ကသကငဇျ မငဇဲမြ်ဳ
- 150. ဲမြ်ဳလငၿမ်ဳရမ္ၾဇေကြအကၿ ္းဇဗ ငခခ်ဳ ငကဇေခ ငေခေသြၾ္းုဇျမ ငမၾာဇ ြကင ြကင ငေ ္း ျမိခခကငကဇဗ ငခခ်ဳ ငဇေဲၾလငက င္းကေ ္းကြၿ ္းဇဗ ငမ္းႀက်ဳ္းဇကဇက ကဇက ျငကလာငဇေခ င ျ ျငဦ္း ျ္းဲ ြရကဇကလငျ သေဲၾကူေကၾာဇ ေဲၾ ေဲၾငသိ္းဇကခ ငကဲသကင ကငေ ၾငမကၾကြိ င္းဇမ္ၾဇ ျ ျင မၾသ ျ ျင မၾသလင ႔ဇေခေေကၾာကၾဇေ ာ ဇသခလငေဲၾလငက င္းကဇဗ ငဇေက ဲျ ေက ဲျ ျငုဇသခလင ္ေ ကဇဗ ငဇ ကငခၾဲျ ျငုသခလငေဲၾလငသ င္းကဇဗ င ျ ဗ င ျႀကၤၾဲျ ျငုကေ နကဗ ငေကခၾငေ ၾဇဲျ ျငုဗ ငေ လခဇ ျကၾေကြျ ျကၾေကြျ ျငအကဇၿ ္း ဇ ျ ျငျ ျငခ ္းကေကၾာဇ ူကဇ မင္းဇ ေ ေကၾာဇသခလငဗ ျ သခလငဗ ျ ငဲကငဇဲျခမင္းက ူ ေ ကၾ ႔ဇက ျငေ ႔ဇ လငခလင္းမ္ၾဇသခလငဗ သခလငဗ ျ င ္းကဇသခလငသူေမၾလငကသက ၿ ္းသူကလငကလငဇ ူ နကငၿ ္းဇေ န ေ နေိကလင မင္းကိကဇ ျၾကကင ျၾေ ္းဇသခလငသူေမၾလငကဇေခေခလင္း ကငကလင သခလငဲ ျ ငဲကငကဲျခမင္းကဇေခ င ႔ ႔ဇ ူ ေ ကာဲခခ ငမ္ၾဇသခ သခလင ြ င္းဲ ငကဇဲေၤ ငဇ ငဇ ကင ႔ဇဲမငက ျငဲမင ရဇ ငခ္းမ္ၾဇ င္းေ က င္းဇဲမငေ ္ရ မင္း ကဇသခလငသူေမၾလငဇးဗ င းဗ ငေ နလင္း)ျ ကငဇသြၾ္းကၾဇျမလင ကငကလင ဇယ ႔ဇသခလင ြ င္းဲ င မင္းဇဲာယဲ ဲာယဲမငကဇကေ ္းက ျငေလၾကငကဇ ကငေခေဇခလင္းၿ ္းဇေခ ငကဇ ေဲၾ ေဲၾငသိ္းကခ ငဇဲျ ျင ႔ဇ မာင ကငကၾဇျ ျငကလငဇ ႔းသ ႔းသခလင ြ င္းဲ ငကလငကလငကဇျ ငေျ ၾကၾကဇကခ်ဳ ငမကငေကြဇကလငက ကလငကလငဇ ၾ္းေ ၾလငခာ ကလင) ဲာယက ျၿ ္းဇသခလငဗ ျ ငဇဲကငဲ င ျကေ ဇ ေဲၾငသိ္းကခ ငဇဲ ြ ဲ ြရနလငဲျ ျငသခလငဇသူေမၾလငေခ ငဇျ မငက သြၾ္းၿ ္းဇဗ ငေ နလင္းဇျ ျင ၾ ျ ျင ၾေကၾာကၾ ဇဗမၾျ မငဇကိက္း ိက, သခလငေဲၾလငက င္း ႔ဇသခလငဇ ္ၿမ်ဳလငကဇေခ ငျ မငေ ၾကငေ ၿ ဇျ ျငေကၾာ ျ ျငေကၾာဇျမ ငမၾျ မငကြလင္းကဇ္းဇေလၾကငေခေ ကၾေ ာဗခၾ ဇသခလငဇက
- 151. သခလငဇကလငေကၾငမလင္း ႔ဇသခလငျမဲကငဇဲျခမင ဲျခမင္းကက ျငနကငေခေကၾေ ာဗခၾ ဇသခလင ္ေ သခလင ္ေ းဗ င ကငခၾ)က႔ဗ ငေ လခဇက က႔ကေ နးဗ ငေကခၾငေ ၾ)က႔ဗ င ြရငဇက႔ေ ာဗခၾ ဇသခလငဗ ျ ငုဇသခလင ြ သခလင ြ င္းဇဲ ငဲကငဲျခမင္းက မင္းဇသခလငေဲၾလငသ င္းးဗ င ျႀကၤၾ)ဇ ႔ဇသလာ ႔ဇသလာငေကၾငမလာငသူေကြဇေ ြ္း ႔အကကၾဇေ ာဗခၾ ဇမခၾ္းေသၾဲၾ္းျ လာငဇ ူ ခ်ဳ ူ ြ ူ ခ်ဳ ူ ြကငေကြဇမ္ခမာသူမ ္သူဇေကြ ဇေ ြ္းကၾ ဇဗမၾျ မငမခၾ္းဇကိက္း ကိက္းခခလငေကၾာဇသခလငဗ ျ ငဇ ္းႀက္းကဇသခလငသူေမၾလငကဇခလငမလငဇမ မ ္ေ ေကၾာဇသြၾ္းသက ၿ ္းဇ ျစင္း ျၾ္းဇမကလင ဇသခလငဗ ျ ငဇကလငကလငဇကေ ကေကၾာဇသက ကၾဇမ့ကင ဲူ္း ဇသူ႔ ္းကေျ ၾေကၾာဇသခလငသူေမၾလငဇမ္ၾ မ္ၾကဇသၾ္း ႔မလၾ္း ႔မ႔ဇသ ငသေဲၾဇမေကြ႔ဲူ္း ဇသခလငဇဗ ျ င ္းက ဇ င ငေျ ၾေ ကၾ ႔ဇသခလငဇသူေမၾလင မင္းဇသခလငဗ ျ ငဇကေကၾင ရဇက ငခ္း က ငခ္း ႔ဇ ေဲၾငသိ္းကခ ငဇ သြၾ္းကၾ ဇကခ်ဳ ငက႔ဇဗမၾျ မငဇ ၾ နလငကဇဲာယ ဲာယ ဇမ င္းမေကြနလငနလငဇၿ ္းဇားလငလိေ ္းုဇ ျ ျငေ ္းေကြမ္ၾဇနလငနလငၿ နလငနလငၿ ္း ကၾကေ ဇယကေ ႔ဇကလင္းျ မင ခကင ကာဇဲေျခဲေ ကဇေ ၾကင ေ ၾကင ကၾ ဇသခလငဗ ျ ငကဇေကၾငကဇ ူ နကငၿ ္းဲခခ ငမ ္ေကၾာဇဲူ္းဇ ငက ငက ငက ငကမင္းကဇေခ ငက ငဇသေဲၤၾက မင္းဇက ျင ကငား္ ျင ကငဇဲကြလင ဲကြလင္းဇ ြကငမ္ၾမ႔ေ နေိကလင ျၾကကငဇေ ္ ေ ္ရ ကငေ ၾလင္းမ္ၾကခၾ္းက ျၾ္းေ ဇကာဇသခလငသေမၾလငကဇဲျမ ငဲေ ဲျမ ငဲေခေဇ နကင ကငၿ ္းဇေခ ငျ မငကဇ သြၾ္းဇေကၾာကၾ ဗခၾ ဇေ ၾ ေ ၾကငျမ ငမၾဇျ မငကဇဲၾ ၾ ္လင ျိ ျင ျကလငဇမခ်ဳ္း မခ်ဳ္းေ ျာခခမလာင ငေ ကငကဇ ြကငကၾဇသကၾဇ ူ ေ က႔ဇဲေအကၾလင္းဇက ၾ္းေကြေ က ၾ္းေကြေအကၾလာငဇေသေသခခၾခခၾဇမေ ြ္းအကဲဇ ကငသလာင ၾဇ ကငက႔ဇၿ ္း ၿ ္းဇေခေခာကာဇေ ြ္းအကကာဇကခ်ဳ ငက႔ဇျမ ငမၾ ၾ နလင ရဇဲေ ာ ျ ျငက္းဇေအကၾ