Anti Federalist Papers No. 28 – The Use Of Coercion By The New Government (Part 3). Liberty Education Series. Gloucester, Virginia Links and News website. Visit us.
American Citizens Handbook, Real law, not legal garbage that lawyers think you should be under. This book was written and published in 1840, well before the Civil War or the war of the states. Invaluable information in here. http://www.gloucestercounty-va.com Visit us for real solutions.
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This lecture presents the meaning of International Humanitarian Law also known as Law of Armed Conflicts (LOAC). It gives a detailed explanation of the important words relating to the field of IHL.
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Federalist Papers No 26, Restraining Legislative Authority Regarding DefenseChuck Thompson
Federalist Papers No 26, Restraining Legislative Authority Regarding Defense. Liberty Education series. Gloucester, Virginia Links and News, GVLN, website. Visit us for the uncommon.
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Federalist Papers No 15 Insufficiency to Preserve the UnionChuck Thompson
FEDERALIST No. 15. The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union. Liberty Education Series on Gloucester, Virginia Links and News. Visit us for more incredible content. Free Mp3 music downloads, free printable coupons, free national job searches, classic TV and Movies and so much more.
Top of FormLesson 1, Part 1 Foundations of American Gover.docxedwardmarivel
Top of Form
Lesson 1, Part 1: Foundations of American Government
"Liberty, when it begins to take root, is a plant of rapid growth."
-George Washington
· The Declaration of Independence
· The U.S. Constitution and its Bill of Rights
· The Enlightenment and Political Philosophy
Expected Outcomes
To understand the philosophical principles behind the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, and how these principles influence the structure and process of government.
Overview
The United States, as a nation, was born of the American Revolution of 1776. This revolution cut the political ties between England and its American colonies. Many "Americans" living in the colonies had complained about harsh British rule. King George of England had ruled over the colonies with a heavy hand, increasing taxes with the Stamp Act and the Sugar Act, for example. These abuses began to divide the "patriots" in favor of independence and the "loyalists" in favor of the English Crown.
Tensions between the American colonials and British soldiers boiled over in the Boston Massacre, when a mob harassed British soldiers, who then fired their muskets into the crowd, killing three, mortally wounding two others, and injuring six.
Another famous incident which helped inspire the American Revolution was the Boston Tea Party of 1773, launched as a protest to the British Tea Act. This Act gave the British East India Company a tea monopoly, shutting out American traders. Bostonians disguised themselves as Mohawk Indians, then boarded the British ships and dumped all 342 containers of tea into the harbor.
Two years later, in 1775, there were more serious conflicts between colonials and British troops: the Battles of Lexington and Concord, the prelude for a full conflict. The American Revolutionary War was long, bloody and ended with the French-assisted victory of the American Continental Army in Yorktown in 1781.
An understanding of American government and politics should consider two documents related to this war and its aftermath. The first is the Declaration of Independence, which launched the American Revolutionary War; and the second is the U.S. Constitution, which replaced the post-war Articles of Confederation and which remains the highest law of the land.
This lesson analyzes these documents, noting how they were part of a trans-Atlantic Enlightenment movement with emphasis on reason, freethinking, natural law, popular sovereignty, and human equality. Many of these ideas are visible in the Declaration of Independence, written by Thomas Jefferson. These ideas provided the ideological and philosophical framework for the American Revolution.
After the expulsion of the English monarchy, the Articles of Confederation - in effect from 1776 to 1787 - turned the former colonies into largely autonomous states with a weak federal government. However, many people thought that this decentralized system did not solve the problem of providing for a common defense or for ...
(1) Please explain how the Constitution provides for a system of s.docxkatherncarlyle
(1) Please explain how the Constitution provides for a system of separation of powers and checks and balances. Provide a fully developed essay of at least 500 words, and cite sources used
(2) Describe how a bill becomes a law at the national level, in a fully developed essay of at least 500 words
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WEEK 1: FEDERALISM » Part 1: Foundations of American Government
WEEK 1: FEDERALISM
Part 1: Foundations of American Government
Lesson 1, Part 1: Foundations of American Government
"Liberty, when it begins to take root, is a plant of rapid growth."
-George Washington
· The Declaration of Independence
· The U.S. Constitution and its Bill of Rights
· The Enlightenment and Political Philosophy
Expected Outcomes
To understand the philosophical principles behind the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, and how these principles influence the structure and process of government.
Overview
The United States, as a nation, was born of the American Revolution of 1776. This revolution cut the political ties between England and its American colonies. Many "Americans" living in the colonies had complained about harsh British rule. King George of England had ruled over the colonies with a heavy hand, increasing taxes with the Stamp Act and the Sugar Act, for example. These abuses began to divide the "patriots" in favor of independence and the "loyalists" in favor of the English Crown.
Tensions between the American colonials and British soldiers boiled over in the Boston Massacre, when a mob harassed British soldiers, who then fired their muskets into the crowd, killing three, mortally wounding two others, and injuring six.
Another famous incident which helped inspire the American Revolution was the Boston Tea Party of 1773, launched as a protest to the British Tea Act. This Act gave the British East India Company a tea monopoly, shutting out American traders. Bostonians disguised themselves as Mohawk Indians, then boarded the British ships and dumped all 342 containers of tea into the harbor.
Two years later, in 1775, there were more serious conflicts between colonials and British troops: the Battles of Lexington and Concord, the prelude for a full conflict. The American Revolutionary War was long, bloody and ended with the French-assisted victory of the American Continental Army in Yorktown in 1781.
An understanding of American government and politics should consider two documents related to this war and its aftermath. The first is the Declaration of Independence, which launched the American Revolutionary War; and the second is the U.S. Constitution, which replaced the post-war Articles of Confederation and which remains the highest law of the land.
This lesson analyzes these documents, noting how they were part of a trans-Atlantic Enlightenment movement with emphasis on reason, freethinking, natural law, popular sovereignty, and human ...
Private case analysis questions and requirements1. Answer the f.docxsleeperharwell
Private case analysis questions and requirements:
1. Answer the following questions after you read the case:
a. Discuss the source of Jackson’s wealth and determine the personality matrix. Provide justifications.
b. Discuss (using narrative statement) return objective for the Jackson portfolio; and then
calculate the return objective.
c. Evaluate Jackson’s risk objective, including both willingness and ability to take risk.
Justify with at least two reasons.
d. Discuss five constraints for the Jackson portfolio. Justify each constraint with at least two reasons.
2. Requirements:
a. Do this individually or as a team (if work as a team, the maximum team member is 5).
b. On the cover page, clearly write down your name or your team members' names.
c. Consider this as a “reflection report”, which means you need to provide detailed and comprehensive discussions.
d. You must type using WORD; no handwriting is allowed.
e. No requirement on the minimum words or pages; but you need to clearly answer my questions and meet my requirements.
f. Due date: 3/9, Thursday class
When in the Course of human events it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. — That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, — That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security. — Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpation.
Civil Disobedience By Henry David Thoreau 1849 I h.docxclarebernice
Civil Disobedience
By Henry David Thoreau
1849
I heartily accept the motto, "That government is best which governs least"; and I
should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finally
amounts to this, which also I believe- "That government is best which governs not at
all"; and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they
will have. Government is at best but an expedient; but most governments are usually,
and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient. The objections which have been
brought against a standing army, and they are many and weighty, and deserve to
prevail, may also at last be brought against a standing government. The standing army
is only an arm of the standing government. The government itself, which is only the
mode which the people have chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be
abused and perverted before the people can act through it. Witness the present
Mexican war, the work of comparatively a few individuals using the standing
government as their tool; for, in the outset, the people would not have consented to
this measure.
This American government- what is it but a tradition, though a recent one,
endeavoring to transmit itself unimpaired to posterity, but each instant losing some of
its integrity? It has not the vitality and force of a single living man; for a single man
can bend it to his will. It is a sort of wooden gun to the people themselves. But it is not
the less necessary for this; for the people must have some complicated machinery or
other, and hear its din, to satisfy that idea of government which they have.
Governments show thus how successfully men can be imposed on, even impose on
themselves, for their own advantage. It is excellent, we must all allow. Yet this
government never of itself furthered any enterprise, but by the alacrity with which it
got out of its way. It does not keep the country free. It does not settle the West. It does
not educate. The character inherent in the American people has done all that has been
accomplished; and it would have done somewhat more, if the government had not
sometimes got in its way. For government is an expedient by which men would fain
succeed in letting one another alone; and, as has been said, when it is most expedient,
the governed are most let alone by it. Trade and commerce, if they were not made of
india-rubber, would never manage to bounce over the obstacles which legislators are
continually putting in their way; and, if one were to judge these men wholly by the
effects of their actions and not partly by their intentions, they would deserve to be
classed and punished with those mischievous persons who put obstructions on the
railroads.
But, to speak practically and as a citizen, unlike those who call themselves no-
government men, I ask for, not at once no government, but at once a better
government. Let ...
Declaration of Independence and the Declaration of the Rights of ManDan Ewert
The American Declaration of Independence and the French Declaration of the Rights of Man. For use in discussion of the influence of Locke and Rousseau on the respective declarations, the differences in the declarations, and what they say about the character and priorities of their respective peoples and how subsequent history developed.
THE DOCUMENTSIntroduction to Documents 1–4The first set of doc.docxchristalgrieg
THE DOCUMENTS
Introduction to Documents 1–4
The first set of documents includes two anti-Jackson and two pro-Jackson political broadsides. Three were used in the campaign of 1828, and the fourth, entitled King Andrew the First, was created in 1832 after Jackson’s controversial veto of Congress’ rechartering of the Bank of the United States. What is the intended message of each broadside? How does each combine images and words to convey that message? [Note: These images can be found at http://www.isidore-of-seville.com/jackson/6-3.html.]
Introduction to Documents 5–8
The Benefits of Jacksonian Democracy
Each document in this set advances the merits of Jackson and his agenda. Document 5 is an editorial from a newspaper published shortly after Jackson took office that warns the Democrats not to become complacent, and Document 6 is an advertisement published during Jackson’s reelection campaign in 1832. Documents 7 and 8 are excerpts from pro-Jackson speeches, the former delivered in 1835 by the eminent historian and Democrat partisan George Bancroft, and the latter delivered in 1837 by Jackson himself as his farewell address to the American people. Based upon these selections, how did the Jacksonians define the American creed and why did they support this president? What assumptions underlay these selections?
DOCUMENT 5 From The Democratic Republican.
The causes which have produced so great an excitement among the freemen of these United States, during the late political conflict, have ceased, and genuine Republicanism has once more triumphed. Andrew Jackson has taken the chair of State, and his enemies and calumniators are humbled at his feet. In reflecting upon these important facts, and while we feel rejoiced at so signal a victory over the remnant of Aristocracy, there is imminent danger, that all this excitement and all this joy will be succeeded by apathy, and a criminal, fatal neglect of the important duties, which always devolve upon freemen. But, Heaven forbid, that the advantages which have been gained, and the pure principles, which have been so firmly established, by the recent victory, should be forgotten or neglected. Every man, we repeat it, every man has political duties devolving upon him, of a nature calculated to awaken attention and call forth his best energies. And, in this country of freedom, it would seem most astonishing, that any individual should be indifferent to the important concerns of the nation. It is indeed not sufficient, that we appear at the ballot boxes and cast our suffrages for our rulers—it is not sufficient, that we attach ourselves to a particular party and perform the ordinary duties of freemen—we must improve every opportunity of increasing our political knowledge and unite heart and hand in promoting the cause of liberty.
Are we essentially our own rulers?—and can we, with so great a consideration before us, be contented to yield to others the prerogative of judgment? That man is superlatively base ...
Similar to Anti Federalist Papers No 28 Coercion by Government - 3 (20)
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‘वोटर्स विल मस्ट प्रीवेल’ (मतदाताओं को जीतना होगा) अभियान द्वारा जारी हेल्पलाइन नंबर, 4 जून को सुबह 7 बजे से दोपहर 12 बजे तक मतगणना प्रक्रिया में कहीं भी किसी भी तरह के उल्लंघन की रिपोर्ट करने के लिए खुला रहेगा।
31052024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
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An astonishing, first-of-its-kind, report by the NYT assessing damage in Ukraine. Even if the war ends tomorrow, in many places there will be nothing to go back to.
हम आग्रह करते हैं कि जो भी सत्ता में आए, वह संविधान का पालन करे, उसकी रक्षा करे और उसे बनाए रखे।" प्रस्ताव में कुल तीन प्रमुख हस्तक्षेप और उनके तंत्र भी प्रस्तुत किए गए। पहला हस्तक्षेप स्वतंत्र मीडिया को प्रोत्साहित करके, वास्तविकता पर आधारित काउंटर नैरेटिव का निर्माण करके और सत्तारूढ़ सरकार द्वारा नियोजित मनोवैज्ञानिक हेरफेर की रणनीति का मुकाबला करके लोगों द्वारा निर्धारित कथा को बनाए रखना और उस पर कार्यकरना था।
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In a May 9, 2024 paper, Juri Opitz from the University of Zurich, along with Shira Wein and Nathan Schneider form Georgetown University, discussed the importance of linguistic expertise in natural language processing (NLP) in an era dominated by large language models (LLMs).
The authors explained that while machine translation (MT) previously relied heavily on linguists, the landscape has shifted. “Linguistics is no longer front and center in the way we build NLP systems,” they said. With the emergence of LLMs, which can generate fluent text without the need for specialized modules to handle grammar or semantic coherence, the need for linguistic expertise in NLP is being questioned.
Do Linguistics Still Matter in the Age of Large Language Models.pptx
Anti Federalist Papers No 28 Coercion by Government - 3
1. Gloucester, Virginia Crier
Anti Federalist Papers No. 28 – The Use Of Coercion By The
New Government (Part 3)
Special Edition Brought To You By; TTC Media Properties
Digital Publishing: November, 2013
http://www.gloucestercounty-va.com Visit us.
Liberty Education Series
2. This essay was published in either the (Philadelphia) Freeman's Journal; or, The
North-American Intelligencer, January 16, 1788
The Congress under the new Constitution have the power "of organizing, arming and
disciplining the militia, and of governing them when in the service of the United
States, giving to the separate States the appointment of the officers and the authority
of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress. " Let us
inquire why they have assumed this great power. Was it to strengthen the power which
is now lodged in your hands, and relying upon you and you solely for aid and support
to the civil power in the execution of all the laws of the new Congress? Is this
probable? Does the complexion of this new plan countenance such a supposition?
When they unprecedently claim the power of raising and supporting armies, do they
tell you for what purposes they are to be raised? How they are to be employed? How
many they are to consist of, and where to be stationed? Is this power fettered with any
one of those restrictions, which will show they depend upon the militia, and not upon
this infernal engine of oppression to execute their civil laws? The nature of the
demand in itself contradicts such a supposition, and forces you to believe that it is for
none of these causes - but rather for the purpose of consolidating and finally
destroying your strength, as your respective governments are to be destroyed. They
well know the impolicy of putting or keeping arms in the hands of a nervous people,
at a distance from the seat of a government, upon whom they mean to exercise the
powers granted in that government. They have no idea of calling upon or trusting to
the party aggrieved to support and enforce their own grievances, (notwithstanding
they may select and subject them to as strict subordination as regular troops) unless
they have a standing army to back and compel the execution of their orders. It is
asserted by the most respectable writers upon government, that a well regulated
militia, composed of the yeomanry of the country, have ever been considered as the
bulwark of a free people. Tyrants have never placed any confidence on a militia
composed of freemen. Experience has taught them that a standing body of regular
forces, whenever they can be completely introduced, are always efficacious in
enforcing their edicts, however arbitrary; and slaves by profession themselves, are
"nothing loth" to break down the barriers of freedom with a gout. No, my fellow
citizens, this plainly shows they do not mean to depend upon the citizens of the States
alone to enforce their powers. They mean to lean upon something more substantial
and summary. They have left the appointment of officers in the breasts of the several
States; but this appears to me an insult rather than a privilege, for what avails this right
if they at their pleasure may arm or disarm all or any part of the freemen of the United
States, so that when their army is sufficiently numerous, they may put it out of the
power of the freemen militia of America to assert and defend their liberties, however
they might be encroached upon by Congress. Does any, after reading this provision for
a regular standing army, suppose that they intended to apply to the militia in all cases,
and to pay particular attention to making them the bulwark of this continent? And
3. would they not be equal to such an undertaking? Are they not abundantly able to give
security and stability to your government as long as it is free? Are they not the only
proper persons to do it? Are they not the most respectable body of yeomanry in that
character upon earth? Have they not been engaged in some of the most brilliant
actions in America, and more than once decided the fate of princes? In short, do they
not preclude the necessity of any standing army whatsoever, unless in case of
invasion? And in that case it would be time enough to raise them, for no free
government under heaven, with a well disciplined militia, was ever yet subdued by
mercenary troops.
The advocates at the present day, for a standing army in the new Congress, pretend it
is necessary for the respectability of government. I defy them to produce an instance
in any country, in the Old or New World, where they have not finally done away the
liberties of the people. Every writer upon government - Locke, Sidney, Hampden, and
a list of others have uniformly asserted, that standing armies are a solecism in any
government; that no nation ever supported them, that did not resort to, rely upon, and
finally become a prey to them. No western historians have yet been hardy enough to
advance principles that look a different way. What historians have asserted, all the
Grecian republics have verified. They are brought up to obedience and unconditional
submission; with arms in their bands, they are taught to feel the weight of rigid
discipline; they are excluded from the enjoyments which liberty gives to its votaries;
they, in consequence, hate and envy the rest of the community in which they are
placed, and indulge a malignant pleasure in destroying those privileges to which they
never can be admitted. "Without a standing army," (says the Marquis of Beccaria), "in
every society there is an effort constantly tending to confer on one part the height and
to reduce the other to the extreme of weakness, and this is of itself sufficient to
employ the people's attention. "
There is no instance of any government being reduced to a confirmed tyranny without
military oppression. And the first policy of tyrants has been to annihilate all other
means of national activity and defense, when they feared opposition, and to rely solely
upon standing troops. Repeated were the trials, before the sovereigns of Europe dared
to introduce them upon any pretext whatever; and the whole record of the transactions
of mankind cannot furnish an instance, (unless the proposed constitution may be
called part of that record) where the motives which caused that establishment were not
completely disguised.
Peisistratus in Greece, and Dionysius in Syracuse, Charles in France, and Henry in
England, all cloaked their villainous intentions under an idea of raising a small body
as a guard for their persons; and Spain could not succeed in the same nefarious plan,
until thro' the influence of an ambitious priest (who have in all countries and in all
ages, even at this day, encouraged and preached up arbitrary power) they obtained it.
"Caesar, who first attacked the commonwealth with mines, very soon opened his
batteries. " Notwithstanding all these objections to this engine of oppression, which
4. are made by the most experienced men, and confirmed by every country where the
rays of freedom ever extended - yet in America, which has hitherto been her favorite
abode; in this civilized territory, where property is so valuable, and men are found
with feelings that win not patiently submit to arbitrary control; in this western region,
where, my fellow countrymen, it is confessedly proper that you should associate and
dwell in society from choice and reflection, and not be kept together by force and fear
- you are modestly requested to engraft into the component parts of your constitution a
Standing Army, without any qualifying restraints whatever, certainly to exist
somewhere in the bowels of your country in time of peace. It is very true that Lawyer
[James] Wilson - member of the Federal Convention, and who we may suppose
breathes in some measure the spirit of that body - tells you it is for the purpose of
forming cantonments upon your frontiers, and for the dignity and safety of your
country, as it respects foreign nations. No man that loves his country could object to
their being raised for the first of these causes, but for the last it cannot be necessary.
God has so separated us by an extensive ocean from the rest of mankind; he hath so
liberally endowed us with privileges, and so abundantly taught us to esteem them
precious, it would be impossible while we retain our integrity, and advert to first
principles, for any nation whatever to subdue us. We have succeeded in our opposition
to the most powerful people upon the globe; and the wound that America received in
the struggle, where is it? As speedily healed as the track in the ocean is buried by the
succeeding wave. It has scarcely stopped her progress, and our private dissensions
only, at this moment, tarnish the lustre of the most illustrious infant nation under
heaven.
You cannot help suspecting this gentleman [James Wilson], when he goes on to tell
you "that standing armies in time of peace have always been a topic of popular
declamation, but Europe hath found them necessary to maintain the appearance of
strength in a season of the most profound tranquility. " This shows you his opinion and that he, as one of the Convention, was for unequivocally establishing them in time
of peace; and to object to them, is a mere popular declamation. But I will not, my
countrymen - I cannot believe you to be of the same sentiment. Where is the standing
army in the world that, like the musket they make use of, hath been in time of peace
brightened and burnished for the sake only of maintaining an appearance of strength,
without being put to a different use - without having had a pernicious influence upon
the morals, the habits, and the sentiments of society, and finally, taking a chief part in
executing its laws? . . .
If tyranny is at all feared, the tyranny of the many is to be guarded against MORE
than that of a single person. The Athenians found by sad experience, that 30 tyrants
were thirty times worse than one. A bad aristocracy is thirty times worse than a bad
monarchy, allowing each to have a standing army as unrestricted as in the proposed
constitution.
If the people are not in general disposed to execute the powers of government, it is
5. time to suspect there is something wrong in that government; and rather than employ a
standing army, they had better have another. For, in my humble opinion, it is yet much
too early to set it down for a fact, that mankind cannot be governed but by force.